2013 OSCE Parliamentary Elections 23 June 2013 Final Report
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REPUBLIC of ALBANIA PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS 3 July 2005 OSCE/ODIHR Election Observation Mission Report
Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights REPUBLIC OF ALBANIA PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS 3 July 2005 OSCE/ODIHR Election Observation Mission Report Warsaw 7 November 2005 TABLE OF CONTENTS I. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ....................................................................................................................1 II. INTRODUCTION AND ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS.........................................................................2 III. POLITICAL BACKGROUND..............................................................................................................3 IV. LEGAL FRAMEWORK .......................................................................................................................3 A. APPLICABLE LEGISLATION .....................................................................................................................3 B. ELECTION SYSTEM .................................................................................................................................4 C. ASSESSMENT OF THE LEGAL FRAMEWORK.............................................................................................5 V. ELECTION ADMINISTRATION........................................................................................................7 A. STRUCTURE AND COMPOSITION OF THE ELECTION ADMINISTRATION ....................................................7 B. ASSESSMENT OF THE ORGANIZATION OF ELECTIONS .............................................................................8 VI PARTY AND CANDIDATE REGISTRATION..................................................................................8 -
Albania-Policy-Paper
POLICY PAPER Organization of parties and internal democracy of political parties in Albania Afrim Krasniqi Organization of Political Parties and Internal Democracy of Political Parties in Albania Organization of Political Parties and Internal Democracy of Political Parties in Albania Publisher: Albanian Institute for Political Studies For publisher: Afrim Krasniqi Authors: Afrim Krasniqi Design: Studio Mouse – Podgorica, Montenegro DISCLAIMER: The RRPP promotes social science research in the Western Bal- kans (Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, Macedonia, Montenegro and Serbia). Social science research aids in the understanding of the specific reform needs of countries in the region and in identifying the long-term implications of policy choices. Researchers receive support through research grants, method- ological and thematic trainings as well as opportunities for regional and interna- tional networking and mentoring. The RRPP is coordinated and operated by the Interfaculty Institute for Central and Eastern Europe (IICEE) at the University of Fribourg (Switzerland). The programme is fully funded by the Swiss Agency for Development and Cooperation (SDC), Federal Department of Foreign Affairs. The views expressed in this publication are those of the authors and do not neces- sarily represent opinions of the SDC and the University of Fribourg. Contents Abstract ................................................................................................................ 5 Introduction ....................................................................................................... -
Raporti Perfundimtar I Vezhgimit
– ELECTIONS FOR THE ASSEMBLY OF ALBANIA 25 APRIL 2021 INTERIM MONITORING REPORT - II 26 March – 23 April 2021 Tirana, on 24 April 2021! Elections for the Assembly of Albania Interim Monitoring Report – II 25 April 2021 26 March – 23 April 2021 COALITION FOR REFORMS, INTEGRATION AND CONSOLIDATED INSTITUTIONS (KRIIK ALBANIA) In cooperation with 33 partner organizations ELECTIONS FOR THE ASSEMBLY OF ALBANIA 25 APRIL 2021 INTERIM MONITORING REPORT – II* 26 March – 23 April 2021 *This Report is published in Albanian and in English. The Albanian version is the only official document. 2 Coalition for Reforms, Integration and Consolidated Institutions (KRIIK Albania) Interim Monitoring Report – II Elections for the Assembly of Albania 26 March – 23 April 2021 25 April 2021 KOALICIONI PËR REFORMA, INTEGRIM DHE INSTITUCIONE TË KONSOLIDUARA Prepared by: © COALITION FOR REFORMS, INTEGRATION AND CONSOLIDATED INSTITUTIONS All rights reserved. Parts of this material can be freely used. In that case, please cite the source. A: Rr. “Ymer Kurti”, Nd.4, H.2, Ap.3, Nj.Adm.5, Tirana, 1019 | Mailing Address: P.O.Box. 2396 Tirana, 1001, Albania; T: + 355 4 2245078 | M: + 355 673890174; + 355 682039297 | E: [email protected] | W: www.kriik.al. The Election Monitoring Action of KRIIK for the Elections for the Assembly of Albania of 25 April 2021 is financially supported by: • the Government of the United Kingdom; • Swiss Agency for Development and Cooperation (SDC); • the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Federal Republic of Germany; and • the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg. The opinions and views expressed in this Report and any other publication in the frame of this Monitoring Action are the sole responsibility of KRIIK and do not necessarily represent the official position or opinion of the donors. -
