Young and Sport in

Jae Won Kang M.Ed. (USyd), M.A. (VU)

Thesis is submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy In the School of Social Sciences and International Studies, University of

August 2011

THE UNIVERSITY OF NEW SOUTH WALES Thesis/Dissertation Sheet

Surname or Family name: Kang

First name: Other name/s: Jae Won

Abbreviation for degree as given in the University calendar: SLSP9050

School: Faculty: Social Sciences and International Studies Arts and Social Sciences

Title: Young Koreans and

Abstract 350 words maximum: (PLEASE TYPE)

The thesis uses a modified form of the Theory of Planned Behaviour (TPB) in analysing sport participation of young Koreans in Australia. The theoretical framework of the thesis is drawn from four theories: Ajzen’s theory of planned behaviour (1985); Berry’s acculturation framework (1980; 1997); Vaux et al.’s social support appraisals of family, peer and general social support (1986); and the status of hierarchical leisure constraint theory (Crawford & Godbey, 1987; Crawford, Jackson, & Godbey, 1991). The main method used is questionnaire survey, supplemented by some semi-structured interviews. The main findings are: (1) Socio- demographic characteristics (age, gender, length of residence, residential status, and language skills) partially influenced sport patterns. (2) Sport participation rates of respondents in Australia differ depending on acculturation modes. (3) Among the social support, peer acceptance and support, which turned out to be the more popular support accessed by participants, contributed to the formation of their sporting attitudes and behaviours. (4) The most important participation constraints within the seven categories were resources, access, interpersonal, affective, religious, socio-cultural, and physical, in that order.

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i

ORIGINALITY STATEMENT ‘I hereby declare that this submission is my own work and to the best of my knowledge it contains no materials previously published or written by another person, or substantial proportions of material which have been accepted for the award of any other degree or diploma at UNSW or any other educational institution, except where due acknowledgement is made in the thesis. Any contribution made to the research by others, with whom I have worked at UNSW or elsewhere, is explicitly acknowledged in the thesis. I also declare that the intellectual content of this thesis is the product of my own work, except to the extent that assistance from others in the project's design and conception or in style, presentation and linguistic expression is acknowledged.’  

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ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I would like to deeply thank my supervisors, Emeritus Professor Ralph Hall and A/Professor Rogelia Pe-Pua (Head of School, Social Sciences and International Studies). Without their patience, guidance, encouragement and stimulation, this thesis would not have been possible. Their assistance extended beyond my PhD to my professional development and continues to do so today. In addition, all staff members and other doctoral students in the Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences at the University of New South Wales, , Australia who have supported me are also truly thanked.

Many people gave me great assistance and support during this research and I would like to thank, in particular, Professor Tracy Taylor (School of Leisure, Sport & Tourism, University of Technology, Sydney), Rev. Dr. Myong Duk Yang (Multicultural Board of Mission, The Uniting Church in Australia), Dr. Seong-Chul Shin (Coordinator of Korean Studies Program, UNSW), Grand Master Yong Dai Cho (Former President of Australia), Rev. Ki Duk Hwang (Sydney Dongsan Korean Church), Rev. Jin Kap Jeong (Pyongwha Korean Church), Mrs. Myung Sook Cho (Elder, Hanbit Korean Church). I would like to express my gratitude to Mr. Tuan Truong and Mr. Andrew Rudkin who helped me with writing corrections; and I also thank Mr. Sei Jung Oh who gave me great support to analyse data using the SAS program.

I wish to express very special thanks to my lovely wife (Jin Hee Park) and my daughter (Julie Yeeun Kang) for their patience during the time it has taken for this research to be completed. I also wish for this award to become a small but important congratulatory present for my parents (Dae Shin Kang and Soon Duk Jeong) and my parents-in-law (Yeon Ha Park and Il Soon Kim) in who have supported me spiritually during my studies. Their prayer, love, pride and confidence in me were priceless. I love them and thank them dearly.

Finally, this thesis would not have been possible without the love, peace and guidance from God our father and the Lord Jesus Christ.

iii ABSTRACT

Young Koreans and Sport in Australia

The thesis uses a modified form of the Theory of Planned Behaviour (TPB) in analysing sport participation of young Koreans in Australia. The theoretical framework of the thesis is drawn from four theories: Ajzen’s theory of planned behaviour (1985); Berry’s acculturation framework (1980; 1997); Vaux et al.’s social support appraisals of family, peer and general social support (1986); and the status of hierarchical leisure constraint theory (Crawford & Godbey, 1987; Crawford, Jackson, & Godbey, 1991).

Specifically, the study addressed the following four research questions: (1) What is the nature of sport participation of young Koreans in Australia? How do different groups of young Koreans in Australia differ in their sport participation? (2) How is sport participation of young Koreans in Australia affected by acculturation? (3) How is sport participation influenced by social support? (4) What are the constraining factors that hinder sport participation?

The methodology applied to this study was a combination of two different approaches: (a) a questionnaire-based survey carried out with 458 young Koreans (aged 9-25) from the Korean-Australian communities within the Sydney metropolitan region, and (b) as a supplementary tool, semi-structured interviews with young Koreans and their parents who had lived in Australia for at least six months.

The findings in relation to the first research question are: (1) soccer was the most popular and commonly preferred sport among young Korean respondents, followed by swimming, basketball, table tennis and taekwondo. Over two thirds of respondents did not participate in sport regularly (or they had not participated in any sport). Respondents were more likely to choose mainstream educational sporting environments, while the educational institution provided the most popular source for their first interest in sport. However, the more popular preference of sport coaches’ cultural background was those from a Korean background. (2) Sport participation rates were significantly different depending on socio-demographic characteristics (gender, age and language proficiency).

iv (3) The frequency of different types of sport participation between males and females was significantly different depending on specific age, length of residence, residential status and language proficiency groups. (4) The source of first interest in sport among respondents was significantly different depending on gender, age and residential status. (5) Choice of sport programs was significantly different depending on gender, age, length of residence, residential status and language proficiency.

The findings in relation to the second research question are: (1) Gender, age, length of residence and language proficiency were correlated with acculturation. (2) Acculturation modes affected sport participation rates, while assimilation and marginalisation attitudes were key indicators when socio-demographic variables were taken into account. (3) Assimilation, integration and marginalisation affected the frequency of different types of culturally-based sport participation. (4) Assimilation and integration affected choice of mainstream-based sport programs, while separation affected choice of ethnically- based sport programs.

The findings in relation to the third research question are: (1) Socio-demographic characteristics (age, length of residence, English proficiency) and acculturation modes were correlated with family, peer and general support. (2) Peer support affected sport participation rates, but social support factors (family, peer and general support) were not key indicators when acculturation modes and socio-demographic variables were taken into account. (3) Respondents living with both parents in Australia, and assimilation were key indicators of level of sport participation, while sport participation rates and types of sport were different depending on different types of family composition. (4) Parental sporting involvement affected their children’s participation in culturally-based sport.

Finally, the findings in relation to the fourth research question are: (1) Level of perceived socio-cultural, religious, access, affective, resource and interpersonal constraints were correlated with acculturation modes and socio-demographic characteristics. (2) Sport participation rates were different depending on level of perceived socio-cultural, religious and interpersonal constraints. (3) Participation in the mainstream popular sports (Australian Rules football, and ) was

v significantly constrained by interpersonal factors. Participation in taekwondo was significantly constrained by socio-cultural, religious and physical constraints, while participation, for female respondents, was significantly constrained by religious constraints. (4) Time, parental control and interpersonal constraints were the most common reasons for limited participation and withdrawal from sport.

Based on the results, the original theoretical framework of the study was modified. The theoretical contribution of the study was discussed by way of pointing out the significance of creating the combined-theory framework of the study, and the subsequent enhancement of this framework.

vi TABLE OF CONTENTS

COPYRIGHT STATEMENT/AUTHENTICITY STATEMENT ------i ORIGINALITY STATEMENT ------ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ------iii ABSTRACT ------iv TABLE OF CONTENTS ------vii LIST OF FIGURES ------xii LIST OF TABLES ------xiii PUBLICATIONS AND PRESENTATIONS ------xiv LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS ------xv

Chapter One: Introduction ------1 1.1 Statement of the Problem ------1 1.2 Research Aims and Strategy ------4 1.3 Significance of the Study ------6 1.4 Structure of the Thesis ------8

Chapter Two: Koreans and Sport in Australia: Background Literature ------10 2.1 Koreans and Sport in Australia ------11 2.1.1 Brief ------11 2.1.2 Characteristics of Korean communities in Australia ------12 2.1.3 Korean community and sport in Australia ------15 2.1.4 Korean religious organisations and sport ------15 2.1.5 Taekwondo in Australia ------16 2.2 Sport and Cultural Diversity in Australia ------18 2.2.1 Sport and ethnicity ------18 2.2.2 Sport policy and practice initiatives ------21 2.2.3 Social institutions and sport ------24 Sport in school ------25 Religion and sport ------26 2.2.4 Culturally-based sport ------26 Popular Australian sport and European inheritance ------26 Asian immigrants and martial arts ------28 2.3 Summary ------29

Chapter Three: Theoretical Approach and Models ------31 3.1 Theoretical Framework: The Big Picture ------33 3.1.1 Sport and the theory of planned behaviour ------33 3.1.2 A modified form of the theory of planned behaviour ------37 Intention and behaviour ------37 Acculturation modes and attitudes ------38 Subjective norms and social support ------39 Perceived behaviour control and constraints ------40 3.2 Sport Participation and Individual Characteristics ------40 3.2.1 Levels of sport participation ------41 Degree of behavioural involvement ------41 Social involvement attitudes through sport ------41 3.2.2 Individual characteristics and sport participation ------43 vii Gender differences and sport ------43 Age differences and length of residence in host society ------45 Language skills ------47 3.3 Acculturation and Sport Participation ------49 3.3.1 The concept of acculturation ------49 3.3.2 Acculturation measures ------50 3.3.3 Factors affecting acculturation ------51 3.3.4 Acculturation models ------52 3.3.5 Acculturation modes ------55 Assimilation ------55 Integration ------56 Separation ------57 Marginalisation ------59 The context of cross-cultural research ------59 3.3.6 Acculturation, ethnic minority and sport ------61 3.3.7 Acculturation and culturally-based sport participation ------58 3.4 Social Support Factors and Sport Participation ------63 3.4.1 Family support ------64 Family composition ------65 Parental experience and values ------66 3.4.2 Peer support and influence ------68 3.5 Perceived Constraints and Sport Participation ------70 3.5.1 Constraints on sport ------70 Static ------70 Dynamic ------71 3.5.2 Categorisation of constraining factors ------71 3.5.3 Constraints across different ethnic groups ------75 3.6 Theoretical Framework of the Study: The Determinants of Sport Participation ------78 3.7 Summary ------80

Chapter Four: Research Methodology ------81 4.1 Research Approach ------81 4.2 The Survey ------83 4.2.1 Developing the questionnaire ------83 Scales ------84 Language ------84 Pilot testing ------85 Getting Ethics approval ------85 4.2.2 The questionnaire ------85 Part A: Demographic and Language Proficiency ------86 Part B: Acculturation and Social Support ------86 Part C: Participation Constraints and Sport Participation Patterns ------87 4.2.3 The survey respondents ------88 Recruiting the respondents ------88 Determining sample size ------88 4.2.4 Administering the questionnaire ------89 4.2.5 Analysis of the survey data ------91 4.2.6 Ensuring reliability of questionnaire ------92 viii 4.3 The Interviews ------93 4.3.1 The interview guide ------93 4.3.2 Conducting the interview ------95 The Interviewees ------95 Consent ------96 Schedule and venues ------96 Sample size ------96 Language ------97 Recording ------97 4.3.3 Analysis of the Interview Data ------97 4.4 Summary ------98

Chapter Five: The Nature of Sport Participation Among Young Koreans ------100 5.1 Nature of Sport Participation ------101 5.1.1 Types of sports undertaken ------101 5.1.2 Preferred sports ------102 5.1.3 Rates of sport participation ------103 Highly active group ------103 Moderately active group ------103 Inactive group ------104 5.1.4 Sport environment ------104 5.2 Socio-demographic Characteristics and Sport Patterns ------105 5.2.1 Socio-demographic characteristics and sport participation rates ----- 106 Gender ------106 Age ------107 Length of residence ------108 Language skills ------108 Residential status ------109 5.2.2 Socio-demographic characteristics and frequency of participation in the different types of sports ------109 5.2.3 Socio-demographic characteristics and sport environment ------111 Source of first interest in sport ------111 Choice of sport programs ------113 5.3 Summary of Findings ------115 The nature of sport participation (RP 1.1a) ------115 Relationship between socio-demographic characteristics and sport participation rates (RP 1.1b) ------116 Relationship between socio-demographic characteristics and the frequency of different types of sport participation (RP 1.2) ------117 Relationship between socio-demographic characteristics and sport environments (RP 1.3 and RP 1.4) ------117

Chapter Six: Acculturation and Culturally-based Sport Participation ------118 6.1 Acculturation and Sport Participation ------119 6.1.1 Acculturation mode and socio-demographic characteristics ------119 6.1.2 Acculturation mode, socio-demographic characteristics and sport participation ------120 6.2 Acculturation Mode and Culturally-based Sport Participation ------122 6.2.1 Acculturation mode and type of sport participation ------122 6.2.2 Acculturation mode and sport program ------123 ix 6.3 Summary of Findings ------124 Relationship between acculturation modes and socio-demographic characteristics (RP 2.1) ------125 Influence of acculturation modes and socio-demographic characteristics on sport participation rates (RP 2.2) ------125 Influence of acculturation modes on the frequency of different types of sport participation (RP 2.3) ------125 Relationship between acculturation modes and choice of culturally-based sport programs (RP 2.4) ------125

Chapter Seven: Social Support and Sport Participation ------127 7.1 Social Support and Sport Participation ------128 7.1.1 Social support, acculturation mode and socio-demographic characteristics ------128 7.1.2 Social support, acculturation mode, socio-demographic characteristics and sport participation ------129 7.2 Social Influence and Sport Pattern ------131 7.2.1 Influence of family composition and acculturation on sport participation ------131 7.2.2 Family composition and type of sport participation ------132 7.2.3 Parental sporting involvement and their children’s participation in sport ------133 7.3 Summary of Findings ------134 Influence of acculturation and socio-demographic characteristics on social support (RP 3.1) ------135 Influence of social support, acculturation and socio-demographic characteristics on sport participation (RP 3.2) ------135 Influence of family composition and acculturation on sport participation (RP 3.3) ------135 Relationship between parental sporting involvement and children’s sport participation (RP 3.4) ------135

Chapter Eight: Perceived Constraints and Sport Participation ------137 8.1 Perceived Participation Constraints and Sport Patterns ------138 8.1.1 Main participation constraints and gender difference ------138 8.1.2 Acculturation modes, social support, socio-demographic variables and level of perceived constraints ------140 8.1.3 Relationship between constraint categorisations and rate and type of sport participation ------141 8.2 Types of Participation Constraints on Limiting and Withdrawing from Sport Participation ------143 8.2.1 Time constraints ------143 8.2.2 Parental control constraints ------147 8.2.3 Interpersonal constraints ------153 8.3 Summary of Findings ------155 Association of main constraints with socio-demographic characteristics and acculturation modes (RP 4.1) ------155 Relationship between perceived constraints and sport participation rates (RP 4.2) ------156 Relationship between perceived constraints and the frequency of x different types of sport participation (RP 4.3) ------156 Influence of different types of participation constraints on limiting and withdrawing from sport participation (RP 4.4) ------156

Chapter Nine: Contribution to Theory, Discussion of Findings, and Further Research ------158 9.1 Summary and Discussion of Research Results ------159 9.1.1 The nature of sport participation among different groups of young Koreans in Australia ------159 9.1.2 Acculturation and culturally-based sport patterns among young Koreans in Australia ------167 9.1.3 Social support and young Koreans’ sport patterns in Australia ------172 9.1.4 Perceived constraining factors and young Koreans’ sport participation in Australia ------179 9.2 Contribution to Theory ------186 9.3 Recommendations for Further Research ------193

REFERENCE LIST ------196

APPENDICES Appendix A Survey questionnaire ------236 Appendix B Interview consent and participation ------244 Appendix C Interview encoding ------246 Appendix D Respondents’ profile ------247 Appendix E Language proficiency ------248 Appendix F Statistical results and reliability (EAAM) ------249 Appendix G-1 Residential status and sport participation rates ------250 Appendix G-2 Age and source of first interest in sport ------250 Appendix G-3 Residential status and source of first interest in sport ------250 Appendix G-4 Age and choice of sport programs ------251 Appendix G-5 Length of residence and choice of sport programs ------251 Appendix G-6 English proficiency and choice of sport programs ------251 Appendix G-7 Korean proficiency and choice of sport programs ------252 Appendix G-8 Residential status and choice of sport programs ------252 Appendix H Mean scores: level of sport participation between living with parent present and living with no parent present ------253 Appendix I Correlation between each constraint and the total constraints - 254 Appendix J Encoding numbers assigned to interview information ------255

xi LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 3.1 Theory of planned behaviour (TPB) ------34 Figure 3.2 A modified form of the theory of planned behaviour ------38 Figure 3.3 The acculturation process ------51 Figure 3.4 Theoretical framework of the thesis ------78

Figure 5.1 Gender and sport participation rates ------106 Figure 5-2 Age and sport participation rates ------107

Figure 7-1 Mean scores of culturally-based sport participation by family composition ------133

Figure 9-1 The young Korean-specific sport behaviour framework ------188

xii LIST OF TABLES

Table 2.1 Australian Census 2006 (ABS, 2006a) – Korean population ------13

Table 3.1 The bi-dimensional model of immigrant acculturation orientations (Adapted Berry, 1980) ------54

Table 4.1 Interview schedule ------94

Table 5.1 Types of organised sports in which respondents participated ------101 Table 5.2 Respondents’ sport preferences ------102 Table 5.3 Rates of participation in sport ------103 Table 5.4 Correlations between socio-demographic characteristics and frequency of different types of sport participation ------110 Table 5.5 Residential status and sport participation rates ------111 Table 5.6 Gender and source of first interest in sport ------112 Table 5.7 Gender and choice of sport programs ------114

Table 6.1 Acculturation modes: means, standard deviations, and Cronbach’s Alpha Coefficients ------119 Table 6.2 Regression of socio-demographic variables on acculturation modes ------120 Table 6.3 Hierarchical regressions of acculturation and socio-demographic variables on sport participation rates ------121 Table 6.4 Correlations between acculturation modes and culturally-based sport ------122 Table 6.5 Summary of logistic regression analysis for acculturation modes predicting choice of culturally-based sport programs ------124

Table 7.1 Social support variables: Means, standard deviations, and Cronbach’s Alpha Coefficients ------128 Table 7.2 Regression of acculturation modes and socio-demographic variables on social support factors ------129 Table 7.3 Hierarchical regression of social support, acculturation and socio- demographic variables on level of sport participation ------130 Table 7.4 Mean scores of children’s sport participation through parents’ involvement ------134

Table 8.1 Mean(SD) scores of constraining factors ------139 Table 8.2 Correlations: Perceived constraints, acculturation modes, social support and socio-demographic variables ------140 Table 8.3 Correlations between constraint categorisations and culturally- based sport participation ------142

xiii PUBLICATIONS AND PRESENTATIONS

Parts of this thesis have formed the basis (and content) of the following publications:

x Kang, J. W. (2011). Influence of acculturation, social support and perceived constraints on level of sport participation. The International Journal of Sport and Society, 2(3), pp. 65-74. x Kang, J. W. (2011). Perceived constraints on sport participation. World Academy of Science, Engineering and Technology, 7 (77), pp. 775-781. [ISSN 2010-376x] x Kang, J. W. (2010). Towards an effective organizational structure of overseas Korean taekwondo leaders’ network. Journal of Korean Society for the Sociology of Sport, 23(1), pp. 1-26. [ISSN 1226-1920] x Kang, J. W. (2010). 'Young Koreans and taekwondo in Australia', Auckland, New Zealand, November 2010 in 10th Biennial Pacific-Asia Conference on Korean Studies 2010: Korean Studies in Shift, ed Song, C., School of Asian Studies & New Zealand Asia Institute, University of Auckland, pp. 97-122. [ISSN 978-0-473-18349-3]

Parts of this thesis have been presented in the following conferences (oral presentation):

x Kang, J. W. (2011). Perceived constraints on sport participation. The VII International Conference on Physical Education and Sport Science, Paris, France (June 24-28, 2011). x Kang, J. W. (2011). Towards a level playing field. The 2nd International Conference on Sport and Society (Virtual), Kolkata, India (February 28-30, 2011). x Kang, J. W. (2010). Young Koreans and taekwondo in Australia. The 10th Biennial Pacific-Asia Conference on Korean Studies 2010: Korean Studies in Shift, University of Auckland, Auckland, New Zealand. x Kang, J. W. (2010). Acculturation and sport patterns among young Koreans in Australia. The 11th World Leisure Congress, Gangwon National University, ChunCheon, Korea (August 28~September 2, 2010).

xiv LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

AASC – Active After School Communities ABS – Australian Bureau of Statistics AFL – Australian Football League AHRC – Australian Human Right Commission AIS – Australian Institute of Sport ANOVA – Analysis of Variance ASC – Australian Sports Commission Austrade – Australian Trade Commission BASA – Backing Australia’s Sporting Ability BIMPR, Bureau of Immigration, Multicultural and Population Research CALD – Culturally and Linguistically Diverse CMYI – Centre for Multicultural Youth Issues DCITA – Department of Communications Information, Technology and the Arts DIAC – Department of Immigration and Citizenship EAAM – East Asian Acculturation Measure ELICOS – English Language Intensive Course for Overseas Students ERASS – The Exercise Recreation and Sport Survey KTA – Korea Taekwondo Association MOFAT – Korean Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Trade MOL – Ministry of Education MPHS – Multi-Purpose Household Survey MPS – Monthly Population Survey NESB – Non-English Speaking Background NSW – New South Wales SD – Standard Deviations SSAS – Social Support Appraisal Scale TPB – The Theory of Planned Behaviour WHM – Working Holiday Maker WTF – World Taekwondo Federation .

xv CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTION

1.1 Statement of the Problem

Demographic changes and global trends are contributing to a greater ethnic diversity in Australia. With Australian communities coming from over 200 countries (2006 Census), Australia is “one of the most culturally diverse societies in the world” (DuBrin & Dalglish, 2003, p. 401). Each ethnic community in Australia has its own cultural characteristics and experiences adding richness and strength to community as a whole. They do, however, face a common set of challenges when settling into Australian society, such as cultural adjustment.

By the time of the 2006 Census of Population and Housing, the Korean population had risen to 60,873; this is more than double the Korean immigrant community’s size recorded only five years earlier (the 2001 Census). International education activity, in which Korea is Australia’s third largest source country, contributed $12.5 billion in export income to the Australian economy in 2007 (IDP Education Australia 2008). In 2007, the number of Korean (temporary) students in Australia increased by over 10% from 2006 to 34,674 (Australian Trade Commission, Austrade, 2008). According to Korean Society of Sydney (2009), the total Korean population (citizens, permanent residents, temporary residents, overseas students, travellers, etc) is about 125,000 in Australia.

This rapidly growing diverse population of young Koreans (mostly students of 9 to 25 years of age) in Australia has brought about new integration challenges. Australia and Korea are very different societies. Young Koreans’ positioning in Australian society is deeply influenced by the notion of cultural difference. Some young Koreans are doubly alienated and marginalised from both the mainstream Australian community and the Korean community (Yang & Pearson, 2004). Recently arrived young Korean migrants may encounter culture shock and problems (e.g., loneliness, cultural and linguistic

1 isolation, and inability to meet with expectations leading to depression) in school in this new and unfamiliar cultural setting (Armitage, 1999). Although the Australian Government and school resources provide a range of settlement information, the services and programs provided may not be adequate in assisting minority communities’ effective socialisation into Australian society.

A cross-cultural study by Hosper, Klazinga and Stronks (2007) reported that greater cultural and social integration was associated with increased sport and physical activity during leisure time among young immigrants. Sport as a microcosm of society has been of interest in ‘progressive’ social studies, including social psychology, cultural anthropology, sociology and physical education. This is due to various sport initiatives offering opportunities to cultivate cultural diversity and generate social inclusion of different ethnic groups in Australia.

There have been many attempts to categorise sport, and to distinguish it from related activities like play, games, contests, and athletics (Boxill, 2003; Morgan, Meier, & Schneider, 2001; Pearson, 1979). Sport includes physical activities that are organised by a club, association or other type of organisation. It excludes leisure activities such as garden duties, playing computer games, travelling, reading books, listening to music, watching movies, etc. It is generally agreed that sport may be defined as:

… institutionalized competitive activities that involve vigorous physical exertion or the use of relatively complex physical skills by individuals whose participation is motivated by a combination of personal enjoyment and external rewards. (Coakley, 1998, p. 19)

Sport is often used as a generic word to refer to the sum of physical and recreational activities. It is (a) trans-generation, (b) trans-gender, (c) ability inclusive, (d) intensity inclusive, and (e) numerically varied (Oswald, 2001, p. 1). Sport incorporates men and women; children and seniors; the skilled, the learner and the disabled; the highly competitive and the non-competitive in any variety of activities that may take place indoors or outdoors (Oswald, 2001).

2 The Australian Government recognises the benefits of sport (Australian Sport Commission, ASC, 2003) in bringing not only improved health to the community but also social inclusion (Centre for Multicultural Youth Issues, CMYI, 2005, 2007; Cortis, 2009; Mosely, Cashman, O’Hara, & Weatherburn, 1997; Stodolska & Alexandris, 2004; Tower, 2008). However, a review of literature in reference to sport suggests that some marginalised and isolated young Koreans have difficulties participating in sport communicated in the English language. Participation rates in sport and physical activity are significantly lower among young people from culturally and linguistically diverse (CALD) backgrounds (Australian Bureau of Statistics, ABS, 2004). Recently arrived young Koreans may experience more marginalisation and exclusion due to language barriers from sport compared to those born in Australia.

There is, however, a lack of appropriate data and information specifically about the Korean-Australian population in the area of sport. The research findings and discussions from investigations conducted exclusively in mainstream sport settings may overlook the specific experience of young Koreans. Amidst such change and diversity, ethno- specific research concentrating on the needs of newly arrived Koreans as well as Australian-born Koreans is required in the complexities of multicultural Australia.

The ABS survey on involvement in organised sport and physical activity (2004) which has been organised as school, club or association showed that a total of 31% of people born in Australia aged 15 years and over were involved in sport (including as players and non-playing involvement) compared to 12.2% of people from ‘other than main English speaking countries’ (15.6% of males and 8.9% of females). Underlying this research is the problem of the relatively low participation rates in sport might be the results of marginalisation and exclusion in the Australian context and the consequent relationship to marginalisation and/or exclusion both within Australian mainstream society and their own culture of origin. A willingness to acknowledge the Korean cultural perspective and to engage the Korean community in determining both the problems and the solutions in terms of youth and sport has been lacking. Although the lack of involvement of young ethnic minorities in sport has already been documented (CMYI, 2005, 2007; Lynch, Taylor, & Toohey, 1996; Taylor, 2000; Yu & Berryman, 1996), researchers have yet to explore the sporting nature of the Korean community. For

3 instance, they have not analytically investigated the empirical trends of the sporting participation of Koreans compared to the general population. Few studies have been conducted and national statistics, along with empirical data and information on strategies regarding the ethno-specific sport context of the Korean group, remain limited. Some studies have sought to explore young Koreans’ sporting patterns including sport experiences and constraints. Nevertheless, it seems there have been no studies comparing degree of sport involvement in different culturally-based sporting situations.

The involvement of diverse young immigrant generations in the social process is important. In this regard, the need for culturally appropriate policy and practices become evident and the pressure to recognise the needs of diverse cultural groups has intensified (Taylor, 2001). Policy responses have expanded to include sport as one of the most telling areas for its expression of culture-specific values (Duda & Allison, 1990; Mosely, 1997; Porter & Smith, 2004). Although under the banner of promoting social inclusion through sport in a multicultural society, culturally appropriate policy has yet to be established which considers the needs of young Koreans in Australia.

1.2 Research Aims and Strategy

The aim of this exploratory study was to examine the use of a modified form of the theory of planned behaviour (TPB) in understanding the nature of sport participation of young Koreans in Australia. Specifically, the study aimed to examine how sport participation is affected by socio-demographic characteristics, acculturation, social support and participation constraints.

In terms of the theoretical approach of this research, four conceptual theories have been incorporated to achieve the main aims of this study: Ajzen’s theory of planned behaviour (1985); Berry’s framework for understanding acculturation (1980, 1997); Vaux et al.’s social support appraisals of family, peer and general social support (1986); and the status of hierarchical leisure constraint theory (Crawford & Godbey, 1987; Crawford, Jackson, & Godbey, 1991). This study aimed to extend the limited knowledge of sport participation behaviour by testing, empirically, these extended

4 conceptual relationships. Greater detail of the theoretical framework appears in Chapter Three.

The nature of this study and its focus on participants’ perspectives lent itself to a quantitative approach to data collection (Cohen, Manion, & Morrison, 2007; Creswell, 2009). The following research questions were addressed in this study:

1. What is the nature of sport participation of young Koreans in Australia? How do different groups of young Koreans in Australia differ in their sport participation?

Sport participation relates to degree of involvement (frequency/rate), behavioural involvement (type), and cognitive involvement (preference of sport coaches’ cultural background, choice of sport programs, and source of first interest in sport).

In investigating the nature of sport participation, the following socio-demographic characteristics were of interest to this study: age, gender, length of residence, language proficiency and residential status.

2. How is sport participation of young Koreans in Australia affected by acculturation?

Acculturation occurs “when groups of individuals having different cultures come into continuous first/hand contact, with subsequent changes in the original cultural patterns of either or both group” (Redfield, Linton, & Herskovits, 1936, p. 149). During the acculturation process, the individuals could experience one or all of the four dimensional acculturation (acculturation modes): (i) assimilation - willingness to adopt positive relationships with the culture of the host country and showing a diminishing interest in their culture of origin; (ii) separation - not adapting to the host culture and maintaining the ways of their culture of origin, often against difficulties; (iii) integration - retaining the culture of origin as well as maintaining positive relationships with the host culture; (iv) marginalisation – neither adapting to the host culture nor maintaining the behaviours and values of their culture of origin. Acculturation theory and attitude (the first independent construct of the theory of planned behaviour) provide the

5 framework for addressing this research question.

3. How is sport participation influenced by social support?

Social support refers to the influence and the role of family, peer and general support in controlling motivation and behaviour. Social support theory and subjective norms (the second independent construct of the theory of planned behaviour) provide the framework to address this research question.

4. What are the constraining factors that hinder sport participation?

Constraining factors may or may not shape patterns of participation at different points. The following seven categories of constraints are of interest to this study: (i) socio- cultural (referring to racial and cultural constraints and discomfort in certain socio- cultural settings); (ii) religious (such as religious practices and participation); (iii) access (such as a lack of sport provision, information, skills and transport); (iv) affective (that is, a lack of appeal and meaningfulness of certain sport activities); (v) physical (that is, physical problem and age); (vi) resources (such as lack of time from study/work); and (vii) interpersonal (such as not having anyone to participate with, and parent and family restrictions). Constraint theory and perceived behaviour control (the third independent construct of the theory of planned behaviour) provide the framework for addressing this research question.

1.3 Significance of the Study

This research is significant because this is the first major study on the patterns of sport participation among young Koreans in Australia that has produced both primary data and information on the Korean-Australian community, which is useful for reassessing and formulating ethno-specific sport policies in Australia. It was expected that this study would provide an overview of current realities, possibilities and the practical challenges relating to young Koreans’ participation in sport in Australia.

6 The findings of this study are beneficial in three ways. First, on a theoretical level, the theoretical frameworks adopted by this study developed knowledge relating to the utility of examining sport participation of young Koreans in Australia through a broad set of theoretical lenses. It is innovative in its approach since it extends the existing theory of planned behaviour by implementing specific modifications of the independent determinants (acculturation modes, social support and perceived constraints) to understand the nature of young Koreans’ participation in sport in the Australian context. Moreover, the present study fills a major gap in the literature by examining the influences of acculturation on ethno-specific behaviour with young Korean participants from a number of culturally-based sports. In doing so the research identifies and evaluates whether integration has the potential to promote increased culturally specific participation along with social support and reduce participation constraints. It is also important to investigate what factors have both facilitated and prevented young Koreans’ participation in sport in the Australian context.

Secondly, this study extends the limited knowledge of the attitudes and/or behaviours of young people from different cultures that influence sport participation. This will help sport program planners, researchers, and educators who understand and take into account the acculturation process in a target minority population to design effective programs of sport intervention. The knowledge gained through this research may increase the cultural competence of stakeholders in sport and will assist sport professionals (e.g. sporting coaches) and sports governing bodies for managing culturally appropriate programs, policies and effective sport promotion relevant to increasing participation in sport. Young ethnic minorities from diverse cultural backgrounds will be provided with sport and health counselling, guidelines and other forms of assistance from relevant communities and sport organisations based on these findings.

