Rudolf Hess: Treachery and Deception John Harris and Richard Wilbourn Jema Publications, Northampton NN3 7TJ, UK, H/B £25 RRP on Sale Through Amazon and Ebay
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Modern British Art in Finland, 1906–1964
Issue No. 4/2016 ‘New relations, unsuspected harmonies’: Modern British Art in Finland, 1906–1964 Inga Fraser // Assistant Curator of Modern British Art, Tate, London __________ The above quotation1 is taken from a description penned by Roger Fry of a painting by Paul Cézanne, Les Maisons Jaunes, (1879–82), now known as The Viaduct at L’Estaque, which was shown at the exhibition, ‘Manet and the Post-Impressionists’, at the Grafton Galleries in London from 8 November, 1910 to 11 January, 1911. This work was acquired for the collection of the Finnish Art Society at the Art Museum of the Ateneum in Helsinki,2 following discussion involving the London-based Finnish art historian Tancred Borenius and the Finnish professor of aesthetics and literature Yrjö Hirn. Copies of the letters between Borenius and Hirn held in the archive collections of the Finnish National Gallery show the extent to which Fry influenced this particular acquisition. Borenius refers to Fry’s direct involvement in the selection of acquisitions, recommends Fry to Hirn as one of Europe’s foremost connoisseurs and, finally, mentions the fact that Fry promised to publish a written appraisal of the acquisition in The Burlington Magazine, thus validating the quality and value of the painting in the eyes of the public. With increasing infrastructure and affluence in the first half of the 20th century, travel and international communications became more viable for artists, critics, scholars and collectors alike in Europe. Consequently, the period 1905–65 was witness to the rapid expansion of the art market. National museums in a number of European capitals outside the established art market centres of London, Paris, Vienna, Moscow and St. -
General Władysław Sikorski and the B-24
General Władysław Sikorski and the B-24 Andrew Rosthorn Thirty years of self-funded investigations into the failed Rudolf Hess peace flight have taken John Harris and Richard Wilbourn close to British secrets that were beyond the ken of Stalin, Hitler, Roosevelt and quite possibly unknown to Churchill. The astounding events of 10 May 1941, when Hitler’s deputy crashed a fighter-bomber in Southern Scotland just six weeks before the German invasion of Russia, followed twelve months of dangerous and duplicitous secret wartime diplomacy. The new angle from Harris and Wilbourn1 concerns a risky transatlantic flight by the prime minister of the Polish government in exile. General Władysław Sikorski was also the commander-in-chief of a worldwide force of 40,000 soldiers, airmen and sailors. His Polish army included 17,000 men based in Scotland, a force of experienced and fiercely-motivated soldiers theoretically capable of overwhelming any other British unit north of the border in the desperate days of 1941. Also housed in Scotland were some anti-Sikorski political opponents, a number of whom had been shipped to a detention camp at Rothesay on the Isle of Bute where they were held with Polish Jews, ‘drunks, homosexuals and others of whom Sikorski and his associates disapproved.’2 General Sikorski even interned Isaac Deutscher (the Polish Marxist biographer of Leon Trotsky) at Rothesay. Deutscher was held as a detained soldier in the Rothesay camp between 1940 and 1942, until released to join the staff of The Economist as their expert on military and Soviet affairs.3 By finding the unusual surname Borenius in an old Wiltshire telephone book, Harris and Wilbourn were able to speak to a direct family descendant of Tancred Borenius, who had been the fine art adviser to Queen Mary, the widow of King George V. -
The Dungavel Handicap: Scotland, Churchill And
The Dungavel Handicap Scotland, Churchill and Rudolf Hess, 1941 Simon Matthews The writing of history is quite properly treated as a discipline. Many reputable historians, therefore, tend to be conservative, requiring multiple archival sources, an abundance of documentation and testimony from respectable eye- witnesses before reaching their conclusions. This often means that a very high level of proof is required before they engage in analysis of problematic events in the recent past. This is curious on two counts. Firstly, when studying ancient history, for instance, academics often base significant theories and make findings on very slender evidence: a few bones, one map, a single account. Secondly, an approach that is overly reliant on documents, ignores the possibility that those engaged in unpleasant, disloyal or illegal activity will deliberately avoid leaving a trail of incriminating evidence behind them. How should we approach such situations? Perhaps we should follow the example of criminal law, which allows the consideration of circumstantial evidence. Indeed, the argument is often made that circumstantial evidence can be as compelling, or even more compelling, than traditional proof such as documents, forensic evidence, photographic evidence and so on. There are cases where convictions were obtained relying mainly on circumstantial evidence, and the convictions have been shown to be sound. The law allows, too, for an absence of evidence itself to be treated as a type of proof, provided other tests are met and those required to make a decision (such as a jury, or an enquiry) are properly briefed or instructed. It is odd, therefore, that many of those writing about political events choose to avoid this criminological approach when dealing with controversial subjects in areas where evidence is either missing or withheld. -
G June 2021 – Via Bilderberg.Org
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