Party Politics in the Western Balkans
Party Politics in the Western Balkans Edited by Věra Stojarová and Peter Emerson 2 Legacy of communist and socialist parties in the Western Balkans Věra Stojarová As Ishiyama and Bozóki note, the development of communist successor parties1 in post- communist politics has had an important effect upon the development of democracy (Bozóki and Ishiyama 2002: 393). In some countries the communist party was outlawed; in many cases it was transformed into a party of a socialist or social democratic character; elsewhere, the communist party began to take part in the democratic process, which led to varying results; in some cases, the party transformed itself into a classic socialist or social democratic party; while in other cases it retained a communist ideology. As the literature reveals, the type of the regime, the modus of transition, the manner of financing political parties, the organisation of the parties, as well as the whole political context, all matter. Ishiyama suggests that the patrimonial communist regime (as in Serbia) produced communist successor parties which had to distinguish themselves from the previous communist system and hence turned towards nationalism, while in a national- consensus regime (Slovenia, Croatia), the successor parties developed policies that divorced the party from the past, and led to the emergence of a social democratic identity (Ishiyama 1998: 81–2). Nevertheless, the application of the above- mentioned theory reveals the exceptionality of the Western Balkan countries. In Bosnia and Herzegovina, the ethnic structure and the different goals of the three ethnicities had a great impact on the formation of political parties, which were mainly based on ethnic grounds, and left little space to the parties with a social democratic orientation. -
Balkans Briefing
Balkans Briefing Tirana/Brussels, 25 August 2000 ALBANIA'S LOCAL ELECTIONS: A TEST OF STABILITY AND DEMOCRACY I. INTRODUCTION Local elections in Albania on 1 October 2000 will mark the first test of popular support for the ruling Socialist-led coalition since it came to power following the violent uprising in 1997.1 The Organisation for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE), whose Office of Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (ODIHR) will be leading the monitoring effort, deems these elections to be of critical importance. Albania’s electoral process has traditionally been bedevilled by the same handicaps encountered in most other institutional areas: namely, inadequate legislation, capacity deficiencies, politicisation of the process, and lack of all round political support. It is vitally important for Albania's democracy and international reputation that this year's elections do not repeat the mistakes of the recent past.2 There is, however, growing concern about political tension in the run-up to the elections, due to increasing political polarisation and the threat of non-participation by the main opposition party. Despite calls from international organisations to avoid extreme confrontation, the country's two main parties – the governing Socialist Party (SP) chaired by former premier, Fatos Nano, and the main opposition Democratic Party (DP) led by former president, Sali Berisha – have opened the debate with characteristically bitter polemics. Three years after he was forced from power in July 1997 in an armed rebellion in which more than 2,000 people were killed, Berisha, now 53, is back on the electoral campaign trail. Since losing power, he has waged a relentless campaign against his Socialist opponents, whom he accuses of rampant corruption, and has repeatedly called for early parliamentary elections.3 The last local elections were in October 1996 and resulted in a sweeping victory for Berisha's Democratic Party. -
Republic of Albania
Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights REPUBLIC OF ALBANIA PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS 28 June 2009 OSCE/ODIHR Election Observation Mission Final Report Warsaw 14 September 2009 TABLE OF CONTENTS I. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY .............................................................................................................................1 II. INTRODUCTION AND ACKNOWLEDGMENTS.....................................................................................4 III. POLITICAL CONTEXT ................................................................................................................................5 IV. THE LEGAL FRAMEWORK AND ELECTION SYSTEM ......................................................................5 THE ELECTORAL SYSTEM .......................................................................................................................................6 V. THE ELECTION ADMINISTRATION........................................................................................................6 A. ELECTION -ADMINISTRATION BODIES ...........................................................................................................6 B. ASSESSMENT OF THE ORGANIZATION OF ELECTIONS ..................................................................................7 VI. VOTER REGISTRATION AND IDENTIFICATION.................................................................................9 A. VOTER REGISTRATION ..................................................................................................................................9 -