Finally, the relevance of the problem investigated in this study is increased as findings from previous research have shown that the participation of young Koreans in sporting activities do not vary greatly from that of young ethnic minorities from other cultural backgrounds. This indicates that insights gained from this study may also be applicable to youth from other minority ethnic groups in Australia.

7 1.4 Structure of the Thesis

Chapter One has laid the foundations of the thesis. It has introduced the research problem, research aims, the nature of the study and the five most significant research questions. The chapter then presented practical and theoretical significance of the study and the thesis structure was outlined.

Chapter Two provides a contextual background of sport. It also provides an overview of Koreans and sports in Australia. It then it reviews sport patterns, constraints, types of culturally-based sport, and finally focuses on the Korean-originated sport of taekwondo.

Chapter Three presents a critical review of the theory and literature on planned behaviour, acculturation, social support, and participation constraints. It includes a justification of the research by identifying trends and gaps in the body of knowledge.

Chapter Four outlines the quantitative approach, the ethical considerations, and language translation. It presents the data sources, survey instrumentation, method of sample selection, data collection procedure and techniques, and the data analysis procedure.

Chapter Five presents the findings related to research questions 1, i.e., the statistical results of the descriptive data analysis, assessing each socio-demographic characteristic of young Koreans vis-a-vis sport participation pattern.

Chapter Six presents the findings related to research question 2, i.e., the statistical results related to the influence of acculturation mode on culturally-based sport pattern.

Chapter Seven presents the findings related to research question 3, i.e., the statistical results on the influence of social support factors on sport pattern.

Chapter Eight presents the findings related to research question 4 - the main sport participation constraints, including both statistical results and some qualitative findings on the specific constraints of time and parental control.

8 Chapter Nine discusses the links between theory and the findings of this study. It presents implications of the findings for theory and practice. Finally, recommendations for further research and conclusions to be drawn from the study are presented.

9 CHAPTER TWO

KOREANS AND SPORT IN AUSTRALIA: BACKGROUND LITERATURE

This thesis is concerned with developing a better understanding of the factors which influence sport participation of young Koreans in Australia. It is important for sport organisations, governing bodies and community services to understand that sport participation of young ethnic minorities in Australia offers many key community benefits.

This thesis includes two literature review chapters: Chapter Two, in which the general domain of the current Korean community and sport in the Australian context is explored; and Chapter Three, which focuses on behaviour patterns in the context of sport within the framework of the theory of planned behaviour.

The background literature review in the current chapter proceeds as follows. Section 2.1 presents an overview of the migration trends and movements of young Koreans into Australia. Diverse characteristics of the Korean immigrant community, the current Korean sporting community and an overview of Korean religious organisations and sport are also addressed. This is followed by an overview of the dissemination of taekwondo as a representative of Korean-based sport and its cultural context. To provide this contextual understanding, this section also discusses how one of Korea’s proudest cultural assets, taekwondo, has now become very popular in Australia.

The focus of the chapter then shifts to exploring the body of sports research in the multicultural Australian context. Section 2.2 reviews the situation and current status of the diverse Australian community to facilitate a better understanding of ethnicity and sporting relationships. Some specific issues discussed in this section are: poor representation and exclusion of ethnic minority communities in sport in Australia; the emergence and consolidation of sport promotion through recent sport policy and practice initiatives regarding young people; sport and social institutions; the

10 intercultural and interethnic benefits of sport; and interethnic conflict in relation to sport.

2.1 Koreans and Sport in Australia

2.1.1 Brief history of Korean immigration to Australia

The arrival of Korean brides and orphans after Australia’s involvement in the (1950-53) was probably the first wave of immigration from Korea (Yang & Pearson, 2004) while the ‘’ was still in place. However, the first large influx of Koreans into Australia in the late 1960s and early 1970s was directly caused by the end of the Vietnams War. In 1960, the Australian Government began to allow some Asians to study at Australian universities as fee-paying or with-scholarship students on temporary visas. By 1971 there were 468 Koreans in Australia (Bureau of Immigration, Multicultural and Population Research, BIMPR, 1991). In 1973, when the Whitlam government revoked the previous restrictive immigration policy, a second and third wave of Korean immigration followed. Through government amnesties in 1976 and 1980, many Koreans who had overstayed their visas took the opportunity to become permanent residents (Korean Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Trade, MOFAT, 2005). The official number of Australian-born Koreans in 1976 was 1,460, which rapidly grew to 9,290 (more than sixfold) at the time of the 1986 Census (BIMPR, 1991).

Despite the Korean Government restricting travel abroad for the public until 1988, many Korean people realised the importance of enhancing their understanding of globalisation after successfully hosting the in 1988 (Park, 2006). In 1989, the Korean Government announced the policy of “freedom to travel abroad for all Koreans, in order to meet citizens’ desire to travel overseas” (Ministry of Education, MOL, 2000, p. 19). An influx of Korean business immigrants to Australia began in 1987 under the new Australian immigration policy on business and skilled immigration. These skilled and business immigrants came to find better living conditions and educational opportunities for their children. This was in contrast to the previous generation of amnesty Korean migrants; however, Han (1996, p. 85) pointed out that “some suffered from psychological dissatisfaction and hardship”. The lack of both

11 English skills and an understanding of Australian society were the main contributing factors.

In the 1990s, the first civilian Korean Government (1993-97) initiated the policy of globalisation that aimed at fitting into the mainstream of worldwide trends and movement towards the tenets of neo-liberalisation (Chun & Kim, 1999). The Korean Government continued to expand opportunities for studying overseas for the general public. According to the 2006 Census, among the total number of Koreans coming to Australia 17.8% arrived between 1996 and 2000, and 39.6% arrived during 2001 and 2006. There has been a substantial increase in settler arrivals, with many coming under the Skilled and Business migration categories and many long-term students.

The Korean Ministry of Education and Human Resource Development (2005) stated:

… to meet the demands of of internationalisation, overseas studies have been liberalised, so that any graduates of middle school can go abroad to study at personal expense. (p. 199)

This was further extended to primary school students. As a result, the trends of young Korean students in Australian educational programs dramatically changed with Korean overseas students constituting the second largest percentage of total international students enrolled in English Language Intensive Course for Overseas Students (ELICOS) programs in Australia (Australian Educational International, 2008). Many Korean students now have the opportunity to apply for permanent residence after they complete a minimum of two years of full-time education at any educational institution in Australia. This has been attracting more talented and skilled students from Korea to Australia.

Korea also initiated a Working Holiday Maker (WHM) Program with Australia in July 1995 that aims to (i) promote mutual understanding and exchanges between the two countries and (ii) provide the youth an opportunity to experience and understand diverse cultures and lifestyles of partner countries (ABS, 2008). For 2005-06, over 20 countries made agreements with Australia regarding the WHM program, with the largest cohorts

12 coming from the United Kingdom (28,821), followed by Korea (24,077) and Germany (12,089), which together accounted for over half of the working holiday makers in Australia (Department of Immigration and Citizenship, DIAC, 2007).

2.1.2 Characteristics of Korean communities in Australia

The latest Census in 2006 recorded 60,873 Koreans (i.e., citizens and permanent residents) in Australia who accounted for less than 0.5% of the entire Australian population (19,855,287) (ABS, 2006a; Korean Society of Sydney, 2008). There were 24,020 males (45.5%) and 28,740 females (54.4%) who were born in Korea. The top three ancestry responses that Korea-born people reported were: Korean (93.3%), Not Stated (2.5%), English (1.2%), Australian (0.9%), and other (2.1%). Today’s Korean- Australian communities consist of both new arrivals and long-term Korean immigrants, as well as the rapidly growing number of the second and later generations (Australian- born Koreans) and members of intergroup marriages.

The 2006 Census distribution by state and territory showed New South Wales had the largest Korean population with 39,448, followed by (8,864), (6,904) and (2,523) (see Table 2.1). The Sydney metropolitan region had the highest concentration (64%) of Korean population than any area in Australia.

Table 2.1 Australian Census 2006 (ABS, 2006a) – Korean population

State No. % Capital City No. % Australia 60,873 100.00% New South Wales 39,448 64.80% Sydney 38,210 96.86% Queensland 8,864 14.56% 5,264 59.39% Victoria 6,904 11.34% Melbourne 6,554 94 .93% Western Australia 2,523 4.14% 2,341 92.79% 2,085 3.43% Adelaide 1,928 92.47% ACT 1,014 1.67% Canberra 1,006 99.21% 439 0.72% Hobart 245 55.81% Northern Territory 95 0.16% Darwin 60 63.16%

The total number of Korean residents in Australia is estimated at approximately 125,000, according to the business directory report of the Korean Society of Sydney (KSS). This estimation may be more accurate than the Australian Immigration Statistics, as the KSS takes into consideration permanent residents and citizens of Australia, and temporary 13 residents from Korea including Korean overseas students, travellers, working holiday makers, etc.

Language barriers may be the most serious problem faced by Korean immigrants in their cross-cultural integration pursuits, preventing them from communicating fluently with members of the host society (Kim, 1988). Sung (1978) found negative cultural experiences (i.e., cultural isolation and loneliness) encountered by young Koreans through a lack of English proficiency. It is evident that deficiencies in English among young immigrants can lead to negative experiences such as difficulties in adjusting to the educational system and school environment (Armitage, 1999; CMYI, 2005).

In the 2006 Census, the main languages spoken at home by Korea-born people in Australia were Korean (87.1%) and English (10.5%). Of the 47,130 Korea-born who spoke a language other than English at home, 61.8% spoke English very well or well and 36.6% spoke English not well or not at all.

Saturday Korean community language schools have been established by local Korean religious organisations within the Korean-Australian communities, aiming to instruct young Korean people in Korean culture and history, traditional dance and music, taekwondo and calligraphy. In Australia, there are 69 Korean community language schools with 5,240 school-aged young students (K-12) enrolled in 2007 (Sydney had 53 schools and 4,316 students) (MOFAT, 2007). The funding for these schools generally comes from student tuition, donations, fundraising and from the Korean Government.

Only seven Korean community language schools received funding support from the NSW Government in 2007 (NSW Department of Education and Training Annual Report, 2007, pp. 124-127) and 18 schools received funding support from the Overseas Korean Foundation. Textbooks provided by the Korean Government are published in Korea. However, due to the diverse backgrounds of Korean students in Australia, teachers often utilise their own supplementary materials.

14 2.1.3 Korean community and sport in Australia

Through multiculturalism a range of sports have been adopted and intertwined into the lifestyles of both immigrants and . Korean immigration has contributed to this growth in the range of sports. It has been suggested that cultural aspects (e.g., traditional sports such as taekwondo) (Chung, 2008; Shaw, 2001; Yang, 2004) and religious issues (Yang, 2008; Yang & Pearson, 2004) would be a unifying factor in Korean society settlement.

The Korean community influences the sporting behaviours and motives of young Koreans in different ways to that of Australian youth. Several sport researchers have suggested the need for sporting organisations and administrators to increase their understanding of the factors that may influence sport behaviours of ethnic minority sport consumers, and how they may differ from the majority culture (e.g., Armstrong, 2001).

According to the Korean Society of Sydney’s (2009) Business Directory, several community sport programs are available in Korean and English languages, including 25 Korean community soccer clubs, 16 taekwondo clubs, six other Korean martial arts clubs, five swimming schools, four golf clubs, three tennis schools, three scuba diving programs, and two horse-riding courses.

Both the Korean Sports Association and the Korean Government also invite overseas Koreans and sport players worldwide to visit Korea and participate in the annual National Sports Festival. This offers an opportunity for Koreans and the descendants of Korean immigrants to learn about Korean culture and society.

2.1.4 Korean religious organisations and sport

Religious practices are at the heart of Korean ethnic communities in Australia; however, this situation is not open to simple analysis. At the 2006 Census 37,426 (71%) Korean- born Australian residents declared that they were Christian; 3,500 (6.6%) declared they were Buddhist; and 9,562 (18%) professed no religious affiliation. Statistics also

15 indicate that over 207 Korean ethnic Christian churches, three Catholic churches and seven Buddhist temples exist in Sydney metropolitan areas (Korean Society of Sydney Business Directory, 2009).

The role played by the Korean religious organisations within the general Korean community is crucial because they have information on Koreans, providing ethnic identity and community welfare as well as spiritual support (Yang, 2008). Brown (2004) indicated that many Koreans, Christian or not, came to church on Sundays “to share news of Korea, information about employment and accommodation, and news of other people” (p. 266). Thus Korean churches provided a sense of fellowship for lonely Korean immigrants and freedom from the pressure of mainstream culture and of speaking English (Yang & Pearson, 2004).

Korean heritage language schools and culture and sport organisations affiliated with Korean churches in Australia offer Korean community resources and information. This mix of sport and religion by Koreans in Australia relates back to Korea itself, where religion has been part of a very strong sporting tradition. Competitive sports and athletic programs in the Western sense were introduced by early Christian missionaries. For example, baseball was introduced by Philip Loring Gillette, general secretary of the Korea YMCA in 1905, and has gone on to become one of the most popular sports in Korea, culminating in a gold medal at the 2008 Beijing Olympics.

2.1.5 Taekwondo in Australia

Taekwondo has been integral in spreading Korean culture across the globe. Traditional taekwondo is used by the Korean military and was introduced to the world in the 1960s. Taekwondo has two main systems. One, governed by the World Taekwondo Federation (WTF), was formed in 1973, and is a sport-oriented, sparring system that is featured at teh summer Olympic Games. The WTF is based on Kukkiwon (World Taekwondo Headquarters) in Seoul. The other, governed by the International Taekwondo Federation (ITF), was formed in 1966, and is more self-defence focused.

At present, taekwondo’s world governing body, the World Taekwondo Federation

16 (WTF), has a global membership of 192 national associations, practised by 70 million people all over the world (WTF 2010 Website). When taekwondo was to be introduced as official competition in the 2000 Olympic Games in Sydney, the Australia Olympic Committee and Taekwondo Australia were committed to the development of Australia athletes, coaches and referees.

Modern taekwondo rules developed primarily by the combination of the theories of Confucianism and Buddhism, encompassing the elements of courtesy, integrity, perseverance, self-control, and indomitable spirit (Kukkiwon, 2006). Taekwondo styles have explicit ties with Korean national origins and express a sporting and cultural identity (Kukkiwon, 2006). In Australia, Korean taekwondo instructors as well as being international sport ambassadors, have introduced the spirit of Korean culture, language, and customs.

The development of Australian taekwondo, since its beginning in the 1960s has succeeded in promoting and showcasing the sport, culminating in the Sydney 2000 Olympic Games. During the period from the early 1960s to the late 1970s, the Korean Taekwondo Association (KTA) and Kukkiwon (World Taekwondo Headquarters) sought to spread the sport overseas, with Korean instructors being sent throughout the world. In order to promote taekwondo and raise its technical standard, the ‘Gold Medal Program’ in 1994 made it possible to sponsor several Korean elite coaches to train in Australia. Here, Australian Lauren Burns won the first gold medal to be awarded in the flyweight category, and another Australian Daniel Trenton won silver in the heavyweight class, inspiring audiences in Australia and around the world.

In Korea, children often learn the popular martial art of taekwondo as part of their schooling. There are also many taekwondo instructors who have been working with the Australian Sport Commission in providing the Active After School Communities Program (AASC). The AASC program is open to Australian primary schools and childcare benefit approved out of school hours care services (Australian Government, 2009).

17 2.2 Sport and Cultural Diversity in Australia

This thesis is as much a study of the concept of cultural value and behaviour of ethnic minority groups as it is of the sociological aspects of sport participation. The study of racial/ethnic groups in sport behaviour is not a totally new phenomenon in the context of multicultural Australia. However, with the emergence and steady growth of both ethnic communities and sport service sectors, research addressing the range of barriers identified among young ethnic minorities aiming at social inclusion has increased (e.g., CMYI, 2005, 2007). It can be asserted that the study of sport participation and ethno- specific behaviour is important because recognising existing inequalities of opportunities in sport for people from ethno-specific communities can make a direct contribution to better ethno-specific sport policies.

2.2.1 Sport culturally and ethnicity

In Australia, ‘ethnicity’ has been almost universally understood as referring to those not of white European origin (Jupp, 2001, 2002), but to migrants of non-English-speaking background (e.g., Schaefer, 1993; Schmitt & Branscombe, 2002). Most minority sports seem still not highly valued and cultural diversity is not considered a high priority to national sporting organisations in Australia (Cortis et al., 2007):

National sporting organisations tend to promote their sports to the mainstream rather than particular cultural groups and do not tend to monitor cultural background and characteristics of participants … they do not target people from particular cultural groups into their sporting programs or initiatives … did not consider that their organisational cultures and arrangements present barriers to ethnic minorities’ participation. (pp. 1-2)

Sport plays an important role in the cultural and social identity of Australia. Some of the key community benefits perceived of sport include its ability to break down cultural barriers between different ethnic groups in the community (Larkin, 2008), and its potential to influence the physical and social development of young people (Georgakis

18 & Russell, 2010). These are of ongoing interest to policy makers and researchers.

Stoddart (1986) was one of the first to write a critical history of Australian sport in Saturday Afternoon Fever. Vamplew and Stoddart’s (1995) Sport in Australia also included a sport-by-sport approach and discussed the evolution of Australian sport, sport and class, politics, the media, big business, gender and ethnicity. Headon (2001, p. 5) forcefully claimed that “sport in Australia just might be more deeply and meaningfully cultural than in any country in the world.”

Oakley’s (1999, pp. 53-55) study found that ‘seven of the ten most inspirational moments’ in Australian history were sport-related. Sporting success therefore has a unique capacity to unite Australians and helps construct a sense of community and has become the primary vehicle for expressing national legitimacy, pride, and independence (Stewart, Nicholson, Smith, & Westerbeek, 2004).

Questions about participation in sport and cultural activities in the previous 12 months have been included in the children’s participation in cultural and leisure activities section of Australian Bureau of Statistics’ (ABS) Monthly Population Survey (MPS) since 2000. A comparison of the data from 2003 to 2009 shows that the participation rate in organised sport did not increase significantly (62% in 2003 to 63% in 2009).

Sport as a cultural phenomenon is dominated by activity engaged in by professionals with the rest of the population watching it on television, reading about in newspapers and talking about among friends. That is its cultural presence. The relationship between this and participation is tenuous. For example, cricket is watched on television by millions in Australia, but is played by only 3% of adults (6% of males). And the culturally significant activity of surfing is engaged in by less than 2% (3% of males) (The Exercise Recreation and Sport Survey, Australian Government, 2011).

Cashman (1995) suggested that sport is positive for immigrant communities, including links with the mainstream. For instance, sport played a crucial role in community formation, providing a largely accepted way for immigrant communities to organise themselves, and was a bridge between such immigrant communities and the wider

19 Australian society.

The role of ethnicity is a rich theme in Australian sport and all Australian sport is ‘ethnically’ based in that it has been brought from a multitude of societies (Cashman, 1995). Diversity and sport participation is a controversial issue in contemporary Australian society, and much of the research focuses on how sport organisations, governing bodies and community services manage the diversity brought about by increased migration flows. However, empirical studies on the association between sport and society have largely neglected the effect of contextual barriers among young ethnic minority immigrants compared to the mainstream, due in part to a lack of cultural awareness and the lower socioeconomic status of most immigrants (CMYI, 2005, 2007).

Scholars and the media have tended to view what they define as ‘ethnic’ sports as existing on the margins of Australian sport. In this regard, new sports being incorporated into mainstream and some forms of English-orientated sport are incorporated more readily into the mainstream Australian culture. It is worth exploring the different ways in which sports cultures brought by particular immigrant communities can help establish identity in a new society while retaining some links with their culture of origin.

It seems the role of sport in promoting harmony is fraught with complexity due to the diverse nature of racial and ethnic groups.

… ethnic ideologies [nationalisms] are highly resistant to change; contact between members of ethnic groups through sport is often superficial and therefore fails to challenge ideologies; and sporting competition may aggravate existing prejudices among players and spectators. (Coakley, 1994, p. 266)

There is an aspect of a social relationship between groups who consider themselves as “culturally distinctive from members of other groups with whom they have a minimum of regular interaction” (Eriksen, 2002, p. 12). When ethnic minority youth express nationalism, this may be seen as a threat by mainstream society (Cashman, 2002). Some

20 scholars have argued that sport could have some elements of separatism if it was not applied in the right environment (Birrell, 1984).

Sport has “long held a pre-eminent position and has frequently reflected social and political processes and shaped social and cultural values” in Australia (Cashman, 1995, p. vii), and is considered by some to be a national ‘religion’ or ‘obsession’ (Barnard, 2008; Cashman, 2002; Stoddart, 1986).

Sport policy needs to focus on using sporting activities to break down cultural barriers and promote community cohesion through different cultural groups gaining a better understanding of each other’s values (Larkin, 2008). Despite the fact that patterns and constraints on sport experienced by immigrants may differ from those of the general population (e.g., Gramann, 1993; Rueschenberg & Buriel, 1989; Stodolska & Yi, 2003; Yu & Berryman, 1996), many sporting organisations do not have the resources, understanding or willingness to accommodate specific needs. The benefits of sport may be not universally shared by all individuals from CALD backgrounds who have limited access to opportunities, which limits full participation in society (Taylor & Doherty, 2005). Thus the provision of culturally appropriate sport programs is increasingly important to diverse community members (Yu & Berryman, 1996), but cultural diversity in sport reflects the problems caused by cultural differences, including opportunity, access, equality and preference (Taylor, 2001). In light of this, there is a need for further study regarding the socio-cultural aspects of sport in Australia.

2.2.2 Sport policy and practice initiatives

The national and state government have undertaken a considerable amount of research and policy development in sport and physical activity. They are heavily involved in creating Australian sporting success by their provision of the latest sporting facilities through respective state sports institutes and academies (Ganjera, 2007).

However, there is a dearth of ethnic community research in relation to the establishment of an appropriate sport policy. Hence, there is little evidence upon policies and practices about minority ethnic groups’ participation in sport in that the government can utilise

21 and take action on such as provision of targeted assistance for young athletes from CALD backgrounds (e.g.,CMYI, 2005, 2007; Stewart et al., 2004). Consequently, this can hamper the development of effective interventions and best practice in reducing barriers and supporting the participation of people of CALD backgrounds (Cortis et al., 2007). On the ethnic minority side, they have been disadvantaged by sport policies that seem to be driven by the local sport/recreation departments influenced and managed by these mainstream policy authorities (e.g., CMYI, 2007).

In April 2001, the Australian Government launched a policy statement for the sport and recreation industry (Australian Sports Commission, 2003). This document, ‘Backing Australia’s Sporting Ability (BASA) – A More Active Australia’, outlined a twofold policy objective: (i) to assist best athletes to reach new peaks of excellence and (ii) to increase the pool of talent from which future world champions will emerge. The government supported grassroots participation in sport through building partnerships between Federal government, sporting organisations, schools and local governments with the goals to significantly increase the number of participants.

According to the Department of Communications Information, Technology and the Arts (DCITA, 2004), the goals of these programs were to strengthen the national sport structure for Australian athletes and enable them to participate and compete successfully in international sporting events. The fact that the Federal government’s expenditure on elite sport and high performance was $408 million over 4 years (DCITA, 2004) and a further $65.4 million was then allocated toward an upgrade and expansion of facilities at the Australian Institute of Sport (AIS) in the 2002 budget (Baka, Hess & Nawaz, 2004). It suggests that this is where the priority lies and more grassroots participation is just a means to this end. The document states that the goal is ‘to ensure that all Australians regardless of culture, gender, race, capability, or age have an opportunity to be part of a More Active Australia’ (Baka et al., 2004), but there are no specific policies to achieve this on young people of ethnic groups in Australia.

In November 2004, the Australian Government revealed its national sport policy, ‘Building Australian Communities through Sport’ (Australian Government, 2006). The four priority areas of this policy were: (i) community participation, including

22 community sport for all, Active After School Communities (AASC), physical activity in schools, community facilities, water safety and women in sport; (ii) securing Australia’s sporting future through high performance success, direct athlete support, a national Paralympic partnership, and excellence in sport management; (iii) sport infrastructure and support in areas such as major multi-sport competitions and through existing sport agencies; and (iv) development of the sport and leisure industry. These policies focused on children because healthy and active children will live better, learn better and grow up to be more healthy and active adults. The AASC program is designed to engage Australian primary school-aged children (traditionally inactive children) in structured physical activity programs and build links with community based organisations to create opportunities for ongoing participation in the after school timeslot. The AASC programs was introduced in 2005 with 900 primary schools and Out of School Hour Care (OSHC) bodies (ASC, 2007), however, there was no specific mention of funding in the policy document for young people from CALD backgrounds.

In 2007, the NSW sport and recreation industry five-year plan (Game Plan 2012) was also established. Its goal was a new direction for sport and recreation that aims “to position sport as a key contributor to building a strong community and shaping its core values … an inclusive culture which embraces cultural diversity … i.e. sport for all.” Policies and programs tended to focus on using sporting activities to promote community cohesion through increasing joint involvement in sports by members of different cultural groups (Larkin, 2008).

Since 2010 through to 2011, the Australian Government has incorporated the initiatives announced in ‘Australian Sport: the Pathway to Success’, which is a new government’s response to the inquiry it set up to develop a new policy framework. This includes the government’s response to the independent sport panel report for supporting the development of the Australian sport system in three key areas: (i) increasing the numbers of Australians participating in sport for the benefit of our community; (ii) strengthening the sporting pathways linking ‘grass roots’ and high performance sport to ensure sustained participation through a strengthened development pathway; and (iii) ensuring that Australia continues to excel in international sporting competition.

23 Sport policies in different ethnic groups in the community mainly focuses on increasing sporting participation by minority ethnic group members with lower than average rates of participation (Larkin, 2008). However, there are no specific programs or strategies adopted by the government policy to increase the participation of people from CALD backgrounds in ethnically-based sport as there is a large multicultural mix involved.

People from CALD backgrounds in Australia are under-represented in the numbers participating in sporting organisation and the range of sport participated in (Australian Human Rights Commission, 2006). The apparent exclusion and under-representation of these ethnic minorities in U.K. has raised the point that, “policy statements and strategies cannot effect a change without the concerted efforts of those closest to the point of delivery” (Hylton, Bramham, Jackson, & Nesti, 2001, p. 152). The question also remains in U.S. as to “how effective [policies have] been in bringing different groups together on the field of play, on the terraces and in the boardroom” (Chandler, Cronin, & Vamplew, 2007, p. 146). There are probably similar policy issues with Korean immigrants who would not expect to enter a level playing field when they experience exclusion from relevant networks and social relations in the mainstream host society.

Sport policies provide useful assistance to explore the rich potential of sport for promoting equality. Levels of participation in sport by ethnic minorities in Australia have traditionally been shown to be lower, and women from CALD background have been discriminated against or treated unequally in relation to sport participation (Taylor, 2004; Taylor & Toohey, 1997). Critics of policy outcomes often debate whether how far ethnic minorities have been integrated into the Australian sporting system outside of official structures, citing the small number of ethnic minority managers and officials in mainstream sports in Australia (e.g., CMYI, 2005).

2.2.3 Social institutions and sport

McPherson, Curtis and Loy (1989, p. 40) indicated that, during childhood, the family provides economic and emotional support; role models for the internalisation of values, knowledge and norms, and the opportunity for involvement in voluntary association.

24 Later, other institutions, such as school, church, voluntary associations, the mass media, peer groups, and political and economic systems begin to influence the socialisation.

Sport in school National sporting organisations recognise the important role that schools play in providing sporting experiences and opportunities to children (AHRC, 2006). The school curriculum contributes to the development of the children with a number of social, physical, emotional and moral learnings, and provides an important expression for culture. Australian schools require a Health and Physical Education program in the early childhood phase of development. Beginning in kindergarten, it continues as a central practice in the lives of diverse young people through components of physical education and either intra- or inter-school curriculum.

Sport exerts a powerful influence on the growth and development of young people in Australia in ways that can be seen as positive …, and schools offer an opportunity to shape this learning over an important period of children’s and young people’s growth. (Light, 2008, p. 74)

In the 19th century, British immigrants in Australia influenced locals, especially through the private and the public school system (Mosely et al., 1997). The children of non- European immigrants mostly went to public schools and mixed with Australian schoolchildren, providing the best means of effecting rapid assimilation through participation in mainstream traditional sports (Fleming, 1994).

Within the school environment today, a range of school-specific sport programs are developed by various sporting codes that can be delivered by teacher or sport development officers. These programs include, the Australian ’s EdRugby program for schools, Cricket Australia’s CricKids, and the Australian Football League resources such as ‘AFL sport education’, and ‘AFF – our national game’ for more school students and young people can make the link with local sporting clubs and organisations (AHRC, 2006).

25 Religion and sport There are many different religions in Australia and they all can have a powerful effect on the way people relate to sport (Coakley, 2003; Garner, 2003; Oswald, 2001), like any other cultural practice and cultural transformation (Coakley, 1998). Sport has adopted a similar form to religion, in that it connects the body and spirit (Guttmann, 1998; Oswald, 2001).

Coakley (1998, p. 499) explained a number of reasons for combining sport and certain forms of religion, especially Christianity. Christians have promoted sport because they believe that sport naturally fosters spiritual growth, along with the development of strong moral character (Garner, 2003). Christian groups have also used sport to promote their belief systems and attract new members (Garner, 2003; Oswald, 2001; Stevenson, 1991). In addition, popular Christian athletes have been used by religious groups as effective spokespeople (Hoffman, 1982; Garner, 2003; Oswald, 2001).

The combination of sport and Christian organisations and beliefs has become very popular in Korea, with its large Christian population, with a tendency to use a holistic approach to individual and social development encompassing spiritual, intellectual and physical methods. Other Christian sport organisations have focused on building fundamental religious beliefs (Coakley, 1998; Oswald, 2001). Higgs (1995) claimed that the combination of sport and Christian beliefs has led to a ‘muscularised religion’, emphasising a gospel of discipline, duty, and self-righteousness, rather than a gospel of stewardship, social responsibility, and humility.

2.2.4 Culturally-based sport

When the word ‘sport’ is placed alongside the word ‘culture’, the definition becomes more complex. As most sports are traditional to a particular culture, members of groups tend to participate in similar culture- and ethno-specific sporting activities and services (Mosely, 1997; Sogawa, 2006).

Popular Australian sport and European inheritance Cashman (1995) looked at organised sport and the contexts in which it began to appear

26 in Britain. It was assumed that sport is an active and powerful agent in forming social and cultural values. The British saw themselves as a leading sporting nation because of their industrial and technological advances from the 18th century (Mosely et al., 1997). In British colonies like Australia, sport was viewed as an important way of maintaining their culture.

In 1861, 52% of the Australian population was born in the United Kingdom (UK). Consequently, British notions of culture were dominant in Australia throughout the 19th century. This was “reinforced through the successful transplantation of British culture including sports such as cricket and football” (Cashman, 1995, p. 152). As work conditions improved, a more impressive culture of sports grew along with a greater amount of time devoted to sport. By the 1900s ‘suburbanism’, sporting passion became attached to particular suburban communities while the more sophisticated city culture reflected distinctions of class, religion and ethnicity (Cashman, 1995; 2002).

By the late 19th century, a distinctive sporting culture had developed in Australia that was contributing to the way the new community was imagined (Irving, 1999). As the population grew, sport diversified, paradoxically bringing a sense of shared ‘Australianness’ (Alomes, 1988, p. 16). Australian mainstream sports have also been influenced by migrant culture. Sport was more accessible to ‘white’ than to ‘non-white’ Australians (Cashman, 2002). Thus Australia’s earliest national and cultural identity developed from immigrants of British, Irish and other European origins (Mosely et al., 1997).

Today in Australia, a wide variety of team sports are played by people from diverse backgrounds. According to official government statistics, in 2005-06 the most popular sports were Australian Rules football, , motorsport, rugby league, cricket, rugby union and soccer, in that order (ABS, 2007). Among females, netball has the highest level of participation.

While growing numbers of males have become involved in netball, it has historically the highest level of participation of any sport amongst females, who are involved in all aspects of the game, from players to umpires, coaches and administrators (Taylor, 2000).

27 Although netball has Australia-wide popularity, it is still a very ‘Anglo’ sport with women from British origins dominating (Duncan & Weatherburn, 1997; Taylor, 2000). Netball is a major sporting attraction with over 431,000 Australians aged 15 years and over playing, with over eight times as many females (387,500) participating than males (43,400) (ABS, 2007).

With its diverse ethnically-based clubs, no other sport in Australia has been more closely associated with immigrants and ethnic communities than soccer. Clubs were frequently the first organisation established by European immigrants arriving after the Second World War. Membership of a soccer club was also a means of gaining prominence in an immigrant community, providing opportunities for ‘communal solidarity’ (Mosely, 1997, pp. 163-165). In the 1960s, the chief organising bodies were controlled by European immigrants and the top echelons of competition were dominated by ethnic clubs. However, British interpretations were unsympathetic to European traditions and ways of thinking. Thus European immigrants became targets of abuse and even violence that imbued many with a heightened level of anger and distress (Mosely, 1997, pp. 160-161).

Since the launch of the Hyundai A League in 2006, a national league has replaced club matches based on ethnic communities. The absence of national flags (excluding Australia) has helped to reduce conflict to the point that the A league could complete the 2006-07 season without a single incidence of violence or mishap among ethnic minorities. After advancing to the quarter-final of the 2006 World Cup, and making a bid to host the 2018 World Cup, Australian soccer has developed substantially.

Asian immigrants and martial arts Martial arts were founded in the light of Eastern philosophies, traditions and meditative disciplines of Taosim, Buddhism and Zen, and arrived in Australia with the larger numbers of Asian immigrants that began arriving in the mid-1970s (Mosely et al., 1997). Nakornkhet’s (1989) study of culture and sport preferences found that different cultures and societies place different values on sport. East Asian students place high value on sport because self-discipline is a requirement for achieving intended goals in East Asian society.

28 Most martial arts taught in Australia still inculcate the values which characterise their traditional practices: for example, kung fu (China); taekwondo and hapkido (Korea); judo, jujitsu and karate (Japan); vovinam (Vietnam); and kickboxing (). Asian community leaders have promoted martial arts as a way of maintaining community spirit among their youth (e.g., Chung, 2008).

Although they are often mentioned as a potential addition to the curriculum (Beard, 1982; Bycura & Darst, 2001; Koo, 2007; Kulinna & Krause, 2001), martial arts are offered less frequently than many other sporting activities in Australia (Winkle & Ozmun, 2003). Mosely et al. (1997) indicated that migrant marital art sports are popular among ethnic minority groups because these sports are also practised in the countries of origin. However, many physical education and sport professionals feel inadequate to teach these and therefore do not include them in school curricula (CMYI, 2005, 2007; Winkle & Ozmun, 2003).

2.3 Summary

This chapter has explored Koreans and sport in the context of Australia and why it is an important area of study. It has addressed sport behaviour of young ethnic minorities as a valuable research area. This chapter has also explored previous studies that have sought to understand the issues of the Korean community.

Despite the Australian Government having introduced a range of sport policies and practice initiatives, there is only a limited amount of investigation and accountability into the issues relating specifically to each of the ethnic communities across Australia. There is a need for more research highlighting the particular issues affecting and influencing the participation and non-participation of young Koreans with different cultural beliefs and experiences.

In order to illustrate the implications of using the theory of planned behaviour in sport behaviour research, Chapter Three will focus on sport participation regarding how it relates to the relative propensity from different socio-demographic groups, acculturation

29 modes, social support and constraints in research conducted in these areas. This chapter will establish how the modified form of the theory of planned behaviour, can account for behavioural change in sport.

30 CHAPTER THREE

THEORETICAL APPROACH AND MODELS

This study is concerned with young Koreans’ participation in sport in Australia. The previous chapter focused on the Korean community, ethnic minorities and sport in Australia as a general background for research on which this thesis is based. It offered a better understanding and appreciation of the sport participation patterns of the group being studied. It also highlighted how ethnicity, sport and policies can provide a comprehensive understanding of sport participation among young people from CALD backgrounds in Australia.

Chapter Three focuses on the broader theoretical background of sport participation. A theoretical review can help “establish a lack of theories or reveal that the current theories are insufficient, helping to justify that a new theory should be put forth” (Randolph, 2009, p. 3). The aim of this chapter is to complete the review of the literature concerning the determinants depicted in a well-established social cognitive theory of planned behaviour (Ajzen, 1991, 1998). These determinants are proposed to influence sport participation. In addition, this chapter provides the theoretical support for the conceptual models and develops a number of research propositions to test the determinants of sport participation.

While there is a plethora of information available on the general number and characteristics of ethnic minorities who participate in sport and recreational activities (including age, gender, frequency and type of participation), no specific data is available on young Koreans in Australia. The literature review examines international sources (from , Canada, Hong Kong, USA) and materials from Australia, including from other States (Victoria, Western Australia). International and Australian studies provide the relevant reference to sport and ethnicity within mainstream society, particularly those young people from CALD backgrounds, yet they still tend to be under-represented in participation and attendance at mainstream sport. This is helpful to (i) examine how research practices and application differ across ethnic groups; (ii)

31 review how a group of people tend to carry out a certain practice in sport; (iii) identify a lack of information on the results of research on young Koreans in Australia; and (iv) provide a framework for relating new findings to previous findings in the discussion (Chapter 9). This type of review can help establish a practical need not currently being met among young Koreans in Australia. Although the literature in this Chapter has addressed issues related to sport participation of different minority ethnic groups, it may not be possible to fully understand how best to address the issue of sport participation so that young Koreans in Australia experience that their needs are being met.

This chapter is divided into three parts. The first part discusses the background theories and parent disciplines that provide the foundations for addressing the research problem. Section 3.1.1 presents the theory of planned behaviour (Ajzen, 1991) of ethno-specific sport participation – a model which is also incorporated into the theoretical framework of the study. While identifying socio-psychological factors that determine individuals’ decisions to engage in specific sport participation, the research has extended the theory of planned behaviour by utilising more detailed and specific modifications of the independent determinants (attitude to acculturation modes, subjective norms to social support, perceived behavioural control to perceived constraints) in Section 3.1.2.

The second part presents a review of several source theories one by one. Sport behaviour and its relationship to socio-demographic characteristics is reviewed in Section 3.2. This is followed by the model of four acculturation modes (assimilation, integration, separation, and marginalisation) and their relationship to sport participation (Section 3.3). Social support and its influence on sport participation is examined in Section 3.4. Static and dynamic characteristics of constraint among ethnic groups and their relationship to sport participation are reviewed in Section 3.5. Each of these theoretical concepts depends on the idea that meanings are constructed through the theory of planned behaviour. The propositions arising from the modified form of the framework are presented because of the considerable support for these relationships in the second part.

The final part of the chapter presents the theoretical framework of the study. Section 3.6 presents the conceptual and theoretical framework for the study from which the research

32 issues are developed. This framework portrays socio-demographic characteristics, acculturation modes, social support and participation constraints that are related to sport participation and are shown in Figure 3.4. It integrates the core constructs of individual characteristics, attitudes, subjective norms, and perceived behavioural controls as they lead to ethno-specific behaviour of sport participation in terms of degrees of involvement and behavioural and cognitive involvement. The framework proposes a number of relationships amongst the variables that may have caused participation in sport but are yet to be subjected to empirical study as a whole, or, in most instances, as independent relationships.

3.1 Theoretical Framework: The Big Picture

3.1.1 Sport and the theory of planned behaviour

In sport and leisure discussion, the most often cited theory pertaining to needs is that of Maslow (1954; 1968). Despite problems in the application of Maslow’s hierarchy (i.e., needs are often overlapping and occur simultaneously), Veal (1994) built on this theme and determined that the leisure and sport needs of people are related to most levels of the needs hierarchy:

Rest, relaxation and exercise are physical needs; friendship groups and youth sub-cultures, based largely around leisure activities, reflect the need for safety and security; much family leisure, leisure activities related to sexual partnering and team sports can be said to relate to the need for love and affiliation; the exercise skills in sport and cultural activities reflect the need for esteem; and many of these same activities, engaged in for their own sake, provide for self- actualisation. (1994, p. 12)

Maslow’s suggestion that people are motivated by various unmet needs can be useful in determining the degree of involvement in meeting these needs and are expressed through attitudes towards specific cultural and societal behaviours such as, in this case, sport participation.

33 The theory of planned behaviour (TPB) (Ajzen, 1985) regards attitudes as individual mental processes that could explain human actions (Ajzen & Fishbein, 1980; Ajzen & Madden, 1986) and determine actual and potential responses (Thomas & Znaniecki, 1918 cited by Ajzen & Fishbein, 1980). Originating in the field of social psychology and developed from the theory of reasoned action of Fishbein and Ajzen (1975), it “predicts the occurrence of a specific behaviour provided that the behaviour is intentional” (Francis et al., 2004, p. 8) and assumes that people need to feel they have control over their behaviour (opportunities, resources, and skills) (Henderson, 2009).

An individual’s behaviour, according to the theory of planned behaviour (Ajzen, 1991) (see Figure 3.1), is largely dependent on one’s intention to perform that behaviour which depends on three conceptually independent determinants (Ajzen & Madden, 1986; Mathieson, 2001): (i) one’s attitude toward behaviour - both affective and instrumental; (ii) the subjective norms one believes significant others have concerning the behaviour - both injunctive and descriptive; and (c) one’s perception of whether the behaviour can be performed (i.e., perceived behavioural control) - both in terms of self- efficacy and controllability. Intentions summarise people’s motivation to engage in a particular behaviour and successful performance of a particular behaviour has a direct relationship with the level of motivation of its participant (Armitage, 2005).

Attitudes

Subjective Behavioural norms Intention Behaviour

Perceived behavioural control

Figure 3.1 Theory of planned behaviour (TPB) (Adapted from Ajzen, 1991, p. 182)

Attitudes, subjective norms, and perceived behavioural control were all determinants in predicting hunting behaviour (Hrubes, Ajzen, & Daigle, 2001), casino gambling behaviour (Oh & Hsu, 2001) and physical activity intentions (Courneya, 1995). Other

34 determinants in the context of physical activity were seen to be gender (Blanchard et al., 2003), age (Courneya, 1995; Rosen, 2000), and ethnicity (Blanchard et al., 2004). By providing a theoretical foundation for predicting the intention to participate in culturally specific sport as well as actual participation levels, the theory of planned behaviour has been widely applied (Henderson, 2009).

Kouthouris and Spontis (2005), in their investigation of outdoor recreation participation, applied the theory of planned behaviour along with the addition of the self-identity variable, in an effort to strengthen the prediction of intention and actual participation. Research into constraining factors concerning perceived behaviour control (which could limit participation) was suggested to clarify the lack of correspondence in the study between intention and behaviour (Alexandris & Carroll, 1997).

Fielding, McDonald and Louis found that this theory demonstrated good explanatory power across a range of decision-making contexts (Albarracin, Johnson, Fishbein, & Muellerleile, 2001; Arrmitage & Conner, 2001; Blue, 1995; Godin & Kok, 1996; Hagger, Chatzisarantis, & Biddle, 2002). It not only addressed the limitations of other important theories but also represented an integration of core concepts from social theory (Hagger & Chatzisarantis, 2005). It also lends itself to the inclusion of other variables to a specific behavioural context (Manstead & Parker, 1995) that may increase the predictive utility (e.g., Conner & Armitage, 1998) for behaviour in sporting contexts, as demonstrated by the large number of review and meta-analyses (Armitage & Conner, 2001). It has consistently reported strong relationships between the theory of planned behaviour variables and articulated the range of relationships between human behaviour and sport participation (Blue, 1995; Godin & Kok, 1996; Hagger et al., 2002).

The theory of planned behaviour has been utilised by many sport socio-psychologists, sport management researchers and sport marketers to determine participation intention, levels of sport and physical activity (Beaton & Funk, 2008; Courneya, 1995; Hosper, Nierkens, van Valkengoed, & Stronks, 2008), physical education (Papaioannou & Theodorakis, 1996), outdoor recreation (Kouthouris & Spontis, 2005), sport events (Cunningham & Kwon, 2003), and extreme sport (Huh & Choi, 2009). It assumes that an individual has attitudes, subjective norms and perceived behavioural control (Ajzen,

35 1985, 1991; Ajzen & Driver, 1991) concerning a specific behaviour - for example, the theory’s proximal variables have been used in relation to participation in hunting (Hrubes et al., 2001), boating, biking, climbing, jogging, beach activities (Ajzen & Driver, 1991), and playing basketball (Arnscheid & Schomers, 1996). Sport participation, however, is influenced by personal, psychological, and environmental factors (Henderson & Bialeschki, 2005) in addition to these cognitive behavioural models.

In spite of the impressive body of evidence attesting to the importance of the theory of planned behaviour for predicting sport participation, research in this area has been characterised by a number of conceptual and empirical limitations. Blanchard et al. (2004) examined the relationship between physical activity, ethnicity and the theory of planned behaviour and Blanchard et al. (2007) suggested the theory’s applicability across ethnic and cultural groups. However, there has been a dearth of research and analysis utilising the theory of planned behaviour in combination with acculturation theory specifically in terms of targeting particular ethno-specific sections of a population and predicting divergent sport participation behaviour.

Behavioural studies usually use two classes of variables to explain similarities and differences in participation: (i) proximal (e.g., attitudes, norms, motivations) and (ii) distal (e.g., race, ethnicity, gender). Mannell and Kleiber (1997) found that proximal variables lacked a “comprehensive social psychology of gender or cultural differences in leisure” (p. 27). Furthermore, Hutchinson et al. (2003) found that the theory of planned behaviour’s inclusion of distal variables was insightful. On the other hand, the utilisation of the theory has shown limitations concerning the gap between prediction of intention and actual participation viz. the effect of distal variables (Walker, Courneya, & Deng, 2006).

In particular, Blanchard et al. (2004) investigated whether ethnicity moderated the association between the theory of planned behaviour and physical activity. They found that while subjective norms and self-efficacy made significant and unique contributions to behavioural intention for both African-Americans and Caucasian Americans, the attitude/intention relationship was significantly stronger for African-Americans;

36 therefore, several belief constructs of the theory were moderated by ethnicity. It is therefore important to identify both common and ethno-specific beliefs within the context of the theory of planned behaviour and physical activity research.

Hosper et al. (2008), in examining the motivational factors mediating the association between acculturation and participation in sport among young Turkish and Moroccan women in the Netherlands, chose to utilise the theory of planned behaviour to assess the motivational factors which underlined the effect of acculturation on participation in sport. Although the theory proved applicable, further research was deemed necessary in relation to the measurement of acculturation’s positive effects on sport participation as well as attitude toward sport of certain ethnic groups (Hosper et al., 2008).

3.1.2 A modified form of the theory of planned behaviour

Despite the existence of a variety of theoretical approaches to identifying factors that facilitate or limit participation in sport, no single theory seems to have proved adequate in addressing core concepts of behaviour as well as motivation. When considering particular sport patterns, previous research suggests (Blanchard et al., 2007) that it is first essential to determine factors that predict sport participation for a specific ethnic group in a given theoretical framework and then, if necessary, identify modifications that need to be made to the existing theories to maximise their effectiveness for a particular ethnic group, and ensuring adequate cultural relevance. In doing so, one can then use these modified theories and models to identify behavioural change and develop culturally appropriate theory and practice (Blanchard et al., 2003, 2004; Walker et al., 2006). A modified framework presented in Figure 3.2 shows the elements of the theory of planned behaviour and their relationships with behaviour in the literature.

Intention and behaviour Reviews of the literature suggest that measures of behavioural intention have satisfactory predictive ability and typically account for 20% to 30% of the variance in future behaviour (Ajzen, 1991). Recent studies, however, have examined variables that may moderate the strength of the intention-behaviour relationship, such as the temporal stability of intentions (Doll & Ajzen, 1992) and the time interval between measurements

37 of intentions and behaviour (Randall & Wolff, 1994). Chatzisarantis, Biddle and Meek (1997) examined self-determination theory and the imperfect relationship between intention and actual behaviour, and problems associated with using intention as a proximal measure of behaviour. This presents a rationale for concentrating on actual behaviour rather than intention.

Acculturation Attitudes Modes

Sport Subjective Social Participation norms Support Factors (Ethno-specific Behaviour)

Perceived Perceived behavioural Participation control Constraints Figure 3.2 A modified framework of the theory of planned behaviour

Acculturation modes and attitudes This study considered the influence of cultural attitudes on sport participation and used modes of acculturation as the basis for measuring attitudes. Attitudes (towards the behaviour) refer to an individual’s favourable (positive) and unfavourable (negative) evaluation of performing a specific behaviour (behavioural beliefs), balanced by the evaluation of the consequences of performing that behaviour (outcome evaluations) (Ajzen & Fishbein, 1980).

It is important to approach the concept of acculturation from the cultural perspective (Phinney, 1992; Phinney, Chavira, & Williamson, 1992; Rhee, 1996; Sharke & Rhee, 2004). The concepts and theories of culture appearing in this study provide a way of understanding the degree of comfort individuals feel in their culture of origin as well as in the mainstream culture. Sawrikar and Hunt (2005) suggested that a sense of belonging to Australia made migrants more likely to adapt to Australian culture. Similarly, without this sense of belonging, specific ethnic group members may not feel comfortable joining sporting or recreation organisations (Gemmell, 2007; Walseth, 2006), which may deny them the role in which sport can contribute to a sense of fitting

38 in and being accepted (Gemmell, 2007; Stoddart, 2006).

It was therefore important to take into account acculturation modes of young Koreans in Australia toward sports.

Subjective norms and social support This study considered the influence of family, peer and general support on children’s participation in sports based on existing theories of social support. It is important to consider the influencing factors associated with the individual’s social relationship and network (Berkman, Glass, Brisette, & Seeman, 2000). Social support may provide for a greater understanding of exercise motivation and behaviour (Courneya & McAuley, 1995; Courneya, Plotnikoff, Hotz, & Birkett, 2000) in relation to young Koreans’ sport participation in Australia.

Social supports that enhance motivation have been identified as social pressure (incomplete autonomy support), which can be measured by subjective norms, and non- pressuring forms of social influence (complete autonomy support) (Ryan & Deci, 2000). In previous studies, when the theory of planned behaviour has been applied to sporting behaviour, subjective norms (about the behaviour) have been utilised to reflect the perceived social pressure and/or judgment of significant others that individuals may feel to perform or not to perform a given behaviour (Ajzen & Fishbein, 1980). The beliefs that underlie subjective norms are referred to as normative beliefs. Both internal (skills, abilities, information, emotions, etc.) and external (situation or environmental) factors can also determine the degree of control over one’s behaviour.

Rhodes, Jones and Courneya’s (2002) comparison of social support and subjective norms suggest that social support can be substituted for subjective norms when applying the theory of planned behaviour to exercise, as the former may not be the most theoretically relevant social influence construct (Courneya & McAuley, 1995; Courneya et al., 2000).

Social support is considered to be a broader measure than subjective norms because sport consumption behaviour cannot be achieved at one’s own will. Social influence,

39 support and control are all covered by social support whereas subjective norms covers only the perceived pressure to perform a behaviour. It is for this reason that this study has replaced the concept of subjective norms with social support (including social influence/control) in order to obtain the broadest possible outcomes in relation to young Koreans’ sport patterns in Australia.

Perceived behaviour control and constraints This study considered the influence of perceived constraints on sport participation based on existing models of acculturation and barriers to sport participation. In previous studies, when TPB has been applied to sporting behaviour, perceived behaviour control has been conceptually related to self-efficacy, concerns over an individual’s perceived ease or difficulty of performing the particular behaviour (Ajzen, 1988; Ajzen & Madden, 1986), and the degree to which an individual feels that performance or non-performance of the behaviour in question is under one’s volitional control.

In an attempt to predict actual behaviour (i.e., sport participation) this study utilised specific constraining factors relevant to ethnic minority groups, which may impede participation in sport. Among these are lack of awareness of opportunities, level of skill, time, access and facilities (Tsai & Coleman, 1999). Although these constraining factors were found to be common, perceived behavioural control lacks the capacity to specify detailed information in terms of ethnic minority groups. In addition, some constraints do not work in isolation from each other but instead form dimensions (e.g., accessibility, personal reasons, costs and facilities) (Tcha & Lobo, 2002).

In the present study, perceived behavioural control in the theory of planned behaviour was substituted by constraint theory because the former lacks capacity to predict actual behaviour, specify detailed information, and determine different stages of sport participation constraining factors.

3.2 Sport Participation and Individual Characteristics

This study is concerned with the differences in sport participation based on an

40 individual’s characteristics. This section will briefly outline what sport participation entails, and presents literature linking sport participation and individual characteristics.

3.2.1 Levels of sport participation

Degree of behavioural involvement Degree of behavioural involvement in sport participation can be measured by ‘frequency, duration, or intensity’ (McPherson et al., 1989, pp. 14-15). Frequency is the rate of participation and duration refers to the length of participation at a given time. Intensity of involvement refers to the individual’s commitment and investment of time, money, energy, and emotion in a sport situation. This is often measured by degree of involvement and often serves as an index of the individual’s affective involvement in sport. The following four general patterns of sport involvement were outlined by Kenyon and Schutz (1970). Normal involvement refers to participating in sport regularly and integrating participation patterns into one’s lifestyle.

x Cyclical involvement is characterised by sporadic participation (e.g., the person who skis only during school holiday or vacation). x Divergent involvement refers to becoming obsessed with sport to the point of addiction; for example, a middle-aged person who leaves a career to apply his or her life to surfing, skiing, or sailing. x Withdrawal or non-involvement is the opposite of divergent involvement. Individuals may never have been socialised into sport roles. Alternatively, they may have been involved in sport at one time and become de-socialised from sport because of a lack of opportunity, a fear of injury, a declining interest, competing interests that took priority, or an unpleasant experience (e.g., discriminatory, marginalised, and excluded) that led them to drop out of sport.

Social involvement attitudes through sport It is important to acknowledge that not everyone maintains the same level of sport participation over time and that individuals are involved in sport in different ways and to varying degrees (McPherson et al., 1989). As individual and group differences occur in sport in a great variety of social settings, different people may have different sport

41 needs, and they may choose specific sport patterns to satisfy particular needs (e.g., Bowker & Leeworth, 1998; Dwyer, 1990). The following three forms of social involvement through sport were outlined by McPherson et al. (1989, pp. 11-15):

x Behavioural involvement: There are two forms of behaviour involvement in sport settings. Primary behavioural involvement refers to participation in the sport as a player or contestant (e.g., active soccer players). Secondary behavioural involvement in sport is other than a player or contestant; for example, the spectating parents, sport managers, agents, etc. x Cognitive sport involvement is the process of thinking and knowing about sport (e.g., knowing the history, organisation, rules, team schedules, technical requirement or strategies of a particular sport). Cognitive involvement with sport refers to those individuals who have detailed information and statistics about their favourite sport from mass media, team website, newspaper, sport magazine, fan clubs, etc. x Affective sport involvement refers to emotional involvement in sport. For example, spectators may become deeply involved emotionally without even playing, and there can be strong loyalties towards or identification with given players or teams. Affective involvement is also revealed in the way people proudly support their school team, private club, or community organisation.

It could be argued that awareness of the complex nature of participation behaviour is the cornerstone of the sport concept. It is important to examine this level of uncertainty and in doing so improve the ability to execute effective target market strategies for young Koreans in Australia. Thus, the generalisability of the importance of the findings in profiling young Koreans’ sport participation in the Australian context is questionable. In view of the foregoing discussion concerning part of the first research question (see Section 1.2), the following proposition is made:

1.1a: There are various natures of degree of involvement (rate/frequency), behavioural involvement (type and preference) and cognitive involvement (preference of sport coaches’ cultural background, choice of sport programs, and source of first interest in sport) of young Koreans in Australia.

42 3.2.2 Individual characteristics and sport participation

Gender differences and sport Today more women are involved in sport; however, gender inequalities continue to exist. Females from some ethnocultural groups are still under-represented in the decision- making bodies of sporting institutions and women are not well represented in a variety of leadership positions at school, college, national and international levels (CMYI, 2007). Several researchers highlighted discriminatory practices which have prevented many females from participating and reaching their potential such as racism and sexism encountered by minority female athletes, administrators, coaches and trainers (Abney & Richery, 1992; Smith, 1991).

In general, minority females are less frequently seen participating in sports than males (e.g., Elling & Knoppers, 2005; Sallis, Prochaska, & Taylor, 2000; Taylor, 2003). Barriers to participation for minority ethnic females include language and communication problems, family and cultural traditions, and racism (e.g., Hanlon & Coleman, 2006; Taylor, 2001; Taylor & Toohey, 1997, 2002). Taylor and Toohey’s (1998) study, Identifying Best Practices in Sport and Recreation for Women from Non- English Speaking Backgrounds, also indicated a number of barriers directly responsible for the low participation rate of CALD women in sport such as:

x lack of information about how to access programs x lack of female role models within ethnic communities who can encourage others to get involved in sport and recreation activities x lack of access to transport to venues x lack of female-only facilities x lack of knowledge or empathy on the part of providers in relation to different cultures and their requirements x lack of programs that take into account the needs of all family members (e.g., both women and younger children) x reluctance of many women to join existing sport and recreation programs (and a desire to participate within their own cultural group).

43 In Australia, women now directly participate in a greater variety of sporting events and at higher levels of performance and have increasingly become involved in sports as spectators and leaders of sport organisations, industries and governing bodies (e.g., Coakley, 1998). Ethnic minority women, however, do not participate at the same level due to socio-cultural control factors, and not because they do not value participation per se (Burchardt, 2000).

The 2005-06 multi-purpose household survey (MPHS) found that among the ‘general Australian’ population aged 15 years and over, both males (5.2 million or 66%) and females (5.3 million or 66%) showed similar participation rates for sports and physical recreational activities. It is significant, however, that types of participation differed between genders.

A comparison of the data over the six year period from 2000 to 2006 showed that girls’ participation in organised sports rose 6% from 52% to 58% compared with 3% from 66% to 69% among boys (ABS, 2006a). However, the ABS 2007 survey found that increased female participation was limited to particular sport and physical activities. Netball (387,500 compared to 43,400 males) had the highest level of team sport participation among females, followed by yoga (248,700 compared to 43,400 males), and dancing (177,300 compared to 47,700 males).

More males participated in Australian Rules football (248,000) than females (27,900), and males also dominated soccer (459,600 compared to 155,600 females), and cricket (424,700 compared to 30,800 females).

Regarding barriers to sport participation, the most common reason given for the lack of participation in males was insufficient time due to work or study (28% of response). Females, however, cited a number of reasons for not participating including being not interested (19%), and insufficient time due to work/study (19%) and age/too old (18%). Several empirical studies have suggested that girls are more concerned with peer relationships than boys (Miller & Kaiser, 2001). Carrington and Leaman (1986) found that in regard to Asian minorities’ sport participation, ethnic minority females met gender-specific barriers such as home and family responsibilities.

44 While there is evidence to suggest that the gap between males’ and females’ participation in sport is greater among some ethnic minority groups than amongst the general population of Australia, this study has attempted to identify whether opportunities and barriers to sport participation of the different genders are similar to those of the general population.

Age differences and length of residence in host society A longer residence and a younger age of immigration to the larger society are related to a higher level of identification with the larger society and a lower level of cultural group identification among immigrants (Duan & Vu, 2000; Liem, Lim, & Liem, 2000; Richman, Gaviria, Flaherty, Birz, & Wintrob, 1987). Jupp (2001) indicates that newly arriving young aged immigrants strive to quickly assimilate into white Australian culture and society. The adoption of foreign children was encouraged, a popular immigration slogan being ‘the child, the best immigrant’ when the Australian Government proposed a program to rapidly build up its population to counteract the after-effects of World War II (Yang & Pearson, 2004).

In terms of sport and physical activity, research has generally focused on youth and adolescents, and the development of their positive attitudes toward sport, perhaps because some forms of sporting culture may remain core activities in an individual’s sport behaviour and patterns through their life span and may begin during adolescence (Raymore, Godbey, & Crawford, 1994).

Several sport researchers demonstrated a statistically significant link between early childhood recreation and adult leisure patterns. For example, studies in the relationships between early life experiences and adult leisure behaviour found that participation in youth was directly related to current levels of participation (e.g., Tirone & Pedlar, 2000); those who participated in regular outdoor activity when they were young tended to do so later when they were adults. However, it should be noted that although there are several developmental states throughout childhood and adolescence, leisure sport patterns change continuously over a life span due to the individual’s need to seek novel and interesting leisure sport experiences which is the result of socialisation influences (Iso-Ahola, 1980).

45 A survey of Australian children’s participation in cultural and leisure activities (ABS, 2006b) reported that participation rates increased with age, peaking at 39% for those aged 10 years and then dropping to 34% for those aged 14 years. Approximately 34% of children aged 5 to 8 years did not participate in sport or cultural activities compared with 20% of children aged 9 to 11 years, and 25% of 12 to 14 years. The result of the survey also showed that 63% of children (aged 5 to 14 years) participated at least once in an organised sport outside of school hours. Children aged 9-11 were those most likely to participate in sport, and their participation rate of 70.2% exceeded the rates for both 12-14 year olds (63.6%) and 5-8 year olds (50.8%).

The body of statistical evidence indicates that while persons of most ages can engage in sport and physical activity, those in the young age groups are still the majority (e.g., McPherson et al., 1989). However, as children get older, there is ample evidence that suggests sport participation becomes increasingly salient by the peer group (e.g., Younger, Gentile, & Gurgess, 1993). There is, consequently, an evident need for a better understanding of the different sport patterns of young Koreans in Australia from childhood through to the adolescence stage in relation to their levels of acculturation.

In cross-cultural theory, Miglietta and Targaglia (2009) assumed that length of residence and cultural contact influences immigrants’ acculturation and is a contributing factor to successful cultural adjustment (Greenberg & Greenberg, 1989). A longer length of cultural contact in the larger society is related to a higher level of identification with the host society and a lower level of cultural group identification among immigrants (Chia & Costigan, 2006; Liem et al., 2000).

Length of cultural contact has been one of the most common demographic indicators of acculturation research in migrants (Berrigan et al., 2006; Crespo, Smit, Carter-Pokras, & Andersen, 2001; Evenson, Sarmiento, & Ayala, 2004), and is regularly used as a measure in government census surveys among the general population. This indicator may be either directly or indirectly related to the relationship between sport participation and cultural adjustment among young Koreans in Australia, although they seem to have been paid less attention in the relevant sport studies compared to acculturation studies. The constraining effect of young Koreans’ length of cultural

46 contact with Australian society and their sport participation has yet to be established. It is therefore the aim of this study to explore this area.

Language skills While language proficiency is regarded as a key indicator of ethnic groups’ social progress (e.g., Birman & Tricket, 2001), it changes over time as part of the acculturation process, with the sense of group identity likely to depend on these changes (Phinney, 1992; Ward, 1996). Previous research on immigrant language retention has been hampered by a lack of data on language use or ability broken down by generation (Portes & Rumbaut, 2001). As ethnic minority group members extend and form their own ethnic networks (Stanton-Salazar & Dornbusch, 1995), language is seen as “central in maintaining cultural identity in a diverse and fragmented society” (Glaser & Moynihan, 1963, p. 13). Facing the task of learning the host language, second- generation immigrants often lose the ability to speak their ethnic language.

Cummins (1978) suggested that the level of second language competence a child acquires is partly dependent on the level of competence achieved in the first language. Competence in the ethnic language of immigrant adolescents was measured in a study (Kwak, 1991) comparing two groups of Korean adolescents (first-generation adolescents learning English and second generation adolescents learning Korean). It showed the influence of the society of settlement on the effectiveness of language learning: for the first generation, learning English was a necessity; their progress was superior to the learning of the by the second-generation adolescents, and was not affected by personal characteristics. For the second generation, learning Korean was voluntary and was influenced mainly by the learner’s positive attitudes toward Korean culture. In Australia, the National Multicultural Advisory Council (1995) identified the lack of English language skills as the largest inhibiting factor to social integration faced by non-English speaking background (NESB) migrants.

Young people from English-speaking backgrounds and those who are Australian-born are more effective in using sport as a pathway into other social networks (Taylor, 2004) compared to those from non-English speaking backgrounds, because language barriers are seen to impede ethnic minorities’ participation in sport (Cortis et al., 2007),

47 particularly for new arrivals (ABS, 2005). Previous research into sport has argued that communication difficulties resulted in the lack of opportunity for building interethnic relations and also increased isolation resulting from peer rejection (Taylor, 2004; Yu & Berryman, 1996).

Szapocznik, Kurtines and Fernandez’s (1980) study of minorities’ own language ability in cultural contexts found that those with a positive score of own language ability indicated preference and involvement with their own minority culture, while a negative score of own language ability showed preference for the dominant culture and marginality. A number of studies, however, have suggested that the further a child progresses towards bilingualism, the greater the probability of cognitive advantages (Cummins, 1978; Duncan & De Avila, 1979; Kessler & Quinn, 1982). This can facilitate both “access to mainstream institutions” (Stanton-Salazar & Dornbusch, 1995, p. 120) and “the social resources of ethnic communities” (Bankston & Zhou, 1995, p. 6). In order to examine whether the relevant languages (both Korean and English) proficiency affects sport participation, one’s choice, value and opportunity to culturally-based sport patterns were approached through constructing an empirical model.

Thus, this discussion is part of the second part of research question one (see Section 1.2) of this study and it leads to the examination of the relationships between socio- demographic characteristics and the patterns of sport participation of young Koreans in Australia. To find answers to this research question, the following four propositions are made:

1.1b: Socio-demographic characteristics (gender, age, length of residence, language proficiency and residential status) affect sport participation rates amongst young Koreans in Australia.

1.2: Socio-demographic characteristics affect the frequency of different types of sport participation of young Koreans in Australia.