YOUTH ENGAGEMENT in POLITICS: CASE STUDY ALBANIA Epoka University July 2015
YOUTH ENGAGEMENT IN POLITICS: CASE STUDY ALBANIA by Emirjona Huti, BA Thesis submitted for the degree of Master of Science Department of Political Science and International Relations Epoka University July 2015 Approval Page Thesis Title : Youth Engagement in Politics: Case Study Albania Author : Emirjona Huti Qualification : Master of Science (MSc) Program : Political Science and International Relations Department : Political Science and International Relations Faculty : Economics and Administrative Sciences Thesis Date : July 2015 I certify that this thesis satisfies all the legal requirements as a thesis for the degree of Master of Science (MSc). Assist. Prof. Dr. Salih Özcan Head of Department I certify that I have read this study that is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a thesis for the degree of Master of Science (MSc). Assoc. Prof. Dr. Bekir Çinar Supervisor ii Exam Board of Thesis Thesis Title : Youth Engagement in Politics: Case Study Albania Author : Emirjona Huti Qualification : Master of Science (MSc) Date : July 2015 Members Assoc. Prof. Dr. Bekir Çinar ……………………………… Assist. Prof. Dr. Salih Özcan ………………………………… Assist. Prof. Dr. Avdi Smajljaj………………………………… iii Abstract This research is about the Albanian youth and their engagement in Albanian politics. The significance of this study is to describe the forms that Albanian youth participation in politics and also to compare the Albanian youth engagement with the one of the Croatia. The main research question of this study is “how does Albanian youth engages in politics?” The significance of this study is to describe the forms that Albanian youth participates in politics and also comparing between one (of youth forum of the political parties, or directly an activist on a higher level; secondly is during election times by voting and convincing others to vote for their political parties; thirdly is in general, just following the latest developments in politics; and fourthly is engaging in “civic” duties. -
Final Monitoring Report Final Monitoring Report
ELECTIONS FOR THE ASSEMBLY OF ALBANIA 25 JUNE 2017 FINAL MONITORING REPORT FINAL MONITORING REPORT uesv zhg e Ve Vë nd i o i r n e io c i l www.zgjedhje.al a ISBN: o K THE COALITION OF DOMESTIC OBSERVERS GRUPIM I 34 ORGANIZATAVE JOFITIMPRURËSE VENDASE, LOKALE APO QENDRORE, QË VEPROJNË NË FUSHËN E DEMOKRACISË DHE TË 9 789992 786833 DREJTAVE TË NJERIUT THE COALITION OF DOMESTIC OBSERVERS ABOUT CDO The Coalition of Domestic Observers is an alliance of non-governmental and non-partisan organizations, the core of activity of which is the development of democracy in Albania and defense for human rights, especially the observation of electoral processes. Since its establishment in 2005, the network of organizations in CDO has grown to include dozens of members. CDO considers the observation of electoral processes by citizen groups as the most appropriate instrument for ensuring transparency, integrity and credibility of elections. CDO strongly believes that engaging citizens in following electoral processes does more than just promote good elections. Empowering citizens to observe the electoral process, among other things, helps to ensure greater accountability of public officials. The leading organizations of CDO - the Society for Democratic Culture, KRIIK Albania and the For Women and Children Association - are three of the most experienced domestic groups. In fulfillment of the philosophy of action, these organizations announce relevant actions depending on the electoral or institutional process to be followed. All interested civil society organizations are invited to join the action, thus CDO re-assesses periodically, openly, and in a transparent manner the best values of network functioning. -
Movements in Albania an Analysis on Citizens' Political Perception and Movements Capacities to Trigger Change
SOCIAL (CIVIC) MOVEMENTS IN ALBANIA AN ANALYSIS ON CITIZENS' POLITICAL PERCEPTION AND MOVEMENTS CAPACITIES TO TRIGGER CHANGE 1 SOCIAL (CIVIC) MOVEMENTS IN ALBANIA AN ANALYSIS ON CITIZENS' PERCEPTION AND MOVEMENTS CAPACITIES TO TRIGGER CHANGE SOCIAL (CIVIC) MOVEMENTS IN ALBANIA AN ANALYSIS ON CITIZENS' PERCEPTION AND MOVEMENTS CAPACITIES TO TRIGGER CHANGE Author: Center for Economic and Social Studies (CESS) The author produced this report for the Westminster Foundation for Democracy. The views and opinions expressed in this report are that of the authors and do not reflect those of the Government of the United Kingdom or the Westminster Foundation for Democracy. Tirana, November 2020 FOREWORD This publication deals with a historic overview of the civic movements in Albania after ‘90s, provides a summary of movements in other countries, and dwells into the current landscape of these movements by more specifically analyzing only six of the current movements. The aim has been to look into their capacities, membership, activity level and to assess whether there is a possibility for them to mobilize support and trigger change into the democratization process in Albania. An important part of this report was to survey and measure citizen’s perception of accepting and following these movements. To note here is the fact that the current pre-election phase is a very dynamic one with various developments such as the emerging of new movements and/or political parties or ceasing of other ones. On one side, the public faith in politics and political structures has been eroded in the last years, and on the other side, the citizen’s activism has been fragmented in the best case. -