1.3: Socio-demographic characteristics affect the source of first interest in sport of young Koreans in Australia.

48 1.4: Socio-demographic characteristics affect young Koreans’ choice of sport programs in Australia.

3.3 Acculturation and Sport Participation

3.3.1 The concept of acculturation

The concept of acculturation deals broadly with changes in cultural attitudes, values, and behaviours that result from contact between two distinct cultures. Bhugra, Desai and Baldwin (1999) suggested that social, psychological and behavioural concepts need to be identified in order to understand the process of acculturation.

Individual changes are also influenced directly by both the cultures of origin and mainstream society (Berry, 1997; Berry & Sam, 1997; Ward, 1996) where ethnic minorities are sometimes faced with conflicting cultural values between the two cultures. Conceived in the fields of anthropology and sociology early in the 20th century (Redfield et al., 1936), the term acculturation has been defined as ‘a social process’ of change when people from diverse cultural backgrounds come into continuous contact with one another. A group of sociologists meeting under the auspices of the Social Science Research Council (1954, p. 974) suggested a more complex definition:

Acculturative change may be the consequence of direct cultural transmission … cultural change that is initiated by the conjunction of two or more autonomous cultural systems … Its dynamics can be seen as the selective adaptation of value systems, and the process of integration and differentiation, the generation of developmental sequence, and the operation of role determinants and personality factors.

This field has re-established contemporary concern for understanding acculturation as ‘a psychological process’ (e.g., Berry, 1997, 1980; Padilla, 1980; Sam & Berry, 1995; Ward, 1996; Ward & Kennedy, 1994) of re-socialisation involving psychological features such as changes in attitudes, values and identification; the acquisition of new

49 social skills and norms; changes in reference group affiliations; and adjustment or adaptation to a changed environment (Berry, Poortinga, Segall, & Dasen, 1992; Sam & Berry, 1995).

Acculturation is considered ‘an ongoing process’ of cultural learning and changes that occurs when individuals from different cultural backgrounds are exposed to a prolonged, continuous, first-hand contact with a new culture (Berry, 1990; Berry & Kim, 1988; Sam & Berry, 1995; Sayegh & Lasry, 1993; Ward, 1996). It is also viewed as ‘a dynamic process’ (Ward, Bochner, & Furnham, 2001) of reaction to changes in cultural context, as an active response to challenge different experiences when confronted by cultural changes (Schmitz, 1994).

3.3.2 Acculturation measures

Existing scales have incorporated different elements of acculturation; for example, Bi- dimensional Acculturation (Berry, 1980, 1997), Interactive Acculturation (Bourhis, Moise, Perreault, & Senecal, 1997); Multicultural Acculturation Scale (Wong-Rieger & Quintana, 1987), the adult and youth versions of the Short Acculturation Scale for Hispanics (Barona & Miller, 1994; Marin, Organista, & Chun, 2003), the Suinn-Lew Asian Self-Identity Acculturation Scale (Suinn, 1994), the Acculturation Scale for Southeast Asians (Anderson et al., 1993), the Acculturation Scale for Asian Americans (Lai & Linden, 1993), the International Relations Scale for International Students (Sodowsky, Lai, & Plake, 1991), the Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure (Phinney, 1992) and Barry’s (2001) East Asian Acculturation Measure (EAAM). These studies were critical to an understanding of the unique experiences of ethnic and cultural minorities (Berry, 2003; Rogler, Cortes, & Malgady, 1991).

Previous research has demonstrated that the assessments of acculturation provide information about important within-group differences (Kwon, 1995). There is, however, a relative dearth of research that examines the acculturation patterns of East Asians (Barry, 2001). The existing research consisted of small sample sizes, and communication response styles were not adequately assessed (Zheng & Berry, 1991).

50 While Berry’s (1980) model is conceptually rich, it appears to have only limited utility with young Koreans in Australia. Trimble, Helms and Root (2003) argue that there is a lack of internal consistency in the scale and may not account for marginalised minority children who have difficulty fitting into the host and native cultures (Barry, 2001; Barona & Miller, 1994).

3.3.3 Factors affecting acculturation

Ward’s (1996, 1999) model of the acculturation process (see Figure 3.3) distinguishes psychological and socio-cultural domains of adaptation and incorporates a range of micro- and macro-level variables (e.g., society of origin or settlement) on intercultural contact and change.

Society of Origin Society of Settlement * Social factors * Social factors * Political factors * Political factors * Economic factors * Economic factors * Cultural factors * Cultural factors

Societal Level Variables

Cross-cultural Responses Stress and Outcomes Transition Skills * Affective * Psychological * Life changes Deficits * Behavioural * Socio-cultural * Internal contact * Cognitive

Individual Level Variables

Characteristics of the Person Characteristics of the Situation * Personality * Length of cultural contact * Language fluency * Amount of intra- and intergroup contact * Training and experience * Quality of intra- and intergroup contact * Cultural identity * Cultural distance * Acculturation strategies * Amount of life changes * Values * Social support * Reasons for migration

Figure 3.3 The acculturation process (Ward, 1996)

These include factors such as language competence, personality, ethnic identity,

51 acculturation strategies, values and reasons for migration on the one hand and length of cultural contact, friendship networks, cultural distance, inter-group relations and social support on the other. The other micro-level characteristics of the immigrants’ society and host society variables include social, political, economic, and cultural factors. Ward believes the micro-level characteristics (individual-level variables) of both the person and the situation are important.

Acculturative outcomes seem to be dependent on the characteristics of the immigrant group, their perception of being accepted by the host group members and opportunities given by the receiving society, as well as the degree and length of contact between the two and personal characteristics (Berry, 2001; Souweidnane & Huesmann, 1999), acceptance of immigrants, migrants’ perception of mainstream host members’ acceptance, acculturative attitudes, contemporary economic state of the receiving society and cultural distance (Berry, 2001; Searle & Ward, 1990; Ward & Kennedy, 1992). An extensive body of research has distinguished characteristics of immigrants such as age, education, gender, socio-economic status, motivation for migrating, expectations in regards to new life, and personality (Berry, 1990, 2001; Neto, 2002, 2002b; Pelemis, 2006).

3.3.4 Acculturation models

The uni-dimensional perspective was first proposed by sociologist Milton Gordon (1964). It was originally derived from the term ‘assimilation’ and fell into two broad types - ‘Anglo-conformity’ and ‘melting-pot’ - that promote assimilation into the host culture as the end goal of the acculturative process (e.g., Berry, 1980; LaFronmboise, Coleman, & Gerton, 1993; Phinney, 1990; Sayegh & Larsy, 1993; Suinn, Ahuna, & Khoo, 1992). However, uni-dimensional models have been criticised as inadequate to deal with complex issues of interaction between national and ethnic identity in the population of immigrants. Because engagement with or alienation from both cultures cannot be mutually addressed, the acculturation process is treated as a zero-sum trade off where endorsement of one culture implies relinquishment of the other (Birman, 1998; Bourhis et al. 1997; Rogler et al., 1991). The models also did not effectively reflect the dynamic of current multicultural/multiethnic societies (Nguyen, Messe, &

52 Stollak, 1999) due to their inability to handle the situation where individuals retain all or part of their culture of origin, while at the same time learning part of their host culture (Bourhis et al., 1997).

The bi-dimensional models of acculturation (Berry, 1990, 1997) take into consideration orientation to both original and host cultures as a potentially more valid approach within the culturally pluralistic nature of contemporary society (Ryder, Alden, & Paulhus, 2000). Moreover, theorists who adopt the bi-dimensional acculturation perspective argue that acculturation can be more completely understood when heritage and mainstream cultural identities are seen as being relatively independent of one another (e.g., Berry, 1997; Lasry & Sayegh, 1992).

In the past, some bi-dimensional models have conceptualised heritage and host culture identity. These include Lasry and Sayegh (1992) and Oetting and Beauvais’s (1991) orthogonal model of cultural identification. These models, however, have not been as widely accepted and applied as Berry’s bi-dimensional model. Berry (1980, 1997, 2003) and his colleagues (Berry et al., 1992; Berry, Kim, Minde, & Mok, 1987; Berry, Kim, Power, Young, & Bujaki, 1989; Berry, Phinney, Sam, & Vedder, 2006) are the best known proponents of the categorical approach to immigrants’ heritage and dominant host cultures.

The conceptualisation of acculturation as a multi-directional process has been an important contribution to the psychological understanding of acculturation (Trimble, 1988). Central to this model is the concept that there are two independent dimensions underlying the process of acculturation of immigrants, namely maintenance of heritage, culture and identity, and involvement with or identification with aspects of their societies of settlement (Berry, 1980). The acculturation process encompasses multiple acculturation domains, including language, customs, self-identification, and preferences, attitudes, and values (Felix-Ortiz, Newcomb, & Myers, 1994). Berry’s (1980) bi- dimensional model measures immigrants’ differences; combinations of questionnaire responses to these two dimensions yield four distinct acculturation attitudes and strategies (assimilation, integration, separation and marginalisation) (see Table 3.1).

53 Table 3.1 The bi-dimensional model of immigrant acculturation orientations (Adapted from Berry, 1980) Dimension 1: Is it considered to be of value to maintain one’s cultural identity and characteristics? – for the maintenance and development of one’s ethnic distinctiveness by retaining one’s cultural identity. Yes No

Dimension 2: Is it considered to be of value to maintain relationships Yes Integration Separation with the larger society? – for the desire to seek interethnic contact by valuing and maintaining positive relations with mainstream society. No Assimilation Marginalisation

Results obtained with most immigrant groups showed that integration was the preferred mode of acculturation, followed either by assimilation or separation, while marginalisation was the least preferred mode of acculturation (Berry, 1980). Immigrants who adopted the integration strategy were minimally affected by acculturative stress whereas those who felt marginalised tended to be highly stressed (Berry et al., 1987).

Although the bi-dimensional approach has enriched understanding of acculturative processes, it has been criticised on a number of conceptual and methodological grounds (e.g., Flannery, 1998; Rudmin, 1996, 2003; Ryder et al., 2000). It can be seen as too simplistic as the acculturation strategies used by ethnic immigrants may differ. A high score on one acculturation attitude may be accompanied by low scores on the other three distinct acculturation attitudes (Ryder et al., 2000). Some researchers consider that most bi-dimensional models of acculturation illustrate the lack of importance given to how the host community can shape the acculturation preferences of minority group members (Bourhis et al., 1997). A strong relationship with one culture, however, does not automatically imply a weak relationship or low involvement with the other culture (Phinney, 1990). Thus, Berry’s model proposes that immigrant and host cultural identity can be portrayed as independent dimensions rather than as extreme points of a continuum.

54 3.3.5 Acculturation modes

Yang (2008), in exploring the modification process of a distinct Koreanness (Coughlan, 2008; Han, 2008; Yang, 2008) has developed four categories (Koreans in Australia, Australian full stop, AustrAlien, and Korean-Australians), which will be discussed in this section. These correspond to Berry’s (1980) four distinct acculturation modes (assimilation, integration, separation and marginalisation).

Assimilation Assimilation is an attitude characterised by “a strong identification with the host society and a weaker identification with the heritage culture (the immigrant seeks to be accepted into the host culture and to reject the heritage culture)” (Sayegh & Lasry, 1993, p. 106). Typically non-European immigrants or other ethnic minority groups, when required to be absorbed into mainstream Australian society, lose many characteristics as they assimilate to mainstream Australian culture (Phinney et al., 1992).

Waters (1994) argued that the traditional, straight-line theory of assimilation did not satisfactorily account for the experiences of many ethnic groups. Assimilation does not become true incorporation into the more advantaged mainstream group unless members of this group fully accept the assimilator as no longer ‘other’ (Cook, 2003, p. 15). Indeed, the long-term result of this process of assimilation is the development of a homogeneous culture (e.g., Bourhis et al., 1997) in multicultural Australian society. Insufficient adaptive resources may result to support adjustment to a new cultural environment which can lead to acculturative stress (Roysircai-Sodowsky & Maestas, 2000). The assimilation process can be also seen as problematic in terms of:

x the possibility of being rejected by members of the host culture due to discrimination and other barriers imposed by the mainstream (Portes & Rumbaut, 2001; Portes & Zhou, 1993; Waters, 1994)

x the likelihood of experiencing excessive stress as one attempts to learn the new behaviours associated with the assimilative culture and to shed the inoperable behaviours associated with the culture of origin (LaFromboise et al., 1993)

55 x the likelihood of promoting economic success by consciously preserving ethnic values and ethnic group solidarity that can resist assimilation to the mainstream society (Portes & Zhou, 1993; Waters, 1994).

The advocates of Yang’s (2008) ‘Australian full stop’ concept are not able to embrace the possible co-existence of Koreanness and Australianness because they think the two are mutually exclusive (Boo, 2006) or because they think integral members of Australian society do not need a Korean identity (Yang, 2008). They may also express some criticisms of their group of origin and this concept further denies some inherent characteristics of Koreanness.

Integration Integration attitude almost universally demonstrates “a substantial relationship with positive adaptation” (Berry, 1997, p. 24); it seems to refer to phenomena that most scholars call acculturation (Schumann, 1986). The integration strategy also entails a focus on political equality and harmony (Coleman, 1995). Thus, the integrative approach is the most desirable outcome (Berry, 1997, 2003). The integration strategy entails maintaining heritage identity while developing second culture competence of the society of settlement (Phinney, 1992). The two cultures are gradually bridged to each other so that a ‘buffer-zone’ exists in which ‘mixed culture’ is used in order to achieve good integration for creating equal opportunity in mainstream Australian society (e.g., Yang, 2008).

Integrative orientations demonstrate a strong sense of belonging to both heritage and host cultures, which has been a popular approach in cross-cultural studies (Berry, 1990; 2003; Bourhis et al., 1997; Coleman, 1995; Phinney, Lochner, & Murphy, 1990; Schumann, 1986); however, being a member of two cultures does not mean being between two cultures (Phinney & Devich-Navarro, 1997). The well-documented concept of biculturalism (Sodowsky, Kwan, & Pannu, 1995) refers to the ability of a person to function effectively in more than one culture and also to switch roles back and forth as the situation changes (Jambunathan, Burts, & Pierce, 2000). The advocates of Korean-Australianness would embrace “trans-nationalism in that legal citizenship is not necessarily competing against cultural citizenship” (Boo, 2006, p. 17). The maintenance

56 of a strong Korean-Australian identity is seen as essential to the role of facilitators in the Korean-Australian communities.

According to Phinney and colleagues (1992), maintaining a positive identification with both one's own and the mainstream culture is an indicator of higher levels of positive psychological outcomes for minority ethnic groups. Thus, biculturalism has been promoted as the most positive approach to dealing with mourning over the loss of familiar cues associated with the process of migration and to adjusting quickly and re- establishing a normal life in the society of settlement (Gold, 1996). In so doing, bicultural theory and research reflected a balanced model of identity (Ward, 1996).

Biculturalism, however, is a transitory phase, as the model assumes that successful assimilation inevitably involves a shift from maintenance of the immigrant culture to full adaptation of the host culture (LaFromboise et al., 1993). It has been also argued that although both Berry’s (1990, 1997) acculturation and Phinney’s (1989, 1990) biculturalism models recognise the existence of environmental influences (e.g., degree of acculturation in the host society) as being influential to the acculturation adjustment experienced by people of immigrant and ethnic minority groups, these factors seem not explicitly integrated into either of these models (Bourhis et al., 1997). In this view, a balanced model of acculturation theory is seen as the middle ground between identification with heritage (separatism) and host cultures (assimilation); however, the two-referent identities were still viewed as interdependent, rather than orthogonal (Ward et al., 2001).

Separation Separation is characterised by ethnic minority group members placing a value on holding onto their original culture, and at the same time wishing to avoid or reject interaction and relationships with members of the host culture (Berry, 1997; Kvernmo & Heyerdahl, 2003; Phinney et al., 1990; Skowron, 2004). It involves examining the ethnic attitudes, values, and practices learned at home from the immigrant parents and considering them in relation to those of their peers and the mainstream society (Phinney, 1989).

57 To Taft (1981, p. 60), separation is “the form of cultural and structural pluralism in which communities are in physical contact with each other but psychologically separate”. The process of separation occurs with low levels of interaction with the mainstream culture while desiring a close connection with their native culture. Separation involves resistance to the mainstream culture and its value systems and attempts to change the environment where the persons live (Swaidan & Marhall, 2001). Ethnic identity may have a positive association with self-esteem (e.g., Gudykunst, 2001) and it is possible that during adolescence high levels of ethnic identification may alleviate racial and cultural discrimination and intolerance internally (Lee, 2003; Phinney, 2003; Phinney et al., 1990; Werkuyten & Nekuee, 1998). However, the mainstream culture may perceive this as a threat and react against it, resulting in intergroup conflicts (Swaidan & Marhall, 2001).

Yang’s (2008) view of Koreanness in Australia categorised ‘Koreans in Australia’ as those who have geographically moved to Australia in their older ages and recent arrivals; however, their life is very much like living in Korea. They are likely to maintain Korean legal and cultural citizenship, while avoiding Australian legal and cultural citizenship (Yang, 2008). In fact, they are relatively slow in taking up Australian citizenship (Coughlan, 1999), with their economic and social activities taking place mostly within the boundaries of Korean communities (Han, 2008).

‘Koreans in Australia’ also tend to be less open to other cultures, and more reluctant to amend their identity. Attitudes and behaviours associated with ethnocentrism are perhaps cooperative relations with the in-group and absence of cooperative relations with the out-group (LeVine & Campbell, 1972). Viewed this way, it is possible to explain in-group favouritism that may cause uneasiness in their interaction with other Australians as well as other Koreans (even though they may work for or with other Australians).

The “common goals of ‘Koreans in Australia’ seem to be to use their Koreanness to promote financial success as well as supporting their children’s education in Australian society” (Yang, 2008, p. 316). In the long-term, this “symbolic ethnicity (no deep commitment to the ethnic social ties and behaviour)” (Alba, 1990, p. 206) may result in

58 unrealistic interactions with their culture of origin across generations.

Marginalisation Marginalisation attitudes are characterised by little possibility of or interest in cultural maintenance (often for reasons of enforced cultural loss), and little interest in interacting with members of the host culture (often for reasons of exclusion or discrimination) (Berry, 1997). Ethnic minority group members reject both their own and the host community culture, thereby losing contact with both their heritage culture and that of the host majority. Thus problematic images may further convey negative psychological experiences (Ryska, 2002). In line with Yang’s (2008) concept of ‘AustrAlien’, marginalisation has been associated with poor positive adaptation where individuals who are characterised by marginalisation tend to be shut off or cut out of both traditions, having few or no connections for the development of positive social support and recognition (Berry, 1997; Sam & Berry, 1995).

The context of cross-cultural research This study considers the above four acculturation modes within the context of cross- cultural research, which directly and indirectly affect the cultural behaviour of young Korean’s sport participation. Previous research suggested that ethnic minorities’ sport participation can increase by strengthening their mainstream cultural identity (assimilation). The distinction of acculturation modes in the discussion is meaningful and informative, especially in the specific, cultural sport patterns. Therefore, the assessment of sport patterns in this study was derived from acculturation modes.

3.3.6 Acculturation, ethnic minority and sport

Tangsujjapoj’s (1991) study of New York based Thai immigrants found that the type of activity and frequency of recreation participation were not affected by their level of acculturation, but this finding has yet to be replicated in other sport studies (e.g., Yu & Berryman, 1996; Cortis et al., 2007). In addition to other studies, the results of this study came to a different conclusion and identified the potential mediators that might explain this relationship.

59 In terms of sport behaviour, the level of acculturation can be a strong indicator since it affects not only consumption but participation patterns among ethnic minority groups, with major differences being observed (Crespo et al., 2000; Gobster, 2002; Lee, Choe, Kim, & Ngo, 2000; Taylor & Toohey, 1995). Allison (1982) suggested that Gordon’s (1964) assimilation theory constituted an appropriate framework for studying sport behaviour of specific ethnic and racial minority groups. This relationship between sport consumption behaviour and acculturation has been examined by studies of various ethnic groups (Allison, 1988; Floyd & Gramann, 1993; Floyd, Gramann, & Saenz, 1993; Floyd, 1998; Hosper et al., 2007; Ryska, 2001; Shaull & Granmann, 1998; Stodolska & Yi, 2003). In general, higher levels of acculturation (i.e., higher levels of assimilation) have been associated with greater participation in sport (Crespo et al., 2001; Evenson et al., 2004; Kandula & Lauderdale, 2005). Hosper et al. (2007) examined the association between acculturation and physical activity during leisure time among Turkish in the Netherlands, and found that more acculturated migrants were more physically active during their leisure time.

Stodolska and Yi’s (2003) study of Mexican-Americans found that level of acculturation was highly related to leisure participation rates and patterns. High leisure participation rates (similar to Anglo-American) correlated with assimilation, while those with low acculturation levels differed from the dominant population; for example, low acculturated individuals and families may get involved with passive recreation activities because they do not leave the house often (Rueschenberg & Buriel, 1989). Although in the short-term cultural maintenance among low acculturated Mexican-Americans may express itself in leisure patterns similar to their original culture, in the long-term these patterns eventually become assimilated into those of Anglo-American culture (host society) (Floyd & Gramann, 1993; Rueschenberg & Buriel, 1989).

In terms of assimilation, Taylor’s (2001, 2004) investigation of the impact on women of cultural diversity in netball demonstrated that women from culturally diverse backgrounds reinforced both difference and cultural assimilation through their netball experiences. Women from other English-speaking countries recalled feelings of inclusion and limited cultural dissonance and indicated that netball helped them feel part of their new community in Australia.

60 Nearly all Korean-born immigrants are exposed to higher levels of cultural orientation towards their native culture (i.e., separation) compared to other ethnic immigrant groups (Choi, 1997; Choi, Miller, & Wilbur, 2009). The relationship between acculturation and sport consumption behaviour among ethnic minorities has been established, although it remains underdeveloped in relation to young Koreans in Australia. The acculturation factors which may influence sport patterns among young Koreans in Australia have yet to be examined, and this relationship would be more informative for acculturation and sport researchers and practitioners. It was expected that the nature of young Koreans’ sport patterns would be dynamic and in this context those factors which influence the relationship between acculturation and sport patterns need to be identified. It is therefore the aim of this study to explore in more detail the effects of acculturation on young Koreans’ sport patterns.

Several empirical studies have suggested that among young immigrants, family tends to become less important as peer and extra-familial interaction increases (Grob, 1998). There are also major differences in sport participation across generations of Asian immigrants (Coakley, 2003). Yu and Berryman (1996) investigated the relationship between self-esteem and acculturation, and participation in recreational activity among Chinese immigrants in New York. They found that respondents with separation attitudes participated in family activities and were exposed to Chinese-language mass media. While this may provide cultural maintenance, poor host language proficiency may lead to isolation and inhibit participation in the cultural life, including sport participation, of the host community.

Attitudes towards sport closer to those of the mainstream population should result in more contact with and support from the host culture, while barriers related to problems with acculturation to different cultural environments will be encountered.

3.3.7 Acculturation and culturally-based sport participation

Different sporting cultures can relate to basic orientations in the process of socialisation. The traditional values, attitudes, and behaviours of ethnic minorities are reinforced or modified as a result of exposure to those same aspects of a new cultural context (Ryska,

61 2001). However, underlying the influence of acculturation on sport participation are certain culturally specific attitudes. This can be seen in Hosper et al.’s (2008) study, which found them to be the strongest influence on the association between acculturation and participation in sport among Turkish women, where assimilation led to less culturally specific attitudes. Floyd and Gramann (1993) found an empirical relationship between Mexican-Americans’ leisure involvement and acculturation in their U.S. study, where high levels of acculturation were associated with leisure patterns that correlated with those of the host society.

Lynch et al. (1996) argued that ethnic immigrants brought with them their sporting passion as well as culture, language, and traditions of their countries of origin. Images and representations need to assert “a national culture of ‘otherness’ as well as a culture of sporting differences” (Cashman, 2002, p. 13). Empirical studies suggest that those from different cultures may choose specific sport environments to satisfy particular needs; however, their nature is dynamic (Iso-Ahola, 1980).

Sport can be deeply tied into particular communities with their own range of practices, social relations, cultures and customs through a strong sense of attachment to their local area and community (Light, 2008). And an ethnic minority group may “acquire many of the behavioural traits of the larger society without losing either its sense of identity or its desire to interact with other members of the group” (Greeley, 1972, p. 7). In this sense, ethnic minorities can use sport and physical activities to maintain and revive their ethnic belonging within the host society (e.g., Eisen & Wiggins, 1994; Wilson, 1994; Yu & Berryman, 1996). Sport participation can provide significant opportunities to allow young ethnic minorities to realise their acceptance, social interaction and social change (Tirone & Pedlar, 2000; Yu & Berryman, 1996).

Thus, the foregoing discussion is part of the second research question and it leads to the examination of the relationship between acculturation and culturally-based sport patterns among young Koreans in Australia.

In addition, it has been assumed that young Koreans in Australia have particular difficulties in communication skills and their varying levels of acculturation correlate

62 with their age, length of stay and English language proficiency, as discussed in Section 3.2.4. Not only do socio-demographic characteristics work independently to influence the patterns of sport participation, but they also work together to moderate each other within the dynamic nature of young Koreans in Australia. This discussion leads to the second link (see Figure 3.4) which suggests that sport participation would be based on an inferred approach which implies that frequency of sport participation would differ when different references are being used across studies. For example, when socio- demographic characteristics are used as references in the acculturation theory, the different references will result in different estimates of overall sport participation rates. Hence, there are possibilities that a particular group of individuals may respond differently to the variables (Oliver, 1997). In view of the foregoing discussion the following four propositions are made:

2.1: Socio-demographic characteristics (gender, age, length of residence and langague proficiency) are strong predictors of acculturation modes amongst young Koreans in Australia.

2.2: Acculturation modes affect sport participation rate amongst young Koreans in Australia. Acculturation would continue to be a key indicator when socio- demographic variables are taken into account.

2.3: Acculturation modes affect the frequency of different types of sport participation of young Koreans in Australia.

2.4: Acculturation modes affect young Koreans’ choice of culturally-based sport programs in Australia.

3.4 Social Support Factors and Sport Participation

Social support is one of the important functions of social relationships and can provide solutions to stressful problems or facilitate healthy behavioural responses (Cohen & Wills, 1985). It is associated with the enhancement of psychological well-being through

63 networking. Social support comes from multiple sources, and different sources may provide different levels and types of support (Procidano & Heller, 1983) which facilitate healthy behavioural responses (Cohen & Wills, 1985). Social networks are positive or protective influences between people that may provide social support (Berkman et al., 2000; Glanz, Rimer, & Lewis, 2002). Social support can be divided into various categories (e.g., Folkman & Lazarus, 1985): (i) emotional support (sharing life experiences - for example, empathy, love, trust and caring), (ii) instrumental support (aid and services provided by close friends, colleagues and neighbours), (iii) informational support (advice, suggestions, and information that a person can use to address problems), and (iv) appraisal support (constructive feedback, affirmation and social comparison).

Social support from family, friends, exercise staff and community-based networks has been shown to be related to a high level of physical activity (Annesi, 1999; Chogahara, 1999; Cress et al., 2005; Kidd & Altman, 2001; Taylor, 2000). In the domain of perceived support, previous studies have consistently emphasised the role of family, friends and general social support in promoting emotional, informational, and instrumental support that associate with better social adjustment (Durbow & Ullman, 1989; Schneider & Ward, 2003; Sonderegger & Barrett, 2002), sport consumption behaviour (Berkman et al. 2000; Courneya et al., 2000) and children’s sport involvement (Jambor, 1999; Ye & Flanagan, 1985).

It is therefore the aim of this study to explore from different perspectives the effects of social support (i.e., family, peer and general) on young Koreans’ sport patterns. It was expected that the amount of social support received would have a corresponding influence on levels of sport participation.

3.4.1 Family support

An empirical relationship between family function and individual acculturation has been reported (Rueschenberg & Buriel, 1989; Vega, Kolody, Valle, & Hough, 1986), in which Mexican-Americans who were more acculturated (i.e., more assimilated) tended to be more similar in their family functioning to people of the dominant culture than

64 those who were less acculturated (Vega et al., 1986). Vega et al. (1986) also suggested that family functioning is based primarily on the dimensions of family cohesion (the emotional bonds between family members) and family adaptability (the ability of a family to change its structure, role relationships, and relationship rules due to stress).

Although several empirical studies have suggested that the family is the only effective resource that helps young immigrants to overcome problems that arise during social and cultural adjustment (Kinket & Verkuyten, 1997; Markowitz, 1994; Phinney, 1992), many first generation Korean immigrants tend to be highly reluctant to participate in their children’s after-school activities (e.g., sport). Work pressures, lack of English language skills and other cultural changes can result in premature separation from extended family members and decreased parental support (both tangible and emotional) for first generation Korean immigrants (Stodolska & Alexandris, 2004; Winter & Young, 1998).

Family environment is often associated with children’s sport involvement (Yee & Flanagan, 1985) and can exert tangible (information and facilities) and/or emotional (sharing and caring) support (Chu, 2010). Tangible support involves the time, energy and money invested in their child’s sport participation and includes things such as providing transportation, attending practices and games, providing instructional assistance, and purchasing sport equipment (Enyon, Kitchen, & Semotiuk, 1980; Keogh, 2002; Tsai & Coleman, 1999; Weiss & Hayashi, 1995).

Family composition The family unit is an essential part of understanding ethnic groups (e.g., Sabogal et al., 1987), providing emotional support (Fuligni, Tseng, & Lam, 1999). Christenson’s (2004) study of Mexican-American families suggested that increased family size was found to be a predictor of increased cohesion through family leisure activity.

Families may be structured in a variety of ways: couples with or without co-resident children of any age; lone parents with co-resident children of any age; or other families of related adults such as brothers or sisters living together, where no couple or parent- child relationship exists (ABS, 2008). The national survey of family structures (ABS,

65 2008) also suggested that of all families in 2006-07 with co-resident children aged 0-17 years, 80% were couple families and 20% were one-parent families. The 2005-06 Multi- Purpose Household Survey (MPHS) suggested that people living in multiple family households with dependent children had the lowest sport participation rates. Those living in single-parent households had a relatively lower rate of participation compared to those with two parents present. In addition to the influence of the parents, siblings (brothers and sisters) can also facilitate or inhibit socialisation into sport roles. Most studies of socialisation into sport roles indicate that the family is the earliest and most persistent socialising agency (Greendorfer, 1983 cited in McPherson, 1989).

An understanding of family constructs (family composition and family sport involvement) and their possible relationship with acculturation may provide greater insight into the acculturation process among young Koreans in Australia. If there is a relationship between sport patterns and acculturation among young Koreans in Australia, it was expected that there may be a similar relationship between sport patterns and family composition.

Parental experience and values Parents provide social support (Brown, 1985) and influence physical activity levels (Brown, Frankel, & Fennell, 1989) and experiences (Gould, Tuffey, Udry, & Loehr, 1997), and this is often noted in the youth sport literature (Brown, 1985; Brustad, 1992; Higginson, 1985). Weiss and Knoppers (1982) emphasised that the initial interest in sport is most frequently fostered by the parents, and they help their children maintain their sport participation (Brown et al., 1989) and play a central role in early and middle childhood (Higginson, 1985). In many instances it is the mother who assumes the primary decision maker role. "It may well be that in many cases [a] child's involvement in an activity is contingent upon whether the service is provided at a time and place that is convenient to the mother" (Howard & Madrigal, 1990, p. 256). Children are more likely to participate in sport if (i) the parents presently participate in sport or if they did so in the past; (ii) parents attend sport events or regularly watch sport on television; (iii) parents have expectations or aspirations for their children to achieve in sport; (iv) parents actively encourage participation; and (v) sport is a common topic of conversation in the home (McPherson et al., 1989, pp. 41-42).

66 Several studies have shown that the parents’ value of sport has a strong influence on children’s sport participation (Jambor, 1999) and their cultural experience (Gould et al., 1997; Stein et al., 1999). Values regarding family relationships are an important aspect of ethnic cultures. Jambor’s (1999) study of parents as children’s socialising agents in youth soccer indicated that parents of participating children and parents of non- participating children are different in their perception of benefits related to children’s sport. Parents of participating children feel that it is important for their child to learn values from sports participation.

Historically, the first generation immigrants have tended to be more concerned than second generation family members about fitting into the dominant culture or maintenance of their cultural roots (Georgas, Berry, Shaw, Christakopoulou, & Mylonas, 1996; Zhang & Carrasquillo, 1995) even though the first generation immigrants practice their own native culture at home. Justice Dovey’s Committee on Education voiced its concern that:

Migrant parents tend naturally to cherish much of their old life – the customs, culture and language of their homeland. Some carry this too far. Their children also err, and too often tend to reject entirely anything which is not Australian. (Dovey, 1960, The Commonwealth Immigration Advisory Council, p. 8)

Bottomley’s (1997) study of second generation Greeks in Australia found that this group had differing adjustment and adaptive experiences to those of their parent generations. Thus different cultural values and generation gaps have further resulted in greater miscommunication and inter-generational conflict (Lee et al., 2000; Chae, 1990). It is also here that ethno-cultural conflict can manifest itself through a lack of acceptance by parents (e.g., lack of emotional and appraisal support) of their children’s interethnic interaction (Rhee, Chang, & Rhee, 2003).

Little attention has been paid to parents’ values and experiences and their effect on sport participation among young Koreans in Australia. Although the importance of parental support and influence on sport participation seems evident, it was expected that parents’

67 expectations of educational success, traditional parents-related values and practices would be factors limiting types of culturally-based sport participation among young Koreans in Australia.

3.4.2 Peer support and influence

The development of new social networks such as peer relationships are assumed to change as part of the socialisation process and the degree of social contact (e.g., acculturation) with which young ethnic minorities feel comfortable among their peers (Hamm, 2000; Way & Chen, 2000). Peers exert their influence on young people’s behaviour through imitation and social reinforcement (Wold & Hendry, 1998). They can provide emotional, informational, and instrumental support (Rodriguez, Mira, Myers, Monis, & Cardoza, 2003) associated with better social adjustment (Schneider & Ward, 2003). Thus peer and social acceptance during pre-adolescence has important implications for adaptive adjustment later on in adulthood, as confirmed in a recent 12- year longitudinal study by Bagwell, Newcomb, and Bukowski (1998). Furthermore, Hurtado and Carter (1997) found that social acceptance plays an important role in helping young ethnic minorities to socially and culturally integrate and adjust to college in the mainstream society.

Although cultural beliefs concerning race and ethnicity have a great influence on peer relations (Coakley, 2003), it is hard to change relationships on the personal level, without first changing the negative beliefs concerning ethnic minority group members (van Rhee, 2004). Horton (2003) indicated that “in a social context where life is made systematically more difficult for their members because their culture is disadvantaged within the dominant culture, marginalisation and a sense of exclusion are likely to result” (p. 36).

Lorenzo, Frost and Reinherz (2000) found that Asian minorities have significantly more interpersonal problems, view themselves more negatively, and are more dissatisfied with social support and networks. This is possibly related to conflicts between the demands of peers, or to the problems of transition between childhood and adulthood compounded by cultural transition and may also suggest an overall lack of social

68 connectedness experienced by young ethnic minorities with immigrant backgrounds in Australia (Aronowitz, 1992; Sam & Berry, 1995).

Smith’s (1991) study of peer relationship and physical activity motivation found that “perceptions of both friendship and peer acceptance in physical activity settings can contribute to the formation of physical activity attitudes and behaviours of young adolescents” (p. 346). In-school sport has served to provide a significant leisure source as well as opportunities for peer acceptance and competence (Tirone & Pedlar, 2000), and while typically enjoyed by young people from mainstream culture it can present its own set of hurdles for minority ethnic groups (Yu & Berryman, 1996). Tirone and Pedlar’s (2000) quantitative study shows that they feel a rejection and lack of acceptance by their mainstream counterparts.

However, Sawrikar and Muir’s (2010) study indicated that it was not necessary for ethnic minority women to come from the same cultural background to facilitate their participation in sport. Therefore, it is possible that the acculturation process can be helped through participation in sport via the supportive environment that peers can offer. In this study, it was expected that peer support would be one of the most important indicators among the social support domain that can predict levels of sport participation among young Koreans during their acculturation process in Australia.

In view of the foregoing discussion concerning part of the third research question (see Section 1.2), the following four propositions are made:

3.1: Socio-demographic characteristics (gender, age, length of residence and language proficiency) and acculturation modes are strong predictors of family, peer and general support amongst young Koreans in Australia.

3.2: Social support factors affect sport participation rates amongst young Koreans in Australia. Social support would continue to be a key indicator when acculturation and socio-demographic variables are taken into account.

3.3: Different types of family compositions affect rates and types of

69 participation in sport amongst young Koreans in Australia. Family composition would continue to be a key indicator when acculturation variables were taken into account.

3.4: Parental sporting involvement affects their children’s participation in sport.

3.5 Perceived Constraints and Sport Participation

3.5.1 Constraints on sport

Constraints on sport participation are defined as factors which preclude or limit an individual’s frequency, intensity, duration, or quality of participation in sport and recreation activities (Ellis & Radmacher, 1986). The term constraint “is differentiated from barriers” (Tcha & Lobo, 2002, p. 2), which generally refers to “any factor, which intervenes between the preference for an activity and participation in it” (Crawford & Godbey, 1987, p. 120).

The constraints on leisure and sport experienced by minority ethnic immigrants and students may differ from those of the general population and other ethnic groups both with respect to their static and dynamic characteristics.

Static Stodolska’s (1998) study of assimilation and leisure constraints has suggested that static characteristics of immigrants’ constraints (e.g., language difficulties or cultural adjustment) on sport are related to the nature of their set constraints at any given point in time. These included specific constraints such as language difficulties, being unfamiliar with ways of life in the host country, as well as experiences with discrimination – these can have a significant effect on the leisure experience of new arrivals. The negative effect of acculturation such as post-arrival stress, depression, anxiety, alienation, and often a sense of loss are likely to modify the usual constraint patterns associated with certain age, occupation, gender or family status groups (Stodolska, 1998).

70 Dynamic Besides the static characteristics, findings of Stodolska’s (1998) study suggested that, as immigrants become more assimilated, constraints become dynamic. The constraints set evolves as a function of factors related to the passage of time (i.e., acculturation – that is likely to affect their leisure behaviour including participation patterns, motivations, and constraints) (Stodolska, 1998). Sawrikar and Muir (2010), however, suggested that the dynamic aspects of constraints should be utilised within the existing models (Crawford et al., 1991; Jackson, Crawford, & Godbey, 1993) in relation to ethnic minority groups. Therefore not only the distinct nature of young Koreans’ constraints, but also their dynamic nature in relation to changing acculturation levels, should be addressed.

In Washburne’s (1978) marginality theory, ethnicity does not take into account the effects of resource constraints on leisure participation patterns, with differences in leisure studies resulting from variations in norms and values in ethnic/racial groups. Prejudice, discrimination, and certain ethnic characteristics can be possible constraints (Lee, 2003; Stodolska & Jackson, 1998). Self-esteem and acculturation levels and their relationships to constraints were examined in Yu and Berryman’s (1996) study. Language problems, inability to find leisure partners, lack of money or lack of awareness of existing opportunities were negatively related to self-esteem levels during their cultural adjustment, experiencing constraints not commonly found in the general population (Stodolska, 1998).

It was expected in this study that the intensity and types of one’s sport participation constraints would be different depending on both static and dynamic characteristics of young Koreans.

3.5.2 Categorisation of constraining factors

Crawford and Godbey’s (1987) categorisation of three discrete models (interpersonal, intrapersonal and structural constraints) has also been widely used. Allison and Smith (1990) also extended this to include the ethnic minority elderly and asserted that three different levels of constraints should be addressed: (i) psychosocial barriers, (ii) cultural/intercultural barriers, and (iii) institutional barriers. They also argued that, while

71 the first barriers have been systematically addressed, more efforts should be exerted to investigate the other two barriers. Crawford, Jackson and Godbey (1991) further revised this by integrating the three barriers into a single model in which participants are viewed as having negotiated a sequential and hierarchical series of constraint levels.

Due to the complexity of constraining factors, a categorisation system has been widely utilised by researchers (Allison & Smith, 1990; Crawford & Godbey, 1987; Henderson, Stalnaker, & Taylor, 1988; Jackson & Dunn, 1991; Tsai & Coleman, 1999). Jackson and Dunn’s (1991) categorisation, one of the most common, considers two different dimensions where constraints are effective: (i) constraints that hinder people from taking up leisure activities and (ii) constraints that lead to a reduction in, or discontinuation of leisure activities. Raymore et al. (1994) analysed the relationship between self-esteem, gender, socio-economic status and perceptions of constraint on leisure among adolescents.

Tsai and Coleman (1999) added one more dimension of constraint to Jackson and Dunn’s categorisation model, however in a different way from Crawford et al. (1991). Tsai classified the constraints that hinder people from taking up new sporting activities as (i) those that inhibit people’s desire to start new sporting activities (antecedent constraints); and (ii) those that hinder people from taking up sporting activities that they desire to do (intervening constraints).

Henderson et al. (1988) first identified two types of constraints: intervening barriers and antecedent barriers; however, they did not find significant evidence for the importance of antecedent barriers. Jackon (1991) noted that ‘barrier and perception of barriers enter, both overtly and covertly, into the decision-making process of individuals at all states of leisure engagement” (p. 280). Samdahl (2005) suggested that the constraints model narrows the analysis to a focus on participation and fails to address the cultural context of individuals. For instance, young Koreans in Australia may experience some unique constraints that interfere with their interest in their community.

Tsai and Coleman (1999) emphasised that people desire to take up new sporting activities, their actual participation, and their decisions to continue or discontinue their

72 participation in sport may be subject to different influences. Jackson (2005) defined constraints as factors that limit the formation or inhibit participation which constraints may result in non-participation (i.e., zero frequency) in sport and physic activities rather than an active choice of young people from CALD backgrounds. Johnson, Currie and Stanley’s (2011) study reported that people who have not participated because they choose not to and those who have not participated because facilities, including suitable sport and physical activities, are not available. In addition, while social exclusion is associated with constrained non-participation, transport problems are associated with choice non-participation.

Tsai and Coleman (1999) and Chung (2005) outlined a detailed framework dividing the range of constraining factors:

y Interpersonal constraints on participation in sport such as isolation provide a potentially dislocating experience for young ethnic minority immigrants. Social networks have been found to be important facilitators of young ethnic minorities’ participation in sports, with family and friends offering supportive environments for the expression and transmission of identity - that is, the retention of certain core cultural traits (Taylor & Toohey, 2002).

y Religious constraints may include ethnic customs and religious beliefs. It is significant that a large portion of those from ethnic minorities think that religion is very important and believe that religious categories are at least as important as ethnic categories in describing themselves (e.g., Chung, 2005). This was further explained in detail in Section 2.2.2.

y Resource constraints relate to socio-economic status, cost, time and caring responsibilities. The interplay of time and cost may prevent young ethnic minority groups from accessing sport programs and services even when they would prefer to participate (Cortis, 2009; Tsai & Coleman, 1999). Time considerations include study, work and family commitments; the opening hours of many sporting facilities; and the need for young ethnic minorities to spend time travelling.

73 y Affective constraints relate to how appealing and meaningful people consider certain sport activities. This is obviously a critical pre-requisite for their participation in sports. Teachers and schooling environments are recognised to play an important role in facilitating equal access without involving stereotypes (Taylor, 2004). Young ethnic minorities may use personalised forms of information such as word of mouth for an interest in sporting activities (Cortis et al., 2007).

y Access constraints relate to the provision and availability of sport facilities, information, skills and transport. This kind of sport participation can be difficult to achieve by young ethnic minorities because of limited public transport availability. They tend to rely on public transport because of a lack of parental support (Keogh, 2002). The major disadvantage of many Australian sport providers may be a lack of information and inappropriate facilities and programs for ethnic minorities. This may limit access by young ethnic minorities, while meeting the needs of the mainstream Australian population (Keogh, 2002; Taylor, 2004; Taylor & Toohey, 1997).

y Socio-cultural constraints refer to racial and cultural based constraints and discomfort in certain social settings, which may come from being part of ethnic minority groups within mainstream society. Sawrikar and Muir’s (2010) study divided socio-cultural constraints into three sub-factors: (i) gendered and cultural expectations, (ii) acculturation, and (iii) direct and indirect racism.

y Physical constraints refer to age, injury and physical problems. These fundamental physical constraints related to the evidence about increasing rates of overweight and obese young people within ethnic minorities. This has been linked with a wide range of health and social problems including isolation and marginalisation (Atkinson & Gim, 1989; Balls-Organista, Oraganista, & Kurasaki, 2003; Berry & Kim, 1988).

It is important to note that Tcha and Lobo (2002) found that the categorisation of constraints is inevitably subjective, and some researchers choose not to use any

74 categorisation (e.g., Jackson & Dunn, 1991; Kay & Jackson, 1991), or to use a detailed categorisation (e.g., Chung 2005; Tcha & Lobo, 2002; Tsai & Coleman, 1999).

3.5.3 Constraints across different ethnic groups

Several researchers have identified potential factors relating to sport participation and physical activity in the general population that highlight an array of social, cultural and economic circumstances that intersect to facilitate or constrain participation (Cortis et al., 2007; Tsai & Coleman, 1999). However, the majority of the existing research has largely focused on constraining factors in the general population without much attention to problems particular to minority ethnic immigrants (Henderson et al., 1988; Phillip, 1995). Stodolska (1998) was of the view that much remains to be done in terms of expanding sport constraints theory to make it better suited for studying constraints among minority ethnic groups.

While some special groups such as women have generated considerable interest among sport researchers (Birrell, 1984; Brown, 1993; Bungun, Dawda, & Weston, 2000; Cortis et al., 2007; Fry, 1995; Hall, 1984, 1996; Hanlon & Coleman, 2006; Hargreaves, 1994; Taylor, 2000, 2004; Tirone & Shaw, 1997; Tsai & Coleman, 1999), only a few specific studies have investigated constraints of other disadvantaged groups such as young ethnic minorities (Chung, 2005; Nakornkhet, 1989; Yu & Berryman, 1996), and even fewer efforts have been directed towards studying the constraints of Korean immigrants (Tcha & Lobo, 2002).

While some newly arrived minority ethnic youths may want to play sport, there can be many factors and barriers that can stop them (CMYI, 2005): (i) some may have come from countries without structured community-based sport and are unfamiliar with the concept; (ii) lack of familiarity with sporting clubs and environments; (iii) potential threat of or experiences of racism; and (iv) family and cultural commitments may take priority over sport.

Tsai and Coleman (1999) examined the constraining factors on first generation male and female Chinese immigrants’ participation in sport and recreation in Australia. Resource

75 constraints (time and financial) and interpersonal constraints were the most important whereas physical constraints were the least important. There was also no significant correlation in perceived constraints according to gender, length of residence in Australia, financial status or age (Tsai & Coleman, 1999).

Golembski, Holderna-Mielcarek, Niezgoda and Szmatula (2002) suggested that Polish youth’s lack of recreational sport and other forms of exercise was due to the pressure of improving their professional qualifications, and insufficient resources and leisure infrastructure. Stodolska and Jackson (1998) also reported that Polish immigrants in Canada increased recreational sport participation following their settlement, but that after this initial increase, their interest in sport usually subside. The observed post- arrival changes in sport participation were attributed to past latent demand, to the decreased role of certain interpersonal constraints, and to exposure to the new leisure and sport opportunities.

Chung (2005) investigated the most important sport constraints perceived by Muslim females in Hong Kong, which were access and resources constraints. ‘Being watched by a male’ was a matter of constraint perceived by Muslim females (it is inappropriate for Muslim males to watch females participating in sports). Muslim females used constraint negotiation strategies to overcome the problem of a lack of companions by organising sport competitions for mosque sisters.

Tcha and Lobo (2002) examined the relationship between the socio-demographic characteristics of Korean immigrants and their leisure constraints in Western Australia. They found that both were personal constraints: (i) the lack of time because of work/school commitments, and (ii) the lack of time because family was extremely important. Gender was also found to be critical for the importance of structural constraints (information, accessibility and provision) or environmental constraints (culture, language and race-related). Socio-demographic characteristic factors were found to be in general unimportant (Tcha & Lobo, 2002).

There is strong empirical evidence that ethnic minorities are faced with a complex mix of barriers to participate in sport and are socially excluded (e.g., Kennett, 2005).

76 However, less attention has been paid to factors that constrain sport participation of young Koreans (with some exceptions, see Tcha & Lobo, 2002). This raises the general question of constraining factors (i.e., socio-cultural, religious, access, affective, physical, resource and interpersonal), especially in reference to limiting and withdrawing from sport participation.

The discussion leads to the fourth research question that examines the main constraints on young Koreans’ participation in sport within Australia in terms of socio-cultural, religious, access, affective, physical, resources and interpersonal participation constraints. In view of the foregoing discussion, the final link depicted considers the relationship of the core constructs – acculturation modes, social support, perceived constraints and socio-demographic characteristics – in modelling the modified form of the theory of planned behaviour.

Overall ethno-specific behaviour regarding sport participation is a complex matter involving the interrelationships between many dimensions. Thus, without an understanding of the potential effects of individual constructs it will be difficult for sport organisations and governing bodies to design or operate their ethno-specific sport services and policies effectively. Moreover, those references may indicate the relative importance of young Koreans limiting or withdrawing from sport participation, as discussed in detail in this chapter. To find answers to this fourth research question, the following four propositions are made:

4.1: The level of sport constraints is different depending on selected socio- demographic characteristics, acculturation modes and social support factors among young Koreans in Australia.

4.2: Perceived constraint factors (socio-cultural, religious, access, affective, physical, resources and interpersonal) affect sport participation rates amongst young Koreans in Australia.

4.3: Perceived constraint factors affect the frequency of different types of culturally-based sport participation of young Koreans in Australia.

77 4.4: Different types of perceived constraining factors affect limiting and withdrawing from sport participation of young Koreans in Australia.

3.6 Theoretical Framework of the Study: The Determinants of Sport Participation

In essence, the framework in Figure 3.4 suggests three primary links between sport participation and the modified constructs of attitudes, social norms and perceived behavioural control.

Acculturation Modes *Assimilation *Integration *Separation *Marginalisation

Socio-demographic Social Support Factors *Family, Peer, General Sport Participation Behaviour Characteristics social support *Degrees of involvement *Age *Behaviour involvement *Gender *Family composition *Parental influence *Cognitive involvement *Length of residence *Language proficiency *Residential status Perceived Constraints *Socio-cultural *Religious *Access

*Affective (i) Link 1 *Resource (ii) Link 2 *Physical

*Interpersonal (iii) Link 3

Figure 3.4 Theoretical framework for the thesis

The first link is that each acculturation mode, social support and perceived constraint helps to construct sport participation. The second link is that socio-demographic characteristics help to construct sport participation and acculturation modes, social support and perceived constraints.

The final link is that acculturation modes, social support and perceived constraints help to incorporate the core construct of the theory of planned behaviour that leads to sport 78 participation. These links are important because they suggest how the sport participation behaviour (i.e., sport participation), in the context of the dynamic nature of young Koreans, is influenced by the construct of acculturation modes, social support factors and perceived constraints directly and indirectly within the modified theory of planned behaviour, thus filling a gap in the literature. In addition, socio-demographic characteristics work independently to influence (i) the patterns of sport participation and (ii) relationship between sport participation and the constructs of acculturation modes, social support and perceived constraints.

Levine and Pauls (1996) noted that the theory of planned behaviour did not take certain factors into account. This framework integrates acculturation modes, social support and participation constraints into a single framework in influencing sport participation in terms of degree of involvement (e.g., frequency/rate), behaviour involvement (e.g., type) and cognitive involvement (e.g., choice of sport programs) of young Koreans in Australia, which is rarely shown in other models. This inclusion is justified because this is the main focus of this research.

Young Koreans may differ from both other ethnic groups and the general population in Australia, and the European and Western models of sport participation may not be the most applicable. Previous studies seem to have targeted only a single theory-related variable. In contrast, multiple theory variables were addressed in this study. In an attempt to integrate concepts from an acculturation perspective, the theoretical model of planned behaviour was modified in this study. This involved co-applying acculturation theory along with socio-demographic characteristics to social support and constraints in place of attitudes, subjective norms and perceived behavioural control. The framework therefore seeks to depict the effects of socio-demographic characteristics on the complex nature of sport participation in terms of degree of involvement (frequency/rate), behaviour involvement (type and preference) and cognitive involvement (choices of sport coaches’ cultural background and sport participation, and source of first interest in sport) of young Koreans in Australia. The inclusion of the effects of socio-demographic characteristics is justified because different groups of young Koreans may associate them with different degrees of importance to different dimensions of sport participation.

79 3.7 Summary

The aim of this chapter was to advance a number of research propositions to test the determinants of sport participation behaviour. In total, 17 propositions were developed for the theoretical model. In developing the propositions the chapter provided theoretical support for the conceptual model, as depicted in Figure 3.4. The model proposes a number of relationships amongst variables and this chapter justified relevant theories to conduct this research concerning sport patterns of ethnic minorities from a cross-cultural perspective. This chapter provided a rationale through the application of a modified theory of planned behaviour, and introduced various aspects of acculturation, social support and constraints that relate to sport patterns among ethno-specific groups. In addition, this chapter justified the research by identifying trends and concepts necessary to establish the research framework as well as identifying gaps in the body of knowledge.

The theoretical model and thus the propositions developed in this chapter were tested empirically. In Chapter Four the methodological approaches employed in the study, design of the research instruments, and the process of collecting data will be outlined. In Chapters Five to Eight the research findings and discussion will be presented. Theoretical conclusions and implications will form the basis of Chapter Nine.

80 CHAPTER FOUR

RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

The research questions for the study were outlined in Chapter One and the theoretical framework adopted in this study was presented in Chapter Three. The research propositions to be tested and their respective rationales were also presented in Chapter Three. This chapter describes the methodology used in accordance with the overall objectives of the thesis. It details the methods used to understand the reasons and experiences of sport participation amongst young Koreans in Australia. Based on the results of the quantitative analysis, additional qualitative analysis may be necessary. These methods should be viewed as complementary to quantitative methods that assist in identifying culture-specific constructs or behaviour of a group (Marin & Marin, 1991). The structure of this chapter is organised as follows. First, it begins with a discussion of the research design that provides the rationale for choosing more quantitative data, supplemented by semi-structured interview. Second, details of the survey procedures including the employment of questionnaire design, the development and administration of research instruments of the main study are outlined. Finally, a description of data collection and analysis strategies which encompasses a discussion of the interviews with young Koreans and their parents.

4.1 Research Approach

The selection of appropriate application of methodology is the most important step for conducting cross-cultural survey research (Harkness, Van de Vijver, & Mohler, 2003). The quantitative approach helped explore these issues at a more generalisable level (Bryman, 2008) through analysing “certain trends, characteristics, and needs of various ethnic and cultural minority groups” (Hines, 1993, p. 734) as young Koreans experienced in mainstream Australian society.

Considering this specific issue, the quantitative research approach, which involves

81 methods of collecting data mainly through an exploratory survey and interview, would be the most appropriate way to produce clear and detailed explanations and analytical findings in relation to the central questions addressed in the thesis. It is worth using multiple methods to enhance the quality and credibility of findings (Patton) with breadth and depth to the overall analyses (Denzin, 1997; Murphy, 2006) of respondents’ cross-cultural experiences and generate conclusions with a higher confidence (Creswell & Plano Clark, 2007). Thus, the use of multiple methods in an investigation assists in overcoming the weaknesses or biases of a single method (Park, 2006). This helped ‘obtain different but complementary data on the same topic’ (Morse, 1991, p. 122) in a single study and improved the quality and accuracy of information (Hines, 1993) obtained from the dynamic nature of young Korean respondents, and was therefore deemed applicable to this study.

As a consequence, the methodology applied to this study was a combination of two different approaches, (a) an exploratory survey of young Koreans’ participation in sport in the Australian context, and (b) as a supplementary tool, semi-structured interviews with young Koreans and their parents who had lived in Australia for at least six months. The intent of the first approach in the method for this research was to identify the patterns of sport participation in relation to the dynamic nature of young Koreans in Australia. Quantitative instruments (i.e., questionnaires) were used to measure the relationships of independent variables (socio-demographic characteristics, acculturation, social support factors, and perceived constraints) and dependent variables (sport participation). Information from this first approach was explored further in the second phase.

In the second approach, semi-structured interviews were used to support significant quantitative results by exploring the interviewees’ own framework of cross-cultural experiences in sport. The reason for following up with the interview method in the second phase was to obtain more in-depth information on the interviewees’ motives and feelings and also to allow interviewees to comment on their experiences of sport participation in Australia. Specifically, this approach helped explain a wide range of reasons and viewpoints pertaining to the sport experiences and constraints including limitation, withdrawal and non-involvement of both active and potentially active sport

82 patterns in both young Koreans along with their parents. It helped explain the quantitative results.

4.2 The Survey

“Survey research provides a quantitative or numerical description of trends, attitudes, or opinions of a population by studying a sample of that population” (Creswell, 2009, p. 12). The survey method was chosen based on an assessment of the advantages and limitations of the survey as well as the research objective and constraints of this research.

4.2.1 Developing the questionnaire

The use of a questionnaire was appropriate in this study based on the study’s theoretical framework and relevant literature. It provided the opportunity for respondents to complete the questionnaire at their own pace and possibly to be more candid. Sufficient data were gathered in this manner.

Principles of questionnaire design were adopted to minimise measurement error (Bartlett, Kotrlik, & Higgins, 2001). A questionnaire was considered as a method for the elicitation and collecting of information from the respondents’ real experiences. Accordingly, only brief, legitimate, applicable questions needed to collect the data were asked. Sensitive questions were avoided and only a modest amount of effort was required to complete the questionnaire.

Scales The questions were pre-coded or used a standard response format that facilitated and simplified administration and data processing (Frazer & Meredith, 2000). All questions had a clear structure and all types of structured questions were used including scale (5- point Likert scale) and multiple-choice.

Most questions were closed-ended with specific ordered choices to a fixed set of

83 responses. A few open-ended questions were available that helped obtain the respondents’ answers that could not be summarised in a numeric code and allowed the respondents to provide their information about experiences in the Australian sport setting in written comments. An example of this type of question was “Please specify if you have any further opinion and recommendation related to your experience in the Australian sport settings.” The respondents were encouraged to leave their comments either in a special space provided on the page, or in the margins at the end of questionnaire.

Respondents completed a set of standardised measures that have been used in previous research and many cross-cultural contexts. The questionnaire strived to minimise possible confusion and hold young respondents’ interest. Only brief, legitimate, and applicable questions were asked. The researcher also made sure that there were no threatening or sensitive questions (Harkness et al., 2003).

Language Comprehensive questions in a bilingual format were provided to motivate respondents to cooperate. Simple language was used to assist Korean participants whose first language was not English. The questionnaire was carefully translated from the original source language (English) to the target language (Korean) and back to the source language (Brislin, 1986) maintaining the validity of the measuring survey instrument. The back translation technique (Hartkenss et al., 2003) was used to avoid and reduce non-equivalent measurement in the English and Korean versions. The questionnaire was developed using a process of paraphrase and translation. Extra attention was paid to the complexity of wording, negations, and logical operators (Malhotra, Hall, Shaw, & Oppenheim, 2004). The original English version of the survey instrument required slight alteration providing for clearer questionnaire instructions and guidelines. For instance, items containing the words ‘Asian’ and ‘American’ were accordingly modified to ‘Korean’ and ‘Australian’ in the appropriate circumstances.

Pilot testing A preliminary version of the questionnaire was pilot tested with a sample of people drawn from the population to be surveyed (Malhotra, 1999). This allowed improvement

84 of the readability and clarity of the translated questionnaire (Malhotra, 1999). A bilingual (English and Korean) version of the questionnaire was used with the sample consisting of 20 local residents and students from both the Korean and Australian communities. The survey duration varied depending on the age of respondents. The time taken for the youngest group (9-12 years) to complete all questions was about 30-40 minutes compared to older participants (13-25 years) which was about 15-25 minutes. This provided a reconfirmation of all pilot-test survey questions. On the basis of the pilot-test feedback, comparisons were made between the two versions. Some minor changes were required. Additionally, some questions were rewritten in order to translate the meaning more appropriately. For example, the researcher identified a few ambiguous expressions in the contents of the survey instruction for minimised errors as much as possible before the main survey was implemented.

Getting Ethics approval Ethical issues were addressed in a number of ways. First, prior to undertaking the survey questionnaire, the researcher had obtained ‘Ethical Clearance’ as required by the University Human Research Ethics Committee (Reference No. 2007-91A). Secondly, consent forms were signed by each of the participants before the first interview proceeded. The ethics guidelines and legislation referred to are in the National Statement on Ethical Conduct in Research Involving Humans 2.26(b). This study involved identifiable language translations, cultural groups and some children under the age of 18 years requiring special sensitivity and consideration. The primary assumptions of the ethics in this study were (i) voluntary participation, (ii) no physical or emotional harm to subjects, (iii) integrity, and (iv) privacy, anonymity and confidentiality.

4.2.2 The questionnaire

The questionnaire used in this research is included in Appendix A. The final questionnaire contains 99 items that were organised into three parts: (a) demographics and language proficiency; (b) acculturation and social support factors; and (c) sport patterns and constraints. The formal instruments of acculturation and social support are based on existing ones in the literature, and other s may not be culturally appropriate.

85 Part A: Demographics and Language Proficiency A-1. Demographic characteristics: This section asked the respondents about their age, gender, country of birth, length of residency in Australia, family composition and residential status. These descriptive data are presented in Chapter Five.

A-2. Language skills: This is a 5-point Likert type scale (‘very poor’ to ‘excellent’) which includes three subscales (i.e., speaking, reading and writing in both English and Korean) that measures the level of English and Korean language proficiency of the respondents (see Appendix E).

Part B: Acculturation and Social Support Part two was concerned with the respondents’ acculturation attitudes and perception about social support. Overall score for each subscale was obtained by adding the scores and dividing the sum by the total number of items.

B-1. Acculturation modes: This is a 5-point Likert scale (‘strongly disagree’ to ‘strongly agree’) made up of 29 items which were grouped into four acculturation modes, including assimilation (8 items), integration (5 items), separation (7 items) and marginalisation (9 items). These items were adapted from Barry’s (2001) East Asian Acculturation Measure (EAAM) that allowed the researcher to assess a pattern of cultural attitudes and behaviours relevant to socialisation. EAAM items (see Appendix F) were also developed with satisfactory reliability and validity for the four dimensions of acculturation attitudes outlined by Berry (1980). For the purposes of this study, items were taken with minor modification. All items containing the original words “Asian” and “American” were accordingly changed to read “Korean” and “Australian”. Examples of items are: “I write better in English than Korean”, “My closest friends are Korean”, “I tell jokes both in English and Korean languages”, and “I sometimes feel that neither Australians nor Koreans like me”.

B-2. Social support: This is a 5-point Likert type scale (‘strongly disagree’ to ‘strongly agree’) made up of 23 items which were grouped into three themes, including social support from family (8 items), social support from peer (7 items) and general social support (8 items). Items in this scale were based on the Social Support Appraisal Scale

86 (SSAS) by Vaux and his colleagues (Vaux et al., 1986). Examples of items are: “My family holds me in high esteem”, and “My friends and I are really important to each other”.

Part C: Participation Constraints and Sport Participation Patterns C-1. Perceived participation constraints: This is a 5-point Likert type scale (‘never’ to ‘always’) made up of 17 items which were grouped into seven themes, including social- cultural, religious, access, affective, physical, resources and interpersonal. These items were developed based on the work of Chung (2005), Collins et al. (1999), Cortis et al. (2007), Floye et al. (1993), and Tsai and Coleman (1999).

C-2. Sport participation: This is a 5-point Likert type scale (‘never’ to ‘more than once a week’) made up of 17 specific sport activities (i.e., martial arts, racket sports, ball sports, water sports, other, etc.) that aims to measure rates of participation in organised sport programs (which had been organised by a school, club or organisations). This section asked the respondents about what types of sport activities in which they wished to participate (preference) and how often they took part in a number of sport activities during the last 12 months. These items were developed based on the work of Coakley (2003), Taylor (2001), Chung (2005), Mosely et al. (1997), Cashman (1995) and Stoddart (1998).

C-3: Sport environment: This is a 3-item multiple-choice scale developed to measure sport environments. The survey was formulated based on (i) preference for sport coaches’ cultural background, (ii) sport programs in terms of location choice, and (iii) source of first interest in sport. Respondents were asked to report: “Where do you prefer your sport professionals (i.e., coaches) to be from?”, “Where do you participate in your main sport program most often?”, and “How did you first become interested in this sport?” These items were developed based on the work of Cortis et al. (2007), Hanlon and Coleman (2006), Taylor (2001), and Yu and Berryman (1996).

87 4.2.3 The survey respondents

Recruiting the respondents The sample was drawn from young Koreans within the Sydney metropolitan area. There tended to be regional and seasonal variations in the popularity of certain sports. Each state has different popularity of their football codes, for example, had this study being conducted in Melbourne, rugby league would not have rated as highly as it did in Sydney. There is also a lack of uniform taekwondo diffusion across the country. The Northern Territory, for example, has only one Korean taekwondo instructor.

The respondents were also limited to those young Koreans who agreed to participate through their involvement with Korean religious groups, ethnic schools and sporting organisations rather than a broader cross section of the entire Korean society living in Australia. In addition, it is possible that young Korean students who spend time at private educational institutions after school or on the weekends may have been excluded from the study. The major research groups were Korean religious groups and Korean community school groups consisting of young male and female Koreans (aged 9 to 25) born in either Australia or Korea, including both new arrivals and long-term residents, first generation, second generation or beyond. This included permanent residents and citizens of Australia, and temporary residents from Korea including Korean overseas students and working holiday makers who had been in Australia for at least six months (refer to table in Appendix D for details).