Albania Bulletin
REPUBLIC OF ALBANIA COUNTRY ASSESSMENT OCTOBER 2002 COUNTRY INFORMATION & POLICY UNIT IMMIGRATION & NATIONALITY DIRECTORATE HOME OFFICE, UNITED KINGDOM Albania October 2002 CONTENTS 1 Scope of Document 1.1 - 1.4 2 Geography 2.1 - 2.2 3 Economy 3.1 - 3.2 4 History Communist Regime 4.1 - 4.3 First Multi-Party elections in 1991 4.4 - 4.6 Pyramid schemes and 1997 State of Emergency 4.7- 4.8 Parliamentary Elections of 1997 4.9 - 4.11 Assassination of Azem Hajdari 4.12 - 4.17 Kosovo Crisis 4.18 - 4.22 Local Government Elections of October 2000 4.23 - 4.36 Parliamentary Elections of June and July 2001 4.37 - 4.50 Internal Socialist Party divisions in 2002 4.51 - 4.61 5 State Structures The Constitution 5.1 - 5.2 Citizenship and Nationality 5.3 - 5.7 Political System 5.8 - 5.13 The Judiciary 5.14 - 5.24 Legal Rights/Detention 5.25 - 5.30 Death Penalty 5.31 Internal Security 5.32 - 5.40 Intelligence Services 5.41 Border Security and relations with neighbouring countries 5.42 - 5.49 Prison and Prison Conditions 5.50 - 5.52 Military Service 5.53 Conscientious Objection 5.54 - 5.55 Medical Services 5.56 - 5.59 Educational System 5.60 - 5.63 Albania October 2002 6 Human Rights Issues Overview 6.1 - 6.4 Torture 6.5 - 6.6 Extrajudicial Killings 6.7 - 6.8 Disappearances 6.9 Freedom of Speech and the Media 6.10 - 6.19 Journalists 6.20 - 6.22 Freedom of Religion 6.23 - 6.29 Freedom of Assembly and Association 6.30 - 6.32 Employment Rights 6.33 - 6.35 Trade unions and the right to strike 6.36 - 6.37 People Trafficking 6.38 - 6.43 Freedom of Movement 6.44 -
Red and Black Alliance As a New Movement, Its Establishment Process and Its Topic Representation As a Nationalist Movement
ISSN 2410-3918 Academic Journal of Business, Administration, Law and Social Sciences Vol. 7 No. 2 Acces online at www.iipccl.org IIPCCL Publishing, Graz-Austria July, 2021 Red and Black alliance as a new movement, its establishment process and its topic representation as a nationalist movement Elinda Guri University of Tirana, Albania Abstract This article aims to analyse Red and Black Alliance, a new nationalistic movement in Albania which was established in 2011. Considering its originality as a new social movement in the Albanian context, it is important to explore which were the main factors that made this movement happen. It will be analysed below that the Red and Black Alliance was initially shaped by concrete issues which had consequences for society and the nation. Specifically, the Red and Black Alliance was initially formed as a movement against concrete issues which were related to the possibility to change the nationality by a court decision and then by opposing the law on population census on ethnic and religious grounds. Regarding the law on population census it must be stated that there were a lot of public positions and articulated contrary to the law on the census on ethnic and religious grounds, a petition was drafted and the case was sent also to the constitutional court. The aforementioned new issues which were articulated concretely by the Red and Black Alliance served as the starting point for this movement. Then the identity of the movement was built on the basis of the national issue which according to the Red and Black Alliance was untreated and misused and in the framework of the national issue various initiatives and actions were proposed and undertaken. -
Migena Pengili Why Yes and Why Not Can Albania Be
Paper prepared for the Third Euroacademia International Conference Re-Inventing Eastern Europe Berlin, 28-29 March 2014 This paper is a draft Please do not cite 1 Why “yes” and why “not” can Albania be Europeanized. Actors and factors. Migena Pengili Independent Researcher IR and Security Studies Europeanization is indispensable for the state and democracy’s survival in Albania. As a process that promotes and fosters democracy, Europeanization requires conformity with conditions for European Union (EU) membership. For the third time (2010, 2011, 2013), Albanians’ dream to become part of the European family, not only geographically, failed to do so. In December 2013, the Dutch parliament’s decision with a majority of vote of the VVD party (People’s Party for Freedom and Democracy) obliged the Dutch government to prevent the EC to vote EU candidate status for Albania. While exploring the recent past, the violent domestic political developments of January 2011, and the disability of the political elite to manage the local election process in May 2011, put a question mark on the promptness of Albania, a NATO member, to join EU on 2011. On the other hand, in 2013 the assessment of the Commission was that Albania’s delivery to the EU merits candidate status. These dichotomies lead to a question: Why ‘yes’ and why ’not` can Albania be Europeanized? This paper seeks the answer by identifying and analyzing the actors and factors that errand the process of Europeanization in the country. Hence, while the net advantages of EU membership have an important systemic impact on the international and domestic performance of Albania, Europeanization associates with major problems in the country.