Determining sample size The minimum requirements for survey data collection were considered in determining the sample size, including the formula for adjusting the sample size for a population. An application of Cochran’s (1977) sample size formula for categorical data was used in this study along with explanations as to how these decisions were made. The alpha level used in determining sample size in most research studies is either .05 or .01 (e.g., Ary, Jacobs, & Razavieh, 1996), but 5% margin of error is acceptable in social research (Krejcie & Morgan, 1970).

The number of young Koreans (aged 9 to 25) comprised about 40% (50,000) of the total

88 Korean population (125,000) in Australia (KSS, 2009). For a population of 50,000, the required sample size is 381, using the premise that the alpha level was set at 0.05 for a proportional variable.

The researcher assumed a response rate of 60%, a minimum drawn adjusted sample size for the population of young Koreans in Australia. The researcher added 40% to the sample size to compensate for possible unreturned or incomplete surveys due to the age of respondents. Primarily, the size of the sample was aimed at a minimum of 635 who were approached by the researcher and asked to participate in this study. The number surveyed (635) was substantially larger than the number required for the desired level of confidence and precision.

In this study, a total of 458 usable questionnaires were collected including 265 male (57.9%) and 193 female (42.1%) respondents from Sydney metropolitan districts.

4.2.4 Administering the questionnaire

The questionnaires were administered within six months (May to October 2008) through several Korean-Australian schools and religious organisations in the eight Sydney metropolitan districts (Western Sydney, Eastern Suburb, Inner West, Northern Suburb, North Shore, Sydney Central, Southern Suburb and South Eastern).

As many young Koreans return to Korea to visit family and friends during school holidays, the survey was intended to take place within the school term. Most Korean schools and religious groups in the survey region were contacted and invited to participate. Access to the sample groups was acquired by contacting religious and school group leaders by phone or email. This was followed by personal visits, discussion with leaders and email distribution of information and sample questionnaires. In this way, actual dates and times of survey implementation were set.

Administrators informed their potential participants about the pending survey content, purpose, date and time for the survey. The researcher introduced himself and presented an overview, later allowing time for questions from the participants before the

89 questionnaire was administered.

The relevant authorities were briefed on the nature of the survey in order to gain permission and support. The researcher was assisted by the administrators to hand out the questionnaires to respondents. As the respondents completed the questionnaires they were handed back to the researcher, and administrators, who verified all questions had been answered. Questions that had not been answered were handed back to the participants who were encouraged to complete them.

However, some difficulties emerged in the first data collection at the Korean Church in Parramatta (Western Sydney). For example, participants having insufficient time and participants taking the questionnaire home to complete for the following week but either forgetting to do so or losing the questionnaire. While not a part of the original survey administration strategy, some administrators agreed to collect any ‘stray’ questionnaires that came in during the following weeks and forwarded these to the researcher. Reply- paid envelopes were left to facilitate this process and a further 18 questionnaires were returned after the initial data collection.

From the second data collection, for security, the questionnaires were provided with the researcher’s name and postal address so they could be returned by mail in a reply-paid envelope if not completed at the survey sites. The researcher also revisited or contacted the administrators of the Korean-Australian schools and religious organisation for collection of additionally collected questionnaires. Attempts were made to reach the quota of respondents.

Previous studies have confirmed a lack of motivation in responding to researchers from the Korean community in Australia. To counter this, the researchers made efforts to maximise the response rate. Firstly, consideration was given to the Korean immigrant status of the targeted respondents in determining the form of reward. It was determined that feedback beneficial to the relevant groups would be provided. Secondly, the responses were gathered voluntarily in a pressure free environment with respondents informed the general research purpose. Thirdly, trust was established with the respondents and anonymity and confidentiality were assured. The benefits of honest

90 answers were emphasised in the introduction part of the survey instrument (Rao, 2002) including that there are no right or wrong responses to the questionnaire.

4.2.5 Analysis of the survey data

After the survey closed, the collected quantitative data were coded and entered into a computer using Microsoft Excel and the statistical program of SAS (Version 9). Error checking and edit procedures were programmed into the data entry instrument. All of the materials contained in the questionnaires were kept in confidence and all respondents remained anonymous.

Reliability tests were performed to establish the internal consistency of each item in a scale and the scale as a whole.

Descriptive statistics were performed to obtain descriptive information about the respondents. Descriptive statistics such as detailing frequencies, percentages, and means summarised the socio-demographic characteristics and sport patterns of the respondents to provide guidance for conducting multivariate analysis.

Correlation tests were performed to examine inter-relationships, for example, between respondents’ socio-demographic characteristics and different types of culturally-based sport participation within young Korean males and females.

Chi-square tests for independence ( F 2 ) were performed to find out, for instance, whether the proportion of sport participation levels was different across respondents’ socio-demographic characteristics (e.g., age, gender, length of residence) and whether language skills affected their sport participation.

Hierarchal regression tests were performed, for example, to examine the effect of socio- demographic characteristics on the levels of sport participation and which selected socio-demographic variables play a role as a moderating factor in this relationship.

Logistic regression tests were performed, for example, to examine the effect of

91 acculturation modes on choices of sport environments.

4.2.6 Ensuring reliability of questionnaire

Due to there are considerable cultural biases associated with existing instruments, the testing instruments were needed which had been translated and culturally adjusted, validated with Korean population. Using existing questions (e.g., EAAM and SSAS) which have already been extensively tested at the time of first use (Hyman, Lamb, & Bulmer, 2006), the researcher was fairly confident that they were suitable to meet the objectives of this study. The researcher has also ensured the questionnaire constructs were clear in order to not confuse the respondents, which each scale measuring only one theoretical concept or a topic (Neuman, 2006).

Barry’s (2001) East Asian Acculturation Measure (EAAM) was adapted in this study because it was specifically designed with East Asians in mind and developed with satisfactory reliability and validity for the four dimensions of acculturation outlined in Berry’s (1980) model. Barry (2001) reported the internal reliability (Cronbach’s alpha) levels for the four dimensions of EAAM scales ranged from 0.74 to 0.85 for East Asian immigrant population from China, Japan and Korea. In this study, the internal reliability levels were calculated using Cronbach alpha coefficients, which led to coefficient of 0.71 for combined scale of East Asian Acculturation and 0.83 (assimilation), 0.7 (separation), 0.71 (integration) and 0.82 (marginalisation) for the acculturation modes. The bilingual (English and Korean) version of EAAM was an effective and adaptive instrument in this study.

Vaux et al.’s Social Support Appraisal (SSA) scale was also adopted because it has good reliability and adequate concurrent, convergent and divergent validity with other perceived support measures. SSAS also showed predicted associations with measures of theoretically related antecedents (support network resources) and consequences (sport patterns and constraints). The psychometric properties have been established with internal consistency coefficients of SSA ranging from 0.76 to 0.83 (Cohen & Hoberman, 1983; Cohen & Willis, 1985). Xin, Chi and Geng’s (2007) study also reported the internal reliability (Cronbach’s alpha) of 0.91 for scale and 0.81-0.84 for three

92 dimensions (family support, peer support and general social support) for Chinese adolescents. In this study, the internal reliability coefficient for combined scale of the Social Support Appraisal was 0.79 and 0.84 for general social support, 0.64 for support from family, and 0.77 for support from peer. The bilingual (English and Korean) version of SS-A was an effective and adaptive instrument in this study.

Scores for multi-item scales (e.g., adopting a 5-point Likert scale) were computed by averaging with at least 75% of the items completed. The internal reliability was above the cut-off value of 0.6 (Malhotra, 1999) indicating an acceptable level in this study.

4.3 The Interviews

The purpose of the interviews was to explore the reasons for sport participation constraints (including limitation, withdrawal and non-involvement of both active and potentially active sport participation). Interview data would provide an analysis of exactly who is playing (or not playing) their sport and how they can tailor their education, schools and culturally-based programs to have the greatest impact.

4.3.1 The interview guide

After a review of the outcomes of the questionnaire, interview questions were formulated with a view to further exploration of the main foci of the research. Clear guidance needed to be given about the amount of detail required. Prior to the verbal interview, the participants received an interview schedule (see Table 4.1) and filled out an individual profile along the top of the page.

It was then used by the interviewer to elicit further information about their reasoning and attitudes to ascertain sport patterns. Interviewees were advised to refer to the interview schedule that included a list of topics and constraining factors. This method was time efficient in that the interviewer had preliminary structure to work from.

93 Table 4.1 Interview schedule List of Category Detailed Item Socio-Demographic ཛ.GGender : Characteristics ཛྷ.GAge : ཝ.GCountry of birth : ཞ.GLength of residence (Age of immigration) : ཟ.GLanguage skills : Sport Patterns ཛ Levels of sport participation (weekly, monthly, & inactive) ཛྷ Type of sport participation during last 12 months (type) ཝ Type of preferred sport participation (preference) ཞ Preference of sport coaches’ cultural background (who) ཟ Participate in sport organised by (where) འ First become interested to participate in sport through (how) Socio-cultural constraints ཛ.GLanguage barrier ཛྷ.GRacism/prejudice ཝ.GCultural difference Religious constraints ཛ.GReligious requirements and practices Access constraints ཛ.GLack of appropriate facilities ཛྷ.GLack of information ཝ.GLack of transportation ཞ.GLack of adaptive skills Affective constraints ཛ.GLack of interest in sport program ཛྷ.GDon’t enjoy Physical constraints ཛ.GAfraid of sport injuries ཛྷ.GGender inequality Resource constraints ཛ.GLack of time due to busy with study/work ཛྷ.GMoney/cost Interpersonal constraints ཛ Lack of encouragement from family members ཛྷ Lack of companion (nobody to go with) ཝ Parental restriction/pressure Other constraints Specify:

The questions asked in the semi-structured interviews were determined by reviewing the outcomes of the survey. The interview tone, although guided, was conversational. Interview questions related to research questions concerning the role of interactions between young Koreans and their parents into participation constraints and behaviours. Examples of questions are: “Could you talk about your experience of sporting activities in Australia or in Korea?”, “What influenced your decision to take this sport?”, “Among these constraining factors, which do you find the most common reasons to participate or not participate in sport in Australia? Why?”, “In what other situations do you think constraints can be applied?” and “Is there anything else that can help me understand your expectations of your parent (or your child) in sport participation that we haven’t talked about in this interview?”

94 The interview approach used a range of intercultural image-based and story-telling exercises (why it matters, what blocks it, what makes it possible) during interview sessions. It was expected that interviewees would be willing to provide the relevant information and express emotional responses which they might not otherwise do in the direct presence of others under normal circumstance (Liamputtong & Ezzy, 2005).

It was expected that there would be difficulties coordinating interviews with both parents and children at the same time, possibly resulting in a delay in interview data collection. These external factors were limitations for this study.

4.3.2 Conducting the interview

The interviewees The interview participants consisted of 20 young Koreans (3 females and 17 males) and 18 parents (6 fathers and 12 mothers). Among the children (5 Australian-born and 15 Korean-born), the mean age was 12.9, and the mean length of stay in Australia was 6.5 years. There were 10 primary school students, 8 secondary school students, and 2 tertiary education students, of varied language skills. The interviews were identified by a code number, the details of which are shown in Appendix C. In some cases children were interviewed in the presence of their parents, which may have influenced their responses. This study had challenges in female sample recruitment for the interviews. Because young Korean females usually have fewer opportunities to interact with the community, this socio-cultural circumstance made it difficult to access and recruit them. Using female Korean community workers and religious leaders was a useful strategy to build trust and maintain cultural sensitivity and competency for female participants.

Consent Interview participation was completely voluntary, and interview participants were under no obligation to participate in this study (see Appendix B). At the time of questionnaire implementation, all participants were provided with an information sheet and consent form which fully explained the extent of their involvement, and reassured them of respect for their situation and privacy etc. The proper bilingual (English and Korean) consent information was required to maximise understanding of the research purpose.

95 The consent form described the objectives and procedures of the study, the benefits of the study to the participants, as well as the participants’ rights to participate voluntarily and to withdraw at any time, and their right to seek clarifications both before and after the interview. Channels such as the names and contact details of the researcher for filing complaints were also provided. The interview form collected data regarding name, phone number, email and available times of the participants. Children under-18 years of age, who intended to participate in interviews, were required to have their parents or legal guardians sign a consent form. Participants’ anonymity was protected by the use of pseudonyms.

Schedule and venue Interview places and times were arranged for convenience for participants (e.g., a meeting room or a class room at the Korean ethnic schools and religious groups). The interviews were conducted with participants face-to-face, lasting 45 minutes to one hour. The interview consisted of introductory questions to make the interviewee comfortable, followed by questions concerning more specific areas of interest.

Sample size Mays and Pope (1995) suggested that statistical size is not normally sought in qualitative research, and sample sizes are not determined by hard and fast rules, but by other factors such as the depth and duration of the interview and what is feasible for a single interviewer (Britten, 1995). Large qualitative studies do not often interview more than 50 to 60 people, although there are exceptions (Holland, Ramazanoglu, Scott, Sharpe, & Thomson, 1990). In this study, an interview sample size of approximately 40 (20 children and 20 parents) was considered to be adequate as a supplementary source of data that aids the interpretation of research results (e.g., Clark, 2000).

Language The interviews were conducted in mainly Korean and some English, for instance, the interview was conducted in Korean when the student did not understand English proficiently, or vice versa. It helped prevent the original meanings and ideas being lost during the translation process. Therefore, it was necessary that the interviewer (researcher) was fluent enough to make general conversation with respondents but also

96 to both enhance rapport and dispel any discomfort respondents may feel (Oishi, 2003). Through this research, some question and answers may have brought interviewees to awareness of previously unrecognised negative factors of racism and discrimination (e.g., Floyd, 1998). The interviews, however, were presented in a sensitive manner that ensured that the wording of the interview questions was not vague and complicated (e.g, Kvale, 2007). It was therefore important for the interviewer (researcher) to be interactive and sensitive to the language and concepts used. The interviewees were interviewed in a pressure-free environment and were made aware of what the research entailed.

Recording Each interview was recorded by a portable MP3 audio recorder and then transcribed in full. Interview data were used for data integration around the main constraint categorisations and the refinement of the emerging theory. Writing notes at the time would have interfered with the process of interviewing, therefore, audio recording was preferable to written notes. Memos were used as ‘the theorising write-up of ideas as they emerge, while coding for categories, their properties and their theoretical codes’ (Glaser, 1992, p.108).

4.3.3 Analysis of the interview data

All participants in the interviews were identified by a code number. The text-based data were analysed using ‘thematic analysis’ (Aronson, 1994) by means of the computer- based qualitative analytical N-Vivo tool. Next in the process was a thorough reading of all interviews, which were then re-read and shared patterns of experience listed. These were referred to as themes. Themes were then expounded upon by adding all information from all transcribed interviews related to already classified patterns. This process was then followed by combining and cataloguing similar patterns into sub- themes.

Due to the amount of interview sources, the depth of analysis and the methodology required, and because the sources were already structured by theme (the role of interactions between young Koreans and their parents in relation to participation

97 constraints and behaviours), N-Vivo-initial coding was undertaken. The approach to coding was to utilise word frequency, paragraph styles and coding stripes (assigning a colour to a specific content). The focus was on limitation, withdrawal and non- involvement of both active and potentially active sport patterns in both young Koreans along with their parents.

4.4 Summary

This chapter commenced with the justification of the methodological approaches employed in the research on young Koreans’ sport participation in Australia. It also considered the research design, the questionnaire format, sampling strategy, language translation, and measures used. Pilot testing, ethical approval and data collection procedures were also provided and the selected methods of data analysis were briefly summarised. In line with this analytical research approach, the next chapter provides the descriptive statistics as a first-level of survey results. The identified conceptual framework as seen in the Figure 3.4 (see Chapter Three) was used to structure the rest of the thesis. The presentation of the results from the study is organised by themes cutting across the core determinants, rather than following the research links. The remaining chapters of the thesis are structured as follow:

y Chapter Five describes the nature of the respondents’ sport participation and its relationship with socio-demographic characteristics.

y Chapter Six characterises the respondents’ acculturation modes and its relationship with socio-demographic characteristics to influence sport participation behaviour.

y Chapter Seven describes sport participation behaviours with particular regard to the role of support (family, peer, general support and family composition).

y Chapter Eight describes the main constraints of the respondents and the characteristics and situations that influenced their sport participation behaviour.

98 The data sources are mainly quantitative information, supplemented by semi- structured interview with young Koreans and their parents in Australia. y Chapter Nine aims to make sense of the data in light of the theories. This final chapter discusses the theoretical contribution and implications of the study.

99 CHAPTER FIVE

THE NATURE OF SPORT PARTICIPATION AMONG YOUNG KOREANS

ABS (2009) statistics show a clear association between socio-demographic characteristics (refer to Appendix D) and participation rates in sport. For example, children born overseas in non-English speaking countries were less likely to participate in selected sport and cultural activities than Australian born children or those born in other English-speaking countries.

However, available published data on ethno-specific populations in general proved to be very broad. Therefore, due to the lack of specific comparative data regarding young Koreans under the age of 25 (mainly students) in Australia from relevant government and community authorities, a comparative analysis was not available at the time of this study. This lack of information suggests a need for further studies to focus on specific comparative data on young Koreans in Australia.

This chapter presents a first-level analysis of data generated by the survey questionnaire focusing on the first research question: What is the nature of sport participation of young Koreans in Australia? and How do different groups of young Koreans in Australia differ in their sport participation? Specifically, the purpose of this chapter is to present the preliminary analysis of the data relevant to the relationships depicted in the framework and with which the research propositions (RP 1.1a, RP 1.1b, RP 1.2, RP 1.3, and RP 1.4) outlined in Chapter Three are tested.

The chapter begins with a presentation of primary data on respondents’ sport patterns - the types of sports participated, preferred sports, rate/frequency of sport participation, preferred sport coaches’ cultural background, choice of sport programs, and source of first interest in sport. This is followed by specific analyses of these sport patterns as influenced by selected socio-demographic characteristics (gender, age, length of residence, language proficiency and residential status). The findings are then summarised.

100 5.1 Nature of Sport Participation

In relation to a part of the research question 1 regarding the nature of sport participation of young Koreans in Australia, the preliminary data of types of sport undertaken (Section 5.1.1), preferred sport (Section 5.1.2), rates of sport participation (Section 5.1.3) and sporting environment (Section 5.1.4) are presented.

5.1.1 Types of sports undertaken

The survey asked about the degree of involvement and types of participation in sport in Australia. Respondents were allowed either single or multiple responses to answer how often they took part in a number of specific sporting activities. Table 5.1 presents the resulting ranking of the different sports that the respondents participated in.

Table 5.1 Types of organised sports in which respondents participated

Males Females Total (N=265) (N=193) (N=458) Rank Type of Sports N % N % N % 1 Soccer 213 80.4 110 57.0 323 70.5 2 Swimming 183 69.1 134 69.4 317 69.2 3 Basketball 174 65.7 93 48.2 267 58.3 4 Table tennis 157 59.2 81 42.0 238 52.0 5 Taekwondo* 152 57.4 51 26.4 203 44.3 6 Tennis 129 48.7 73 37.8 202 44.1 7 Badminton 111 41.9 84 43.5 195 42.6 8 Cricket* 114 43.0 60 31.1 174 38.0 9 Rugby league* 108 40.8 41 21.2 149 32.5 10 Track and field 76 28.7 62 32.1 138 30.1 11 Netball* 56 21.1 81 42.0 137 29.9 12 Australian Rules Football* 87 32.8 37 19.2 124 27.1 13 Cycling 82 30.9 35 18.1 117 25.5 14 Golf 61 23.0 40 20.7 101 17.5 15 Gymnastics 37 14.0 43 22.3 80 9.4 16 Riding 25 9.4 18 9.3 43 2.0 17 Volleyball 6 2.3 3 1.6 9 2.0 18 Dancing 1 0.4 3 1.6 4 0.9 19 Baseball 2 0.8 1 0.5 3 0.7 20 Rowing 1 0.4 1 0.5 2 0.4 21 Hockey 1 0.4 0 0 1 0.2 *Culturally-based sport

The results indicated that respondents participated in a wide variety of organised sports in Australia. Based on annual participation (participation in the last 12 months), soccer 101 (70.5%) was the most popular sport activity followed by swimming (69.2%), basketball (58.3%), table tennis (52%) then taekwondo (44.3%). The ranking of the top ten (10) sports however varied for males and females but typically included soccer, swimming, basketball, table tennis, taekwondo, tennis, badminton and cricket. Regardless of gender, Korean martial arts, mainly taekwondo, was the most popular culturally-based sport in which respondents participated.

5.1.2 Preferred sports

Respondents were also asked the three most preferred sports. The results showed a variation between preferred sports and types of sports in which respondents participated. Table 5.2 shows that among preferred sports, soccer (44.3%) was the most commonly preferred, followed by basketball (32.3%), swimming (27.9%), tennis (21.4%), rugby league (11.1%), badminton (9.6%), table tennis (8.3%), riding (8.3%), netball (7.9%), then cricket (7.6%). Korean martial arts, mainly taekwondo were preferred by 7% of respondents in Australia.

Table 5.2 Respondents’ sport preferences+

Rank Type of Sports N % Rank Type of Sports N % 1 Soccer 203 44.3 13 Track and field 15 3.3 2 Basketball 148 32.3 13 Hockey 15 3.3 3 Swimming 128 27.9 14 Archery 11 2.4 4 Tennis 98 21.4 15 Gymnastics 9 2.0 5 Rugby league* 51 11.1 15 Dancing 9 2.0 5 Badminton 44 9.6 15 Skating/ski 9 2.0 6 Table tennis 38 8.3 16 Volleyball 7 1.5 6 Riding 38 8.3 16 Bowling 7 1.5 7 Netball* 36 7.9 16 Boxing 7 1.5 8 Cricket* 35 7.6 16 Handball 7 1.5 8 Golf 35 7.6 17 Cycling 6 1.3 9 Taekwondo* 32 7.0 17 Squash 6 1.3 10 Baseball 23 5.0 17 Rowing 4 0.9 11 Surf 20 4.4 18 Scuba diving 3 0.7 Australian Rules 12 19 4.1 19 Sailing 1 0.2 Football* Note. +Multiple responses; *Culturally-based sports

102 Soccer, basketball and swimming were ranked in both the top five participated in and the top five preferences; however, taekwondo and table tennis were excluded. The data in that order indicates that respondents were more likely to participate in swimming, table tennis, taekwondo, cricket and track and field than their preferences. Rugby league was the most popular culturally-based sport that respondents preferred in Australia.

5.1.3 Rates of sport participation

Respondents were asked how often they engaged in organised sport in the last 12 months (see Section 4.2.2). The five original response categories were re-classified into three categories. Levels ‘weekly’ and ‘more than once a week’ were combined into a single group called ‘highly active’. ‘Monthly’ was changed to ‘moderately active’. ‘A few times a year’ and ‘never’ were combined into a single group called ‘inactive’. The results are presented in Table 5.3.

Table 5.3 Rates of participation in sport

Re-categorised Original Participation Rates N % N % Participation Rates More than once a week 17 3.7 Highly active 120 26.2 Weekly 103 22.5 Monthly 155 33.9 Moderately active 155 33.8 A few times a year 160 34.9 Inactive 183 40.0 Never 23 5.0 Total 458 100 Total 458 100

Highly active group This group represented 26.2% (N = 120) of the sample, and characterises sport enthusiasts who participated in sport one or more times per week. These respondents were regularly involved in sports like soccer, swimming and basketball. However, this group had lower levels of participation in some culturally-based sports (i.e. rugby league, Australian Rules football, cricket, netball and taekwondo) compared to the moderately active group.

Moderately active group This group represented 33.8% (N = 155) of the sample, and the respondents were more 103 likely to casually participate in sports like soccer, swimming, basketball, table tennis and taekwondo. This group represented the second largest group among the three groups.

Inactive group This group represented 40% (N = 183) of the sample. The respondents in this group were unlikely to regularly participate in sport in general. This group may participate in sporting activities a few times a year during their school holiday or vacation. Or they had not participated in any sport in the 12 months prior to the survey. This lack of participation may be due to any number of reasons, for example, lack of time, interpersonal constraints, disinterest, etc. (refer to Chapter Eight). Kenyon and Schutz (1970) refer to this participation as ‘cyclical involvement’ or ‘non-involvement’. They suggested that interest in sport for this group may decline or cease if they have an unpleasant experience associated with their participation in sport. However, this group corresponded to the largest group of respondents.

Regular participation in sport was defined as that undertaken once a week or more in the 12 months prior to the survey. 26.2% of the respondents indicated that they regularly participate in organised sport in Australia voluntarily.

5.1.4 Sport environment

This section presents the context of sport participation. In order to better understand the nature of sport participation, it was necessary to examine patterns of sport participation of respondents in terms of affective involvement (preferred sport coaches’ cultural background and choice of sport programs) and cognitive involvement (source of first interest in sport).

Regarding the most popular choice of sport programs (the respondents’ sport activity that they frequently participated in), higher participation (37.4%) was found in sports that were organised through schools rather than in sports organised by the Korean community (25.5%), private clubs (13.4%), after-school programs (11.9%) and local community (11.8%). The findings indicated that while school physical education programs provided a context for regular and structured sport and physical activity,

104 participation in organised sport programs outside of the regular curricular physical education programs were varied.

The results also indicated that the more popular preference of sport coaches’ cultural background was those from a Korean background (40.7%), followed by mainstream Australian backgrounds (34.6%). They were less likely to prefer those with both Korean and mainstream Australian backgrounds (4.3%) while 20.4 % of respondents were not sure. It is assumed that cultural factors play a part in these choices.

Regarding source of first interest in sport, 32.5% answered that they had become interested in sport participation through their friends, followed by educational institutions (30.3%), parents (14.3%), the Korean community (8.3%), TV (6.9%), Korean newspapers/magazines (4.3%) and websites (3.4%). It is interesting to find that the internet as a driver of social networking is yet to affect participation in sport for respondents in Australia. Perhaps there is a lack of relevant information on this platform.

5.2 Socio-demographic Characteristics and Sport Patterns

In relation to the research question on the influence of socio-demographic characteristic on the respondents’ sport patterns, Chi-square tests for independence were conducted with rate/frequency of sport participation (Section 5.2.1) and sporting environment (Section 5.2.3) as the dependent variables and socio-demographic characteristics (gender, age, length of residence, English proficiency and Korean proficiency) as independent variables. This statistical test was selected as the data were categorical with all expected frequencies as greater than one and no more than 20% of the expected frequencies were less than five (5) of each factor. Correlation analyses were also performed to examine the relationships between socio-demographic characteristics and frequency of participation in the different types of sport participation using Pearson correlation coefficients (Section 5.2.2).

105 5.2.1 Socio-demographic characteristics and sport participation rates

On the basis of research proposition 1.1b, this section examines whether rate of sport participation by respondents in Australia would differ depending on the various selected socio-demographic characteristics. The results concluded that younger-aged Korean males with both average Korean language proficiency and good English language proficiency were more likely to participate actively in sport, whereas, older-aged Korean females with poor English language proficiency had the lowest participation in sports in Australia.

Gender The sample comprised more males than females (57.9% compared to 42.1%). The results of chi-square tests identified gender as a statistically significant variable in relation to rate of sport participation [ F 2 (df) = 32.09(2), p < .001] (see Figure 5-1). A higher proportion of males were found in the highly active and moderately active groups. In comparison a higher proportion of females were found in the inactive group. This finding indicates that more young Korean males participated actively in sports than females in Australia. Female respondents tended to be less active and participated less in sports than their male counterparts.

Figure 5-1 Gender and sport participation rates

106 Age In general, sport at school is compulsory only up to year 10 (age 16) in Australia. For years 11 and 12 (age 17-18), it is optional. Based on this, this study divides the respondents into four age groups: 9-12 years (a majority of primary school students), 13-16 years (a majority of secondary school students), 17-18 years (a majority of Higher School Certificate students) and 19-25 years (a majority of tertiary students or post school). Of the total respondents, the mean age was 17.1 with respondent ages ranging from 9 to 25 (SD = 4.9), 92 (20.1%) respondents were less than 12 years old, 164 (35.8%) were aged between 13-16 years old, 50 (10.9%) were aged between 17-18 years old, and 152 (33.2%) respondents were over 18 years old.

The results of chi-square tests revealed that there were statistically significant differences across four age groups in relation to rate of sport participation [ F 2 (df) = 67.57(6), p < .001] (see Figure 5-2). Respondents in the younger age (9-12) group had the higher proportion for the highly active group and the lower proportion in the inactive group. The higher proportion of the middle age (13-16) group was found in the moderately active group. In comparison, respondents in the older age groups (17-18 and 19-25) were relatively dominant in the inactive groups. These findings indicate that respondents from younger age group participated in sports more actively than those from the older age group.

Figure 5-2 Age and sport participation rates

107 Length of residence Respondents selected for this study had lived in Australia for at least six months. The survey asked about the duration of residence of respondents who were not born in Australia. The average period of respondents’ residence was 8.4 years (SD = 6). Over a third of respondents (37.1%) had lived in Australia for 10 years or more, followed by 5- 9 years (28.8%), 2 years or less (24%) then 3-4 years (10.1%). There were no significant differences between different length of residence in Australia in relation to rate of sport participation [ F 2 (df) = 6.88(6), p = .332].

This study also compared respondents from the same age groups, but having different lengths of residence, in relation to their sport participation rates. The results of ANOVA tests revealed that there were no statistically significant differences between different lengths of residence in relation to sport participation rates: 2 years or less [F(df = 3, 454) = 0.26, p = .856], 3-4 years [F(df = 3, 454) = 0.46, p = .711], 5-9 years [F(df = 3, 454) = 0.75, p = .529], and 10 years or more [F(df = 3, 454) = 0.07, p = .975].

Language skills The data were divided into three groups (good, average and poor): 62.6% of respondents reported their English language proficiency as good, followed by average (25.6%) and poor (11.8%). On the other hand, 51.3% respondents reported their Korean language proficiency as good, followed by average (26%) and poor (22.7%).

The results of chi-square tests revealed that there were statistically significant differences across three English language proficiency groups [ F 2 (df) = 16.22(4), p

< .01] and three Korean language proficiency groups [ F 2 (df) = 21.52(4), p < .001] in relation to rate of sport participation. The higher proportions of respondents with good English (31.71%) and average Korean (35.9%) proficiency were found in the highly active group. These findings indicate that a bilingual capacity of good English and average Korean proficiencies in respondents was more likely to facilitate higher rate of sport participation.

108 Residential status Respondents were also asked about their residential status in Australia. Almost two- thirds of respondents were Australian citizens and permanent residents (67.2%), followed by overseas students (26%) then other (6.8%) (i.e., working holiday makers and short term travellers).

The results of chi-square tests revealed no significant differences across the three residential status groups in relation to sport participation rates [ F 2 (df) = 5.59(4), p = .23] (refer to table in Appendix G-1 for details).

5.2.2 Socio-demographic characteristics and frequency of participation in the different types of sports

On the basis of research proposition 1.2, this section examines whether frequency of different types of sport participation by respondents in Australia would differ depending on socio-demographic characteristics. Culturally-based sports in this study include one Korean-originated sport (taekwondo), region-based mainstream sports (rugby league and Australian Rules football), a gender-based mainstream sport (netball), a dynamic mainstream sport (cricket), and the most popular sport (soccer) (for more detailed information refer to Chapter Two).

Due to significant differences of frequency of sport participation between males and females in this study, as the results above indicate (see Table 5.1), in order to produce more valid findings gender was isolated and then the influence of age, length of residence, language skills on sport participation was analysed separately.

As shown in Table 5.4, correlation analyses were performed to examine the relationship between socio-demographic characteristics and frequency of different types of sport participation within male and female respondents using Pearson correlation coefficients. The results indicate that long-stay male respondents with good English language proficiency were more likely to participate in popular mainstream Australian sports than females, excluding netball in Australia.

109 Regardless of gender, the results indicated that age had a significant negative correlation with level of culturally-based sport participation (p < 0.001). For male respondents, length of residence and English language proficiency had a significant positive correlation with popular mainstream Australian sports, while English language proficiency had a significant positive correlation with netball (p < 0.001) and soccer (p < 0.01) for female respondents.

Conversely, Korean language proficiency had a significant negative correlation with Australian Rules football (p < 0.05 for males and p < 0.01 for females), rugby league (p < 0.001 for males), netball (p < 0.05 for males and p < 0.001 for females) and soccer (p < 0.01 for females) participation.

Table 5.4 Correlations between socio-demographic characteristics and frequency of different types of sport participation

Length of English Korean Types of sport Gender Age residence proficiency proficiency Males -.287*** -.070 .072 -.086 Taekwondo Females -.318*** -.073 .001 -.022 Australian Rules Males -.303*** .137* .316*** -.149* Football Females -.286*** .009 .139 -.209** Males -.253*** .232*** .319*** -.237*** Rugby league Females -.281*** .044 .129 -.165* Males -.351*** .196*** .241*** -.110 Cricket Females -.289*** .083 .126 -.128 Males -.288*** .089 .124 -.145* Netball Females -.353*** .068 .201*** -.239*** Males .045 -.052 .011 .017 Soccer Females -.368*** .099 .179** -.213** *p < 0.05, **p < 0.01, ***p < 0.001

A one-way ANOVA reported significant differences in cricket [F(df = 2, 455) = 9.32, p < .001] and rugby [F(df = 2, 455) = 8.26, p < .001]. There were also significant differences in Australian Rules football [F(df = 2, 455) = 5.2, p < .01], netball [F(df = 2, 455) = 4.73, p < .01] and taekwondo [F(df = 2, 455) = 4.55, p < .05]. The mean score for rugby participation of citizens and permanent residents (M = 2.01) was significantly different from overseas students (M = 1.76) at p < .05 and from other residents (M = 110 1.5) at p < .01. The mean score for cricket participation of citizens and permanent residents (M = 1.99) was significantly different from overseas students (M = 1.76) at p < .05 and from other residents (M = 1.5) at p < .01. The results indicated that, in general, young Korean respondents who were citizens or permanent residents reported higher levels of mainstream sport participation than overseas students and other residential status (see Table 5.5).

Table 5.5 Residential status and different types of sport participation

Residential Status Dependent Citizen / Student Other Variables Permanent Resident F Category Mean (SD) Mean (SD) Mean (SD) (df =2, 455) Sig.(p) Taekwondo 2.12 (1.15) 1.8 (.79) 1.82 (.82) 4.55 .011* Rugby 2.01 (.91) 1.76 (.64) 1.5 (.28) 8.26 .000*** Cricket 1.99 (.78) 1.76 (.63) 1.5 (.27) 9.32 .000*** AFL 1.86 (.75) 1.68 (.47) 1.56 (.28) 5.20 .006** Netball 1.91 (.8) 1.75 (.64) 1.55 (.27) 4.73 .009** AFL(Australian Football League) – Australian Rules football Mean score was computed on the score of 5 scales *Significant level at p < .05, **Significant level at p < .01, ***Significant level at p < .001

5.2.3 Socio-demographic characteristics and sport environment

On the basis of research propositions 1.3 and 1.4, this section examines whether source of first interest in sport and choice of sport programs would differ depending on the various selected socio-demographic characteristics. Perhaps these assumptions would differ depending on specific types of sports; however, this study attempted to conceptualise the ‘general’ patterns of sport environment among respondents in Australia.

The findings confirmed that sport environment used by respondents in Australia would differ depending on the various selected socio-demographic characteristics.

Source of first interest in sport In terms of source of first interest in sport, respondents’ friends from own ethnic community were the most popular referral group among short-stay older male respondents, while the educational institutions and parents were the most popular 111 referral groups among female respondents. In this case, language proficiency was not found to be a significant factor.

The results revealed that there was a statistically significant difference regarding source of first interest in sport between males and females [ F 2 (df) = 77.95(6), p < .001] (see Table 5.6). Friends provided the most popular source of first interest in sport among male respondents, while the educational institution and parents influence first interest in sport among female respondents.

Table 5.6 Gender and source of first interest in sport

Source of First Interest in Males Females Sport % % Friends 32.9 4.5 Parents 13.9 20.7 Educational institutions 28.4 46.3 The Korean community 8.9 10.6 Website 4.0 3.7 Local magazine and newspaper 4.4 5.7 TV media 7.5 8.5 Total 100 100

The results also showed a statistically significant difference between four age groups in regard to source of first interest in sport [ F 2 (df) = 43.12(18), p < .001]. The results seem to indicate that there is a correlation between age and parental influence. However, as respondents grow older, the early influence of their parents is replaced by that of their peers, the educational institution and the Korean community.

Respondents in the 13-16 years (35.2%), the 9-12 years (32.8%) and the 17-18 years (31.7%) age groups were more likely to become interested in sport participation through the educational institution compared to the 19-25 years group (21%). Respondents from the older (19-25 years) group had become interested in participation through the Korean community (14.7%) compared to the 17-18 years (3.7%), the 13-16 years (6.5%) and the 9-12 years (5.6%) groups. In the 9-12 years age group, however, parents’ referrals had declined from 17.7% to 15.7% and 11% for the 13-16 years and the 17-18 years age group respectively. The respondents from the older age groups (the 17-18 years and the 112 19-25 years) had become interested in participation through their friends’ referrals (39% and 37.4% respectively) compared to the 13-16 years (29.6%) and 9-12 years (28.8%) groups (refer to table in Appendix G-2 for details).

However, there were no statistically significant differences in source of first interest in sport between different lengths of residence [ F 2 (df) = 24.5(18), p = .140], level of

English language proficiency [ F 2 (df) = 17.4(12), p = .134] and Korean language proficiency [ F 2 (df) = 20.64(12), p = .056] in this study.

The result also revealed significant differences between the three residential status in regard to source of first interest in sport [ F 2 (df) = 32.18(12), p < .01] (refer to table in Appendix G-3 for details). The influence of friends proved the highest determining factor among those who were students (33.5%) while parents proved to be the highest influence among those who were citizens or permanent residents (30.3%), overseas students (33.5%) and other (27.5%). Citizens were also less likely to engage in sport participation via the Korean community than the other groups.

Choice of sport programs In terms of choice of sport programs, long-stay female respondents from the younger group with good English language proficiency were more likely to choose mainstream educational sporting environments. In comparison, short-stay respondents from the older group with good Korean language proficiency were more likely to choose ethnically-based (Korean) sporting environments.

The statistical results indicate significant differences between males and females in relation to choice of sport programs [ F 2 (df) = 14.8(4), p = .01] (see Table 5.7). It appears that male respondents were more likely to participate in Korean sporting programs, while female respondents were more likely to participate in educational (school) sport programs.

There were statistically significant differences between three age groups in relation to choice of sport programs [ F 2 (df) = 102.6(12), p < .001] (refer to table in Appendix G-4

113 for details). As they grow older, respondents’ choice of sporting programs changes from educational institutions to the Korean community followed by the mainstream local community and the private clubs.

Table 5.7 Gender and choice of sport programs

Males Females Choice of Sport Programs % % Educational programs 31.5 46.6 After school program 12.2 11.4 Korean community 28.8 20.3 Private clubs 14.7 11.4 The local community 12.8 10.3 Total 100 100

The 9-12 years (48.5%), the 13-16 years (45.5%) and the 17-18 years (48.3) age groups were more likely to participate in sport within their educational programs compared to the 19-25 years group (12.2%) due to the latter group’s lower level of participation in educational institutions, as non-students lack access to these educational programs. The 9-12 years and the 13-16 years age groups were more likely to participate in active after-school programs (16.2 and 15.6% respectively), whereas respondents in older age group (19-25 years) had a higher participation rate in sports organised by the Korean community (43.3%), the private clubs (23.2%) and the mainstream local community (17.1%).

There were statistically significant differences across the four length of residence groups in relation to choice of sport programs [ F 2 (df) = 29.1(12), p < .01] (refer to table in Appendix G-5 for details). Respondents in the short-stay group were more likely to participate in sports organised by the Korean community (34.1%) than educational programs (27.3%), private clubs (20.4%), the mainstream community (12.9%), and after school programs (5.3%).

However, respondents living in Australia for 10 years or more had higher proportions of sport participation in sports within educational institutions and community programs compared to their counterparts. This seems to indicate that recently arrived respondents felt more comfortable within their own community in Australia. Afterward, they may 114 have more opportunities to extend their support networks in regard to sport.

There were statistically significant differences across different level of English language proficiency groups in relation to choice of sport programs [ F 2 (df) = 24.8(8), p < .01] (refer to table in Appendix G-6 for details). Respondents with good (12.8%) English language proficiency were more likely to participate in sport organised by the mainstream community, followed by those with average (11%) and poor (7.6%). Respondents with good English language proficiency had higher level of participation in educational sport programs (39.8%), followed by the Korean community (22.8%).

On the other hand, there were significant differences across different levels of Korean language proficiency in relation to choice of sport programs [ F 2 (df) = 16.3(8), p < .05] (refer to table in Appendix G-7 for details). Respondents with poor Korean language proficiency (43.8%) had higher level of participation in educational sport programs compared to those respondents with good Korean language proficiency (31.5%). Respondents with good Korean language proficiency had higher level of participation in the Korean community (29.5%) compared to average (21.4%) and poor (22.2%).

The results indicated significant differences across the three residential status groups in relation to choice of sport programs [ F 2 (df) = 48.67(8), p < .001] (refer to table in Appendix G-8 for details). Young Koreans who were citizens or permanent residents (35.1%) were more likely to participate in educational sport programs followed by overseas students (30.5%) and other (1.9%). Those young Koreans who were neither Australian citizens nor permanent residents were more likely to participate in private sport clubs and sports organised by the Korean community.

5.3 Summary of Findings

The nature of sport participation (RP 1.1a) Type of participation: The top five sport activities, in terms of the total participation rate in the 12 months prior to the survey, were soccer, swimming, basketball, table tennis and taekwondo. In terms of culturally-based sport participation, the Korean sport of 115 taekwondo was the most frequently undertaken sport activity.

Sport preference: The five most commonly preferred sports were soccer, basketball, swimming, tennis and rugby league. In terms of culturally-based sport preference, popular mainstream Australian sport of rugby league was the most frequently preferred sport.

Rates of sport participation: The majority of the respondents reported that they participated in at least one sport activity in the last 12 months prior to the survey. These sport activities included all activities that were organised by a club, association, or any other type of organisation. Regular participation in organised sports is positively associated with a higher frequency of sport involvement behaviour. However, over two third of respondents had lower than the average participation rates in Australia.

Sport environment: In terms of the most popular preferences of a sport coaches’ cultural background, the largest percentage of respondents reported that they preferred sport coaches with a Korean background. In terms of the most popular choice of sport program, the highest number of respondents was those reporting that they preferred sport programs that were organised through schools (educational institutions). This is followed by the Korean community, private clubs, after-school programs, then local community. In terms of the source of first interest in sport, the largest number of respondents was those reporting that they had become first interested in sport participation through their friends. This is followed by schools, parents, then the Korean community.

Relationship between socio-demographic characteristics and sport participation rates (RP 1.1b) The total participation rate in sport was influenced by the socio-demographic variables of age, gender and language proficiency. For instance, younger-aged Korean males with both average Korean language proficiency and good English language proficiency had a higher participation in sports, whereas, older-aged Korean females with poor English language proficiency had the lowest participation in sports in Australia.

116 Relationship between socio-demographic characteristics and the frequency of different types of sport participation (RP 1.2) The frequency of different types of sport participation was influenced by the socio- demographic variables of age, gender, length of residence, language proficiency and residential status. For instance, long-stay younger-aged male respondents with good English language proficiency who were Australian citizens or residents had higher participation in popular mainstream Australian sports than females, excluding netball in Australia.

Relationship between socio-demographic characteristics and sport environments (RP 1.3 and RP 1.4) Sport environments used by respondents in Australia were influenced by the various selected socio-demographic characteristics. For instance, choice of sporting programs was influenced by gender, age, length of residence, language proficiency and residential status. Source of first interest in sport was influenced by age, gender and residential status.

Many of the results arising from this chapter will now be used as input in the second step of the hierarchical multiple regression analysis outlined in the next chapter. Chapter Six will also detail the results of the structural modelling for linking research propositions within the second research question in relation to the influence of acculturation modes on the sport patterns of young Koreans in Australia.

117 CHAPTER SIX

ACCULTURATION AND CULTURALLY-BASED SPORT PARTICIPATION

The previous chapter presented the preliminary results of the analysis and a more generalised view of sport participation patterns as related to socio-demographic characteristics. Although sport participation is influenced by multiple factors (Sallis & Owen, 1999), the number of studies that focus on socio-cultural factors influencing the sport participation of children and adolescents from culturally and linguistically different background is limited. Several researchers indicate that it is important to approach the concept of acculturation from the cultural perspective (Phinney, 1992; Phinney et al., 1992; Rhee, 1996; Sharke & Rhee, 2004). Acculturation results in part from immigrants’ expectations (cognitive preconception of the host society) and normative beliefs, which are culturally influenced (Souweidenane & Huesmann, 1999). The different types of culturally-based sport and sporting culture relate to basic orientations in the process of socialisation in cross-cultural investigation. In order to develop effective ethno-cultural programs to encourage sport participation of young Koreans in Australia, it is necessary to identify and classify the factors that make them effective (e.g., Fagard, 2001).

The purpose of this chapter is to analyse the data in light of the acculturation theory, which informed the second research question: How is sport participation of young Koreans in Australia affected by acculturation? Specifically, the chapter aims to examine the relationships depicted in the research model and thus the propositions 2.1 to 2.4. The results are organised into two sections. Section 6.1 begins with a presentation of the preliminary analysis of acculturation modes, and the extent to which socio-demographic characteristics affect acculturation. This section also presents the data analyses carried out to determine which acculturation modes influence sport participation rates, and which acculturation modes continue to moderate when socio- demographic variables are included. Section 6.2 deals with the extent to which acculturation modes influence (i) types of culturally-based sport participation, and (ii) choice of sport programs. The findings are then summarised.

118 6.1 Acculturation and Sport Participation

6.1.1 Acculturation mode and socio-demographic characteristics

The survey posed questions regarding acculturation modes and was conducted to articulate the reasons for culturally specific attitudes of young Koreans in Australia. Table 6.1 shows descriptive information about the East-Asian Acculturation (Barry, 2001) scale’s Cronbach’s alpha reliability coefficient for internal consistency, mean and standard deviation. Cronbach’s alpha is one of the most commonly used indicators of internal consistency (Coakes & Steed, 1999; Pallant, 2001) and is normally recommended to be above 0.6 for exploratory research (Hair, Anderson, Tatham, & Black, 1998), therefore, it was applied for this study.

Table 6.1 Acculturation modes: Means, standard deviations, and Cronbach’s Alpha Coefficients

Assimilation Integration Separation Marginalisation Mean 3.01 3.49 3.19 2.24 SD .82 .72 .63 .67 Cronbach’s Alpha .83 .70 .66 .82

On the basis of research proposition 2.1, the regression analyses involved checking that the predictors (acculturation modes) of dependent variables significantly correlated with the moderators, in this case, socio-demographic variables. Acculturation modes did significantly vary with gender, age, length of residence and language proficiency (see Table 6.2).

The results show the positive coefficients on gender, length of residence and English proficiency and the negative coefficients on age and Korean proficiency in assimilation. The coefficients on length of residence, Korean proficiency and English proficiency were positive and statistically significant in integration, but age was negative and statistically significant in integration. The coefficient on Korean proficiency was positive and statistically significant in separation.

Certain socio-demographic variables predict acculturation modes that these measures 119 partially overlap. However, none of these socio-demographic variables predict marginalisation. The prediction of this variable in cross-cultural contexts remains elusive.

Table 6.2 Regression of socio-demographic variables on acculturation modes

Predictors Assimilation Integration Separation Marginalisation Age -.037*** -.042*** -.008 .003 Gender+ .132* .013 -.011 .044 Length of Residence .241*** .029*** .002 -.015 Korean Proficiency -.208*** .123*** .128*** -.021 English Proficiency .259*** .231*** -.036 -.061 R2 .460 .342 .057 .044 Adj R2 .454 .334 .047 .033 F(df=5,452) 77.07*** 46.88*** 5.5*** 4.16** *p<0.05, **p<0.01, ****p<0.001 + Dummy Code: 0 (female) and 1 (male)

6.1.2 Acculturation mode, socio-demographic characteristics and sport participation

On the basis of research proposition 2.2, a hierarchical multiple regression analysis was performed in order to examine which acculturation modes influence sport participation rates and the extent to which selected socio-demographic variables play a role as a moderating factor in this relationship.

Step 1 involved the abilities of acculturation mode variables to predict sport participation and Step 2 involved the ability of the components of socio-demographic variables to moderate, when they are controlled for the effects of acculturation modes. This hierarchical regression attempted to improve standard regression estimates by adding a second-stage mode to pull estimates toward each other when the corresponding variables have similar levels (Witte & Greenland, 1994). This was utilised to differentiate this study from the simple relationship between acculturation and sport participation rates found in previous research.

120 The results indicated that more assimilated male respondents were more likely to participate actively in sport, while more marginalised and long-stay female respondents were less likely to participate in sport.

A first regression was carried out with sport participation rates as the dependent variable and acculturation mode variables as predictors (Table 6.3, step 1).

Table 6.3 Hierarchical regressions of acculturation and socio-demographic variables on sport participation rates

2 2 Steps/Predictors Step 1β Step 2β R R Fchange 1. Acculturation modes variables .104 .112 14.31*** Assimilation .290*** .178** Integration .090 .071 Separation .089 .056 Marginalisation -.082 -.097* 2. Socio-demographic variables .249 .264 17.81*** Gender .298*** Age -.249*** Length of residence -.169* Korean proficiency -.038 English proficiency .108 *p<0.05, **p<0.01, ****p<0.001 Dummy Coded: 0 (female) and 1 (male)

The results show that acculturation mode variables explain 10.4% of the variance of sport participation. Assimilation is the best predictor of sport participation rates. The addition of the gender, age, length of residence, Korean proficiency and English proficiency variables increased the proportion of variance explained at Step 2, with an additional 24.9% of variance in sport participation rates explained. These findings imply that assimilation and marginalisation were significant independent predictors of sport participation rates when socio-demographic variables were included in the analyses.

Gender and age are the best predictors of sport participation rates – males and the youngest respondent are more likely to participate in sport. When the other variables are controlled, length of residence is average in predicting sport participation rates.

121 6.2 Acculturation Mode and Culturally-based Sport Participation

6.2.1 Acculturation mode and type of sport participation The evidence from Chapter Five shows that respondents’ participation in different types of sport was dependent on gender. As previously stated, it was important to isolate the gender and analyse the influence of acculturation modes on them separately. On the basis of research proposition 2.3, this section examines whether the frequency of culturally-based sport participation would depend on different modes of acculturation.

As shown in Table 6.4, correlation analyses were performed to examine the relationships between acculturation modes and different types of culturally-based sport participation using Pearson correlation coefficients.

Table 6.4 Correlations between acculturation modes and culturally-based sport

Assimilation Integration Separation Marginalisation Taekwondo Males .140* .091 .053 .022 Females .039 .203** .105 .004 Both .109* .098* .065 .029 Australian Rules Football Males .241*** .235*** -.072 -.133* Females .232** .119 -.053 -.079 Both .233*** .182*** -049 -.105* Rugby League Males .285*** .222*** -.040 -.265*** Females .295*** .226** -.002 -.037 Both .280*** .198*** -.026 -.181*** Cricket Males .276*** .322*** -.019 -.069 Females .255*** .169* -.020 -.058 Both .266*** .255*** -.015 -.056 Netball Males .253*** .145* -.041 -.036 Females .261*** .172* -.008 -.010 Both .234*** .149* -.023 -.036 *Significant level at p < .05, ** p < .01, *** p < .001

122 Male respondents who were more assimilated were more likely to participate in mainstream popular Australian sports and the Korean sport of taekwondo, while female respondents who were more assimilated were more likely to participate in mainstream popular Australian sports only. Male respondents who were more integrated were more likely to participate in mainstream popular Australian sports, while female respondents who were more integrated were more likely to participate in both mainstream popular Australian sports and the Korean sport of taekwondo.

The results indicated that for male respondents, assimilation had a significant positive correlation with mainstream popular Australian sports (p < 0.001) and taekwondo (p < 0.05). For female respondents, assimilation only had a significant positive correlation with mainstream popular sports (netball, cricket, and rugby league (p < 0.001) and Australian Rules football (p < 0.01).

Among female respondents, integration had a significant positive correlation with taekwondo and rugby league (p < 0.01) and netball and cricket (p < 0.05). For male respondents, integration had a significant positive correlation only with mainstream popular sports - Australian Rules football, cricket and rugby league (p < 0.001) and netball (p < 0.05).

6.2.2 Acculturation mode and sport program

In relation to research proposition 2.4 concerning the influence of acculturation modes on culturally-based sport environments, this section examines whether choice of culturally-based sport program would differ depending on different modes of acculturation.

Based on the statistical analyses, the links between acculturation and sport program is presented in detail using the results of logistic regression analyses, giving an Odds Ratios (OR). This study operates with respondents’ choice of sport program as categorical variables while acculturation was treated as a continuous variable.

The results of logistic regression analyses revealed that respondents with more

123 separation attitude (OR: 1.62, 95%CI: 1.31-2.31) were more likely, while more integrated respondents (OR: 0.72, 95%CI: 0.52-1.0) were less likely to participate in sport programs organised by the Korean community-based environments in Australia.

Table 6.5 shows the summary of logistic regression analysis concerning the influence of acculturation modes on choice of community-based sport programs among respondents.

Table 6.5 Summary of logistic regression analysis for acculturation modes predicting choice of culturally-based sport programs

Std. Sport programs Predictor B Wald df Sig. Error (1) Korean community based sport programs Assimilation .09 .15 3.62 1 .547 [ F 2 (df) = 10.76(4), p < .05] Integration .33 .17 3.84 1 .049* Separation .48 .18 6.96 1 .008** Marginalisation -.14 .16 .79 1 .376 (2) Mainstream community based sport programs Assimilation .26 .19 1.81 1 .179 [ F 2 (df) = 9.78(4), p < .05] Integration .43 .22 3.72 1 .054 Separation -.05 .23 .05 1 .831 Marginalisation -.18 .21 .75 1 .386 *Significant level at p < .05, ** p < .01

6.3 Summary of Findings

The results partially validated the research propositions (2.1, 2.2, 2.3, and 2.4) within the second research question that acculturation influence patterns of sport participation. Overall, culturally specific attitudes toward sport patterns were significantly dependent on cultural orientation toward mainstream and/or heritage culture. The findings of this study validated the standard TPB-Attitudes variable by substituting determinants of acculturation as culturally specific attitudes which influence culturally-based sport patterns. A summary of key findings is provided below.

124 Relationship between acculturation modes and socio-demographic characteristics (RP 2.1) Socio-demographic characteristics of gender, age, length of residence and language proficiency were identified as significant predictor variables in determining the level of acculturation attitudes. Assimilation attitude was positively associated with gender and English proficiency and negative related to age and Korean proficiency. Integration attitude was negatively related to age and positively related to length of residence and both Korean and English language proficiencies. Separation attitude was only positively related to Korean proficiency.

Influence of acculturation modes and socio-demographic characteristics on sport participation rates (RP 2.2) Sport participation rates of respondents in Australia differ depending on acculturation modes. There was a similar pattern of convergence for other ethnic youth, with assimilation attitude being primarily positively related to sport participation rates. Assimilation as a key indicator of sport participation rates was validated; however, marginalisation was also found to be an important factor when socio-demographic variables were included.

Influence of acculturation modes on the frequency of different types of sport participation (RP 2.3) The results partially validated the relationship between acculturation modes and culturally-based sport participation. In general, assimilation and integration positively related to mainstream popular sport participation, while marginalisation related negatively.

Relationship between acculturation modes and choice of culturally-based sport programs (RP 2.4) In terms of culturally-based sport programs, assimilation or integration predicted more mainstream-based sport program usage, while separation predicted more ethnically- based sport program usage. Respondents with more separation attitude were more likely to participate in sport programs organised by the Korean community. More assimilated respondents were more likely to become interested in sport participation through Australian educational institutions. More integrated respondents were also more likely

125 to participate in sport programs organised by the Korean-community in Australia.

Acculturation attitude was an important factor in understanding individual differences among young Koreans in Australia and how they adjust themselves to the cultural context of sport in Australia. Similarly, the kind of social support available to young Koreans in Australia may also have an impact on the extent to which they participate in sport while trying to maintain their own cultural identity and/or adapt to a new culture.

In the next chapter, social support variables are needed to provide a general basis for understanding the external factors of sport participation among young Koreans in Australia. However, a combination of acculturation modes and social support variables are still utilised in order to analyse the effects of social support variables on the sport patterns of young Koreans in Australia.

126 CHAPTER SEVEN

SOCIAL SUPPORT AND SPORT PARTICIPATION

While the previous chapter focused on the relationship between acculturation and culturally-based sport patterns, this chapter presents the data analyses carried out to determine whether the sport patterns of young Koreans in Australia are affected by social support factors. Social support for sport activity can take many forms. The association of social support, particularly family and peer and level of sport participation in adolescents is well established (Annesi, 1999; Chogahara, 1999; Cress et al., 2005; Kidd & Altman, 2001). Cohen (1988) outlined that social support may (i) give the participant a sense of identity and belonging, (ii) increase perceived control, and (iii) provide an overall feeling of stability. In addition, social influence/controls and peer pressures may also lead to a change in belief or behaviour. Social support has been connected with adolescent sport consumption behaviours (Berkman et al., 2000; Courneya et al., 2000) and the acculturation process (Berry, 2001; Bourhis et al., 1997) while offering more specific information concerning influence and control rather than subjective norms (as utilised in TPB), which have been limited to reflecting perceived social pressure only. It was therefore appropriate to address this limitation regarding the influence of social support on level of sport participation. In cross-cultural contexts, the moderating factors of acculturation modes are worthwhile considering. In addition, in terms of the dynamic nature of sport participation among young ethnic minorities, socio-demographic variables can also be considered as moderating factors.

The purpose of this chapter is to present the findings relating to the third research question: How is sport participation affected by social support? This research question is directed at the data set comparing respondents’ accounts of the role of family and friends in promoting emotional, motivational, instrumental, informational and appraisal supports that is associated with sport participation. Specifically, the chapter aims to examine the relationships depicted in the research model and thus the propositions 3.1 to 3.4 outlined in Chapter Three. The results are organised into two sections. Section 7.1 examines the extent to which social support factors influence level of sport participation

127 and which combination of acculturation modes and socio-demographic variables continue to moderate these relationships. In addition, the relationships between social support factors, acculturation modes and socio-demographic variables are examined. Section 7.2 addresses the influence of family composition on sport patterns, and the interactive effect of acculturation modes to moderate between family composition and level of sport participation. In relation to the influence of parental cultural value and behaviour, young Koreans’ participation in certain types of culturally-based sport participation are measured against culturally-based sporting involvement of their parents. A brief summary of the data analysis findings of the results provide a conclusion to this chapter.

7.1 Social Support and Sport Participation

7.1.1 Social support, acculturation mode and socio-demographic characteristics

This is addressed by statistical analyses along with descriptive information about the Social Support Appraisal scale’s Cronbach’s alpha reliability coefficient for internal consistency, mean and standard deviation, which is presented in Table 7.1.

Table 7.1 Social support variables: Means, standard deviations, and Cronbach’s Alpha Coefficients

General Overall Variables Family Support Peer Support Support Social Support Mean 3.60 3.79 3.44 3.61 SD .45 .57 .42 .42 Cronbach’s Alpha .71 .76 .69 .86

On the basis of research proposition 3.1, the regression analyses were performed in order to examine whether acculturation modes and socio-demographic characteristics are strong predictors of social support amongst young Koreans in Australia (see Table 7.2). These involved checking that the predictors (social support factors) of dependent variables (sport participation rates) significantly correlated with the moderators, in this case, the socio-demographic variables and acculturation modes.

128 Table 7.2 Regression of acculturation modes and socio-demographic variables on social support factors

Predictors Family Support Peer Support General Support Age -.141*** .001 .008 Gender+ -.051 .044 .002 Length of residence -.006 -.002 -.017** Korean proficiency .019 -.035 .015 English proficiency .007 .091* .081* Assimilation .083* .087* .059 Integration .081* .145*** .101** Separation .086* .085* .036 Marginalisation -.113*** -.243*** -.182*** R2 .093 .245 .119 Adj R2 .075 .229 .101 F(df=9,448) 5.12*** 16.15*** 6.71*** *p<0.05, **p<0.01, ****p<0.001 + Dummy Code: 0 (female) and 1 (male)

The coefficients on assimilation, integration and separation were positive and significant, but age and marginalisation were negative and highly significant in family support. The coefficients on English proficiency, assimilation, integration and separation were positive and significant, but marginalisation was negative and highly significant in peer support. The coefficients on English proficiency and integration were positive and significant, but length of residence and marginalisation were negative and highly significant in general support.

7.1.2 Social support, acculturation mode, socio-demographic characteristics and sport participation

On the basis of research proposition 3.2, a hierarchical multiple regression analysis was performed in order to examine (i) whether level of sport participation by young Koreans in Australia would differ depending on social support factors, and (ii) whether family, peer and general support variables would continue to be a key indicator when acculturation and socio-demographic variables were taken into account. A first regression was carried out with level of sport participation as the dependent variable and the family support, peer support and general support variables as predictors (Table 7.3, step 1).

129 The results show that these variables explain 3.7% of the variance of level of sport participation. The peer support accounted for a significant proportion of variance in level of sport participation – the more peer support young Koreans have, the more likely they are to participate in sport. However, family support and general support do not play a role in the explanation of the variance of level of sport participation.

The results from this second stage show that acculturation modes and socio- demographic variables are potential moderators of the relationship between participation in sport and social support factors. This study also questioned whether social support factors (family, peer and general support) would continue to be key indicators when acculturation modes and socio-demographic variables were taken into account. The addition of the acculturation modes variables significantly increased the proportion of variance explained at Step 2, with an additional 10.7% of variance in level of sport participation explained. Step 3, the addition of the acculturation modes and socio-demographic variables resulted in a further significant increase in variance explained, accounting for an additional 25.3% of variance in level of sport participation.

Table 7.3 Hierarchical regression of social support, acculturation and socio- demographic variables on level of sport participation

2 2 Steps/Predictors Step 1β Step 2β Step 3β R R Fchange 1. Social support variables .037 .043 6.87*** Family support .096 .084 .069 Peer support .187** .049 .086 General support .159 -.041 -.061 2. Acculturation mode variables .107 .121 8.82*** Assimilation .271*** .164** Integration .074 .057 Separation .075 .043 Marginalisation -.063 -.077 3. Socio-demographic variables .253 .273 13.92*** Gender+ .305*** Age -.239*** Length of residence -.174** Korean proficiency -.033 English proficiency .102 *p<0.05, **p<0.01, ****p<0.001 + Dummy Code: 0 (female) and 1 (male)

130 There was partial support for research question three in that peer support was a significant predictor of level of sport participation. When acculturation modes variables were included in the analyses, assimilation was a significant independent predictor. Gender, age, and length of cultural contact were significant predictors of level of sport participation when the addition of the acculturation modes and socio-demographic variables are included in the analyses. However, the main effect of peer support became non-significant when the acculturation modes and socio-demographic variables were included in the regression analyses.

7.2 Social Influence and Sport Pattern

Section 7.1 dealt with the relationship between non-pressuring forms of social support and level of sport participation. On the basis of research proposition 3.3, this section focuses on the relationship between sport patterns and the perceived pressure on children of social influence, in this case, (a) family composition and (b) parent’s sporting involvement.

The survey asked a question to determine the type of family composition during their stay in Australia. Most reported by respondents was those living in two parent families (59.8%). Next came 14% with single parent families, 10.5% no parent present (e.g., shared with friends), 9.8% other, then 5.9% with home-stay families.

7.2.1 Influence of family composition and acculturation on sport participation

This section compares level of sport participation depending on (i) three types of family composition (no parent present, single parent and both parents present) in step-1, and (ii) a combination of family composition and acculturation modes in step-2. A one-way ANCOVA (with acculturation modes as covariates, the types of family composition as the independent variable, and level of sport participation as the dependent variable) was performed in order to examine the influence of different family composition on level of sport participation and the ability of the components of acculturation modes to mediate these relations.

131 The results of ANCOVA showed that the main effect of family composition (F(2, 455) = 20.49, p < .001) is significantly related to level of sport participation (refer to table in Appendix H for details). The both parent groups (both p < .05) mean scores on level of sport participation was significantly higher than those living with single parent, while the both parent (p < .001) and the single parent (p < .05) groups’ mean scores on level of sport participation were significantly higher than those living with no parent present.

The main effect of family composition on level of sport participation still remains significant when the effect of acculturation modes (F(6, 451) = 10.85, p < .05) were included in the analyses. The both parents (p < .01) groups’ mean scores on level of sport participation were significantly higher than those living with no parent present. The effect of assimilation (F(1, 451) = 14.48, p < .001) as a covariate was only statistically significant on the level of sport participation.

It seems that young Koreans living with parents had higher level of sport participation than those living with no parent present. The results also indicated that young Koreans living with both parents and with a higher level of assimilation were more inclined to actively participate in sport compared to those living with single parent or no parent present.

7.2.2 Family composition and type of sport participation

This section examines whether family composition (with or without parents) would influence culturally-based sport patterns among the respondents. The results indicated that, in general, young Koreans living with both parents were more likely to participate in mainstream popular Australian sports compared to their counterparts living with single parents or without parents. On the other hand, young Koreans living with their parents (single or both parents) were more likely to participate in taekwondo than those living without parents.

A one-way ANOVA reported statistically significant differences across the three family composition groups regarding participation in rugby league, cricket, Australian Rules football, netball (p < .001) and taekwondo (p < .01) (see Figure 7-1).

132

Figure 7-1 Mean scores of culturally-based sport participation by family composition

7.2.3 Parental sporting involvement and their children’s participation in sports

In relation to research proposition 3.4 regarding the relationship of parent’s sport involvement and the types of their children’s sport participation, this section examines whether Korean parents’ sporting involvement would exert a strong influence on their children’s participation in sport utilising ANOVA tests.

According to the survey, 50.4% of respondents answered that their parents had been involved in Korean-based sport, followed by mainstream sports (14.7%) and both Korean and mainstream sports (3.8%). 31 percent of the respondents’ parents had not been involved in sport. The results also indicated that parents’ sport experiences influenced their children’s choice of culturally-based sport participation.

The results of ANOVA tests revealed (see Table 7.4) that there were statistically significant differences between the parents’ sport involvement in relation to their children’s overall participation and culturally-based sport participation (taekwondo, rugby league, cricket and netball). However, there were no statistically significant differences between groups in relation to children’s participation in Australian Rules football.

133 Table 7.4 Mean scores of children’s sport participation through parents’ involvement

Parents’ Involvement in Sport Korean Mainstream Both None Children’s sport sports F value Participation Mean SD Mean SD Mean SD Mean SD df= 3, 454 Sig.(p) Taekwondo 1.70 1.1 1.69 1.3 2.63 1.8 1.42 1.1 4.91 .002** Rugby Union 1.81 1.2 1.67 1.1 1.95 1.3 1.20 0.7 5.28 .001** Cricket 1.80 0.8 1.57 0.9 2.37 1.5 1.47 0.9 3.92 .009** AFL+ 1.69 0.9 1.40 0.8 1.89 1.2 1.32 0.7 1.61 .187 Netball 1.65 0.9 1.44 0.9 2.05 1.4 1.45 0.9 2.68 .046* + AFL(Australian Football League) – Australian Rules football *Significant level at p < .05, **Significant level at p < .01

The mean score for overall sport participation of the parent’s participation in both Korean and mainstream sports group was significantly different from the Korean only and the mainstream only groups (p < .01). It was significantly different from the inactive parent group (p < .001).

It follows that parents’ participation in both Korean and mainstream sports has a significant influence on their children’s level of culturally-based sport participation. Parents who participated in mainstream sports only (perhaps more assimilated) tended to provide less opportunity for their children to participate in most culturally-based sports. Overall, parents’ broader participation experiences (including culturally-based sport) led to higher level of their children’s participation in general and of culturally- based sports in particular.

7.3 Summary of Findings

The results confirmed that family composition led to differences in sport patterns among young Koreans in Australia. It can be concluded that the respondents from the two parents family group displayed more ‘divergent patterns’ while those from the single parent family group displayed ‘normal patterns’. The respondents from no parent present displayed more ‘cyclical sport patterns’. A brief summary of the data analysis findings are below.

134 Influence of acculturation and socio-demographic characteristics on social support (RP 3.1) There were correlations between social support variables and acculturation modes and socio-demographic variables. More marginalised respondents had a significantly negative relationship with family, peer and general support, while those older-aged respondents who were more marginalised had a significantly negative relationship with peer support and general support. The results also showed that respondents who were more integrated had a significantly positive relationship with social support factors.

Influence of social support, acculturation and socio-demographic characteristics on sport participation (RP 3.2) There were important social support variables on the respondents’ sport participation - in particular, peer support. The predictive utility of social support on sport participation rates was moderated by acculturation and socio-demographic variables. This revealed assimilation as being mostly significant while the effect of social support factors became insignificant when acculturation modes and socio-demographic characteristics were included in the models (see Table 7.2).

Influence of family composition and acculturation on sport participation (RP 3.3) Respondents from the no parent present group, significantly, had lower participation rates than those from the single and the two parent family groups. Respondents living with both parents in Australia who displayed assimilation tended to participate in sport actively compared to those living with one parent or without parents. Respondents living with at least one parent seemed to result in higher level of culturally-based sport participation. The single parent or the two parent family groups showed, in general, slightly higher participation rates in taekwondo (reflecting Korean traditional values) than no parent present groups.

Relationship between parental sporting involvement and children’s sport participation (RP 3.4) Parents’ participation experiences in diverse culturally-based sports resulted in higher level of their children’s participation in general and of culturally-based sports in particular.

135 The present study found that this group, who have a strong sense of Australian identity (assimilation), more actively participated in sport in general. Second generation young Koreans tended to develop a mixed local and global identity that transcended traditional ethnic and cultural boundaries. More westernised and unconventional, they are able to express themselves more freely in mainstream sporting environments. They showed little cultural appreciation for the values inherent in Korean martial arts instruction.

The next chapter will extend the concepts and findings of Chapters Five, Six and Seven. It concerns itself with examining limitation, withdrawal and non-participation in sport among young Koreans in Australia using both survey and interview data.

136 CHAPTER EIGHT

PERCEIVED CONSTRAINTS AND SPORT PARTICIPATION

This chapter deals with constraints on young Koreans’ sport participation in Australia. The majority of the existing sport constraints research has largely focused on problems of the general population without much attention to problems particular to special populations such as young people with ethnic and racial minorities (Stodolska, 1998, 2004). Furthermore, there has not been much effort to advance the general theory of constraints by incorporating the lessons learned from studying the sport behaviour of young ethnic minorities.

In order to add to the growing body of knowledge about the complexities involved in such experiences of participation constraints, this chapter reports on themes which were identified in the data draw mainly from quantitative information, supplemented by semi-structured interviews. The interviews provided more focused information on the main themes of the research, which informed the final research question: What are the constraining factors that hinder sport participation?

The structure of presenting outcomes of the findings in this chapter follows the same sequence as that in which the research propositions 4.1 to 4.4 outlined in Chapter Three. Section 8.1 clarifies the main constraints that limit respondents’ sport participation and identifies the association of the main participation constraining factors with level of sport participation, acculturation modes, social support and socio-demographic characteristics. It deals with the extent to which constraining factors influence the total rates of participation in sport and types of culturally-based sport participation. Section 8.2 explores a wider scope of the main constraining factors through a follow-up investigation (parent and child interviews). Interviews conducted with regard to this issue were designed to reveal reasons for sport participation constraints (including limitation, withdrawal and non-involvement of both active and potentially active sport participation). The section examines in detail the reasons why young Koreans may have difficulties with cross-cultural issues in the context of sport. As indicated in Chapter

137 Three, their comments were organised in terms of (i) their general perceptions of participation constraints; and (ii) their perceptions of the links between participation constraints and cultural adjustment, language, academic success, parents’ expectations and their related experiences of mainstream and ethnic sports. The chapter concludes with a brief summary of the data of the results.

8.1 Perceived Participation Constraints and Sport Patterns

Perceived sport constraints of respondents were composed of 17 items in the questionnaire - socio-cultural, religious, access, affective, resource, physical and interpersonal. Correlation analysis was utilised to examine the inter-relationships between each constraint and the total constraint scores using Pearson correlation coefficients (see Appendix I). Individual item scores were positively correlated to the total score of perceived constraints ranging from r = .51 to r = .83 (p < 0.001).

8.1.1 Main participation constraints and gender difference

For comparison, the main constraining factors were placed into seven groups (see Table 8.1). Time (resource) proved to be consistently prominent. The results revealed that resource constraint had the highest mean score of respondents, followed by access constraint, interpersonal constraint, affective constraint, religious constraint, socio- cultural constraint then physical constraint.

Among the specific constraining factors, insufficient time due to their study/work was the most frequently cited factor preventing them from participating more often in sport or non-participation. The next most common factor was access to appropriate facilities (e.g., segregating different areas and appropriate session time), followed by a lack of information on what/where is available, a lack of adaptive skills, not having anyone to participate with (e.g., nobody to go with), parental restriction, and a lack of encouragement from family members. Among those with a low mean score are gender inequality and encountered racial bias.

138 Table 8.1 Mean(SD) scores of constraining factors

Sport Constraints Category Males Females Both Specific Constraining Factors Mean SD Mean SD Mean SD Resource constraint 2.62 0.84 2.70 0.82 2.65 0.83 Busy with study/work 3.35 1.18 3.45 1.14 3.39 1.17 Money/cost 1.90 1.06 1.93 1.03 1.91 1.05 Access constraint 2.16 0.80 2.23 0.80 2.19 0.80 Lack of appropriate facilities 2.28 1.17 2.27 1.08 2.28 1.05 Lack of information 2.30 1.12 2.19 1.04 2.26 1.09 Lack of transportation support 1.98 1.11 2.07 1.19 2.02 1.42 Lack of adaptive skills+ 2.09 1.07 2.37 1.17 2.20 1.12 Interpersonal constraint 2.04 0.84 2.07 0.83 2.05 0.83 Lack of encouragement from family members 2.03 1.16 2.04 1.18 2.02 1.10 Lack of companion (Nobody to go with) 2.04 1.10 1.98 1.11 2.10 1.23 Parental restriction 2.05 1.11 2.17 1.16 2.03 1.17 Affective constraint 1.83 0.88 2.03 0.88 1.91 0.80 Lack of interest in sport programs++ 1.71 1.07 2.02 1.30 1.99 1.05 Don’t enjoy sport 1.95 1.04 2.03 1.06 1.84 1.13 Religious constraint 1.90 1.11 1.84 1.11 1.88 1.11 Religious requirements interrupt participation 1.90 1.11 1.84 1.11 1.88 1.11 Socio-cultural constraint 1.83 0.87 1.78 0.76 1.81 0.83 Language barriers 1.96 1.16 1.81 0.99 1.70 1.09 Encountered racial attitude 1.72 0.98 1.63 0.90 1.69 0.95 Cultural difference 1.81 1.02 1.89 0.96 1.84 0.99 Physical constraint 1.69 0.80 1.74 0.83 1.71 0.82 Afraid of sport injuries 1.81 1.01 1.86 1.11 1.83 1.05 Gender inequality 1.57 0.93 1.63 0.88 1.59 0.91 + Indicates variables that are significantly different between gender, t-value at < .05 level ++ Indicates variables that are significantly different between gender, t-value at < .01 level

Male respondents and female respondents showed a similar pattern in terms of the sport constraints. When asked for the main constraints for participation more often or non- participation, most mean scores showed no statistical differences between males and females. Insufficient time due to study/work was the most common reason given by both males and females. Female respondents cited a lack of adaptive skills as the next important constraint followed by a lack of appropriate facilities, a lack of information and lack of freedom to go out for sport through parental restriction. Male respondents, however, cited the main factors for not participating or participation more often as a lack of information followed by a lack of appropriate facilities and a lack of adaptive skills. Female respondents, however, had a significantly higher score in a lack of adaptive skills and simply being ‘not interested’ in sport compared to their male 139 counterparts.

8.1.2 Acculturation modes, social support, socio-demographic variables and level of perceived constraints

The preliminary data from Table 8.1 shows that perceived constraining factors were only slightly affected by gender. In addition, on the basis of research proposition 4.1, this section examines whether there would be relationships between level of perceived constraints and acculturation modes, social support and socio-demographic variables on sport participation. As shown in Table 8.2, correlation analyses were performed to examine the relationships between constraint categorisation factors and acculturation modes, social support and socio-demographic variables using Pearson correlation coefficients. The results revealed that long-stay younger-aged respondents (e.g., Australian-born respondents) who were more assimilated or integrated with lack of Korean language skills showed relatively higher level of religious constraint.

Table 8.2 Correlations: Perceived constraints, acculturation modes, social support and socio-demographic variables

Socio- Religious Access Affective Physical Resource Interpersonal Variables cultural Assimilation -.009 .133** -.068 -.030 .009 -.067 .189*** Integration -.073 .099* -.026 -.002 .043 .010 .134** Separation .109* .058 .062 .093* .082 .001 -.014 Marginalisation .107* .038 .074 .112* .045 .025 .054 Age -.050 -.123** .099* -.006 -.037 .179*** -.015 Length of residence -.066 .095* .006 .073 .089 .102* .074 English proficiency -.046 .064 -.012 .027 .054 .053 .056 Korean proficiency .079 -.172*** -.041 -.110* -.087 -.010 -.134** Family support .014 -.001 -.014 -.058 .004 .066 .034 Peer support -.027 .032 -.017 -.059 .007 -.057 .078 General support .041 -.001 -.036 -.093 -.071 -.003 -.017 *p<0.05, **p<0.01, ****p<0.001

The socio-cultural constraint category had a significant positive correlation with separation and marginalisation (p < 0.05). The religious constraint category had a significant positive correlation with assimilation (p < 0.001) and both integration and

140 length of residence (p < 0.5), while religious constraint had a significant negative correlation with Korean proficiency (p < 0.001) and age (p < 0.01).

The access constraint category had a significant positive correlation with age only (p < 0.05). Access to appropriate facilities, information, and transportation support seemed to be lacking among older-aged respondents. The affective constraint category had a significant positive correlation with separation (p < 0.05), while having a significant negative correlation with both gender and Korean proficiency (p < 0.05). It seems that male respondents who were more separated with lack of Korean language skills showed relatively higher level of affective constraints.

The resource constraint category had a significant positive correlation with age (p < 0.001) and length of residence (p < 0.05). It seems that older-aged respondents who stayed in Australia for a short period showed relatively higher level of resource constraints such as lack of time to participate in sport due to study. The interpersonal constraint category had a significant positive correlation with assimilation (p < 0.001) and integration (p < 0.01), while interpersonal constraint category had a significant negative correlation with Korean proficiency (p < 0.01). More assimilated or integrated respondents who lacked Korean language skills showed relatively higher level of interpersonal constraints.

8.1.3 Relationship between constraint categorisations and rate and type of sport participation

On the basis of research propositions 4.2 and 4.3, this section examines whether different aspects of perceived participation constraints would correlate with sport participation rates and different types of culturally-based sport participation. Table 8.3 shows the results of correlation analyses between constraints and participation rates and type for sports.

The total participation rate in sport for male respondents had a significant negative correlation with both socio-cultural and religious constraints (p < 0.05) and interpersonal constraints (p < 0.01). For female respondents, the total participation rate

141 in sport had a significant negative correlation with both religious and interpersonal constraints (p < 0.01).

Table 8.3 Correlations between constraint categorisations and culturally-based sport participation

Category Socio- cultural Religious Access Affective Physical Resource Interpersonal Overall participation rates Males -.124* -.123* .006 -.019 -.094 -.016 -.018** Females -.096 -.215** .067 .021 -.097 -.115 -.236** Taekwondo Males -.134* -.079 -.089 -.088 -.094 -.055 -.085 Females -.204** -.228** .006 -.055 -.147* -.069 -.135 Australian Rules football Males -.051 -.057 -.020 .026 -.101 -.051 -.163** Females -.042 -.070 .077 .043 .034 .019 -.042 Rugby league Males .073 -.082 .116 -.155* .017 .092 -.075 Females -.143* -.888 .003 -.018 -.014 -.018 -.095 Cricket Males .068 -.040 .057 .028 -.018 .109 -.103 Females -.127 -.252*** .018 -.080 -.071 -.071 -.158* Netball Males -.094 .038 -.092 -.034 -.134* .031 -.097 Females -.123 -.130 .045 -.008 -.103 -.038 -.158* *Significant level at p < .05, **Significant level at p < .01, ***Significant level at p < .001

Socio-cultural constraints for male respondents had a significant negative correlation with taekwondo (p < 0.05). For female respondents, socio-cultural constraints had a significant negative correlation with taekwondo and rugby league (p < 0.01 and p < 0.05 respectively). Religious constraints, for female respondents, had a significant negative correlation with cricket (p < 0.001) and taekwondo (p < 0.01).

For male respondents, affective constraints had a significant negative correlation with rugby league (p < 0.05). Physical constraints, for male respondents, only had a significant negative correlation with netball (p < 0.05). In comparison, female respondents only had a significant negative correlation with taekwondo (p < 0.05).

Interpersonal constraints, for male respondents, had a significant negative correlation

142 with Australian Rules football (p < 0.01). In comparison, female respondents had a significant negative correlation with cricket and netball (p < 0.05).

8.2 Types of Participation Constraints on Limiting and Withdrawing from Sport Participation

This section deals with a part of research question four regarding the influence of perceived constraints on limiting and withdrawing from sport participation. On the basis of the final research question concerning research propositions 4.4, this section presents the commentaries and reflections of the participants on their participation constraints and experiences in sports in Australia.

The interviewees’ main constraining factors concerning their sport patterns fell into three categories: time, parental control and interpersonal constraints. It was found that 17 out of a total of 20 children agreed that lack of time accounted for their limited or inactive participation in sport (see Appendix J). Their study regime during school-aged adolescence affected not only their sport participation, but also their interpersonal relations and their cultural adjustment.

Section 8.2.1 addresses the relationship between time constraint and sport participation in greater detail. As the interview data indicated that parental sporting experiences had a significant influence on their children’s sport participation, Section 8.2.2 explores in detail the significance of parental control and compares different opinions and experiences. As interpersonal factors were also significant in limiting mainstream sport choices, Section 8.2.3 seeks to identify the reasons why young Koreans may have difficulties with inter-group relations in cross-cultural sport contexts.

8.2.1 Time constraints

As described in the quantitative research in this chapter, the main factor limiting sport participation by young Koreans in Australia was ‘time’. It became apparent from the interview that the parents’ high expectations for their children’s future, combined with

143 the children’s own aspirations to enhance their social status, resulted in an overloaded schedule. Parents were desperate for their children to advance their social status and outperform their neighbours and peers. However, among these parents, there appears to be a general dissatisfaction with the Australian educational system. Outside school hours, therefore, time was taken up with extra-curricular tutoring and computers. Afterschool tutors were common place and there was little or no time for leisure and sport. A ‘success ladder’ would begin with year 3 and the advent of opportunities for selective stream entry. This is followed by ongoing pressure to achieve entry into a selective high school(1), followed by a prestigious university, job and so on. Korean parents tended to be very conscious of ‘keeping up with the Jones’s’ (competing with their neighbours), as was expressed by the following comments:

Parent (9): I worry about my kid because all his friends study hard. He needs to study harder than they do. You know, the main reason we came here was to improve his English and get him into a good university ... Sport is not at the top of our list. Australian children seem to us to be naturally active and sporty. They grow up at the beach or running in the park. To Korean parents, the first thing a child should do is study hard to get an education. Their children need to study harder than Australian children because English isn’t their first language.

Child (7): I am year 3. I have piano on Wednesdays, and I am so tired after I finished my coaching class, and also it is too late to do any sport at night time. I used to do swimming twice a week, but I stopped because my parents want me to go to a selective school and I have to study.

Korean parents in Australia were mainly concerned with the furthering of their children’s scholastic goals and this is where their influence was directed. In addition, previous experiences along with current perceptions concerning sport, both mainstream and ethnic, placed it low on their list of priorities. Time for sport can become available when students meet their parents’ academic expectations, however, this will be for a limited period only. If they missed out on selective school, there may be a brief respite before the next cycle of study. This was the case of Child (4) and is expressed by the following comments: ______(1) Selective high schools are government schools that select students on the basis of academic ability. Most students enter a selective high school in Year 7, after sitting the Selective high schools Test in the previous year. The process of entering selective schools is much like that of a university, with students electing their preferences and being chosen for schools based on their performance on the Selective High Schools Test. 144 Child (4): I didn’t get into a selective school so I can play taekwondo and tennis once a week. I don’t have too much homework now, but I used to and that will change when I get to high school. My mum will probably make me go to a tutor after school like I used to.

Another common issue among Korean parents was a lack of faith in the Australian school system. As constant comparison is normal in Korean society, this is extrapolated from comparisons between Korean and Australian culture, and education in particular. Education determine social status in Korean society, however, the large emphasis on extracurricular tutors at expense of institutional learning seem to be an inefficient use of time. In response to this, an increasing number of Koreans were moving outside of Korea for their children’s education. In Australia, however, Korean students spent twice as long studying than their local counterparts due to a lack of English proficiency. In addition, there were the heightened expectations of their parents to contend with. Korean parents placed great importance on academic outcomes and were unconcerned or unaware of school as a provider of socialisation and interpersonal skills. Length rather than quality of study was equated with positive outcomes. These time management issues contributed to extreme fatigue and high stress level as could be seen from the responses of both parent and child:

Parent (7): I don’t trust the school system. They just play all day. Perhaps, my kid will become stupid because there is not enough homework; it only takes five minutes to do. In Korea his high school friends study from 7:30 in the morning to late at night. That’s why I send my child to a coaching school. ... I know sport is good for my kid, but he is too tired.

Child (9): I want to do sport but I don’t have enough time. Apart from all my homework and assignments, I have tutors after class three times a week for Math, English, and science, so there is no time. Because of all my study, I don’t even have enough time to sleep. It’s a really crazy life.

Another time management issue affecting recently arrived young Koreans was that not only did their parents have high academic expectations for them, but they were forced to study in a second language. Child 17 below tended to face the double challenge of mastering the English language as well as their adaptive school task sets in order to succeed at the highest level, which could result in a lack of time to participate in sports.

145 Child (17): English is my biggest problem. To understand terms and definition in math and science, it takes twice as long for me.

The quantitative findings of this study suggested that religions constraints were predicted by assimilation and separation in the model (see Table 8.2); however, an important support network within the Korean community was supplied by the Church in Australia according to the participants. Regular Sunday attendance fulfilled a number of roles, both spiritual and social. This often clashed with sporting events and for tired young Koreans, this also reduced their leisure time. Parents may want their children to participate in church-based sport programs on Sundays; however, time and facilities seem to be lacking. Most Korean churches were hired rather than owned, and therefore subject to time restrictions.

Parent (5): I want to pass on my Christian faith and Korean heritage to my children. It’s important to go to Church every Sunday. … But, I know, they don’t have enough spaces and programs for sport. You know, most Korean churches are only leased. And the ministers aren’t so interested in sport or they don’t have enough money.

Child (5): I go to the church every Sunday morning because my parents make me. A lot of sport is played on Sunday morning, so I could not play sport if I wanted to. Church service is very long sometimes, but I can see my Korean friends. I have to stay from 9 in the morning til 4 in the afternoon, doing bible study and Korean language too. When I get home, then I have to do my homework and assignments.

Young Koreans with enough time for sport seem to be the exception rather than the rule:

Child (6): I don’t go to church regularly, only on special occasions. If I did go, it would probably be on Sunday, then I might not be able to play sport.

Weekends were spent with religious and cultural practices. Side effects of this lifestyle included sleep deprivation, bad dietary habits and obesity. Although sport participation was helpful in releasing tension, the overloaded schedule and general fatigue of the students made this impractical. Ironically, studying in Australia led to an increase in stress level. On Saturdays, many Korean language schools were run by the Churches. This was seen as an important part of cultural maintenance. However, these too added to the already crowded schedule of young Koreans in Australia.

Child (13): I don’t want to go to Church on Sunday. I like to sleep in until the 146 afternoon. I do a bit of homework for Monday, but that’s all. On Saturday, I go to Korean language school, and I am always tired.

Access to appropriate facilities and programs (where they feel comfortable) also involved lengthy journeys and early morning and late afternoon pick-ups. This added to the already high stress level of parents and children alike.

Parent (5): As I am a parent, I have to drive my child to all their after-school classes. So I get really tired. I wish I could do some sports with my child, but I don’t have enough energy. When they are doing sport, it is my best time to rest.

Parent (10): Where we live, in the Eastern suburbs, there are no Korean sporting clubs. We used to send our child to taekwondo classes at a Korean language school, but when we moved here, we had to travel a long way to and from classes. Around here, it’s hard to find a taekwondo club run by Koreans.

It is evident from the answers to the interview questions that there are a number of factors at play. The findings suggest that there are both external and internal constraints that limit the amount of time afforded to sport. External time management is focused on the study (both in-school and external), parental and peer expectation, language difficulties, religious requirement, educational system, school curricula, lack of access to facilities, and cultural practices. Internal issues seem to involve personal aspirations, fatigue and stress. These issues need to be addressed.

8.2.2 Parental control constraints

Another important factor constraining the sport participation of young Koreans in Australia proved to be ‘parental control’. A relationship did exist between time management, participation in different types of sport and the influence of the parents on the young Koreans in Australia. The present study also found that perceived parental control correlated directly with actual parental control in the incomplete autonomy support and controlling context (Deci, Eghari, Patricek, & Leone, 1994) of young Koreans’ sport participation in Australia. The use of model operators by their parents to coerce specified action was representative of their dominant influences, as was apparent in the following interview response:

147 Child (15): My friend started doing taekwondo, so my parents said that I had to go too.

Parent (15): They do it because I tell them to … No argument.

Within the Korean sub-culture, cultural separation was a result of its support networks being drawn from a limited set and peer pressure being common among the parents as a motivating factor in the choices concerning their children’s sport.

Parent (2): Because, as immigrants, we are an isolated group, we tend to stay together. When my child’s friend started taekwondo class, we just followed.

This idea of “safety in numbers” may also relate to physical differences and limitations that exist within some Asian cultures.

Parent (2): Some of the kids here in Australia are so big, they scare even me. If he goes to taekwondo, he can protect himself and also have back-up from other taekwondo classmates.

Along with this, many Korean parents were concerned with maintenance of their cultural heritage. Korean-based sports were chosen with this in mind. Rolstad (1997) argued that first generation migrant parents may want their children to participate in their own cultural based experiences with the expectation of engendering cultural pride and maintaining their heritage, while at the same time, inviting mainstream sharing of own cultural activities. Considering young Koreans in Australia, their minority status tended to strengthen established family bonds longer than were expected otherwise. This applies in particular to first generation Korean immigrants.

Parent (3): Because of taekwondo’s hierarchical ranking system, I can see my son’s progress. My son can learn discipline and respect for Korean culture. I don’t think this is available in western-based sports. I’m Korean.

Parent (2): I endeavour to continue my son in Taekwondo classes. I believe Taekwondo has more important benefits than other usual sports. Considering it is a Korean sport, I would think he would feel very welcome. There are a couple of reasons: it keeps him in contact with the Korean way of life, and reinforces Korean values such as respect for teacher, elders and other older children. It helps him to understand that there is order in our society. This is important to me as I come from a Korean heritage and want him to understand that there are different ways of life and being in this world. I want to give him many cultural experiences and not just the 148 Korean way, so when he is old enough he can pick and choose what values he will live his life by, from the many different experiences he has had growing up.

The preference of sport coaches was also influenced by parents’ need for cultural continuity. This parent and child have similar views:

Parent (16): My child’s instructor is Korean, I would have to say, the ethnic influence has to be involved due to the fact that taekwondo is not only about self-defence, but is also about how the Koreans value each other, and well, it would also incorporate the way in which you consider what is okay and what’s not.

Child (16): My taekwondo teacher teaches me Korean language and culture. Culture, for example how to count, and how to respect you instructor and older people. Like, bow to your higher belt level. Bowing to oldest is right way, that’s all.

Conversely, some parents did see sport as a way to steer their children towards biculturalism.

Parent (14): I think that knowing both cultures is beneficial, and it’s always good to learn something new. Because many different cultures interact in the same sport and it allows them to share their cultural and social beliefs. I want my child to experience different things. I think it is important for everyone to maintain their cultural background, and I also feel that it is also very important to embrace other cultural backgrounds. Well, to be honest, I don’t believe in mainstream myself. I believe everyone has a right to follow their own beliefs and values. As long as you’re not hurting anyone, no has a right to tell you how to be.

Child (3): I would like to be known as Korean-Australian, because both cultures have influence on who I am today ... I like to play all kinds of sports. Well, I only participate in taekwondo at the moment, but I’m looking into starting swimming and football.

One younger Korean parent commented that taekwondo could be useful in aiding his child’s socialisation.

Parent (1): I believe that it would be a good way to bridge the gap; cause it’s not only a sport that can teach you self-defence, but it also helps you know and understand Korean culture, and in turn Koreans are able to learn about other people’s culture, and that’s pretty cool.

An alternative, more assimilated view was put by another parent (from same 1.5

149 generation). She and her husband chose a mainstream sport for their son.

Parent (18): I was involved with sports like netball and gymnastics when I was school age. And my husband was involved in football. Our son plays too. We largely influence what choices of sport our son plays because of convenience and our own preferences.

Child (14): I believe Australian Rules football is better than other sports because people are more friendly, and I can learn more cultures, and they’re not just about Australian people but many people from other countries, and I can learn more about their cultures, then I will develop my knowledge in their culture. They are many people who want to do football, and they will get to know each other, automatically they will spend their time with their team mates, and they will learn about Australian and each other’s cultures.

Mainstream sport in Australia, while maintaining a high profile, has been widely accused by the media of providing negative role models. Even though this may be the case, acculturation, language skills and lack of support networks among parents can limit their children’s access. In the case of ethnically-based sport, parents perceived this as preferable in terms of cultural maintenance although subordinate to study. Some Korean parents tended to divide ‘mind and body’ in terms of their children’s education. Before young Koreans in Australia did access fully the benefits of different culturally- based sport participation, there needed to be a shift in the mindset of their parents towards more holistic approach to their children’s education.

There is, however, a patriarchal legacy of Korea’s Confucian history that seems to persist within the more culturally separated Korean immigrants in Australia. The following comments come from a 15 year-old who took advantage of the confidentiality of the interview to express his views freely.

Child (8): I have to do what my dad tells me. I’m not really interested in taekwondo but I still have to go. There are lots of other things I’d rather be doing but I would be too scared to say anything. It would be no good to say anything to my mum because my dad is the boss.

In the Korean family, it is a child’s duty to comply with their fathers’ wishes. This extended to choices concerning their sport participation. When cultural conflict occurs, trade-offs were sometimes made, however it was usually the father’s decision that takes 150 a priority.

Child (1): My dad used to do taekwondo in Korea when he was young. So he wants me to do it too, but I would rather play rugby instead.

Parent (1): I promised my son he can play rugby if he does taekwondo for three years. Because it is part of Korean culture, discipline is good for kids. Kids here in Australia have no respect for adults and teachers. I don’t want my kid to be like that. I used to practice taekwondo in Korea. As taekwondo is the national sport of Korea, it can help my child have a strong sense of Korean cultural identity in Australia. Because it is practiced worldwide, I hope that taekwondo can help my child to become part of the global community.

Parents with a high level of sporting experience tended to pass their interests down to their children, with an emphasis on culturally-based sport rather sport in general. Coexistent with parents’ perception of Korean-based sport as positive for their children’s cultural education was a negative image of mainstream sport, as is often portrayed in the media. In addition, mainstream sports, with their unfamiliar rules and etiquette, presented a daunting prospect to recently arrived Korean parents in Australia.

Parent (2): I don’t think football players are good models for children. We always hear about them doing bad things off the field.

Parent (14): I think that most Australian sports are focused on winning and playing whereas taekwondo focuses on the personal values side of things, such as the right way to treat others, respecting others. It can’t always be about winning; it has to be about how you play the game with others.

Parent (20): I think that it is quite different because football is about running, kicking, crashing, tackling, but taekwondo is about finding out about yourself out and guarding yourself, and how to control your mind, and that sort of stuff. That is like an internal perspective.

In addition, some 1.5 generation Korean parents drew on their own negative experiences to influence the choices they made concerning their children’s sport participation. Initial cultural differences can have long-lasting effects.

Parent (13): I played a lot of football after I came to university in Sydney from Korea. But I wouldn’t want my kid playing sport in that kind of environment. I was very shocked when my classmates used to eat apples in class, and they put their feet on the 151 desk. Sometimes they used to lie on the floor. In my culture, that would be unacceptable. I believe my kid must attend taekwondo for learning respect and discipline.

Another factor influencing the choices of sport participation was a perception of the young Koreans’ vulnerability in a foreign context. The views were expressed that Korean-based sport could improve their confidence and health. This was seen as important for their children’s well-being in the school playground.

Parent (15): The other reason is that taekwondo is a sport that has many levels of skill. It shows him that with determination and continued application that he can learn and improve his skills in taekwondo and also reach higher levels. It gives him goals he can work toward. I want him to learn body coordination and confidence. I believe that with growing children, it is important to feel that they are successful and good at something in their life, as successful competence in one area of their life can give them the encouragement to try to do it in other areas of their life.

Parent (9): I’m worried about bullying. My child spends so much time sitting in front of a computer that I think he needs to build up his fitness and create strength. I don’t want him to be one of those fat kids that you see on TV.

As has been seen, external constraints, especially from parents on their children’s sport choices, are numerous. The following comments show that sporting aspirations are common to both parents and children, when it comes to the elite level.

Parent (19): I want to nurture my child’s talent, and for him to be the best that he can be. Because of our Korean background and because he trained a lot before he came to Australia, he should have a good chance to get to the elite level in taekwondo. Because it’s not mainstream sport here, it should be easy compared to Korea.

Child (19): My teacher in Korea said to my parents that I would be really good at it, if I kept training at taekwondo when I got to Australia. When I got here I got three gold medals at the state championships that helped my confidence.

The interview data showed that the parent’s role as a principal role model may change as their children get older. Once they get to school the influence of teachers, sport stars and celebrities can have a profound effect on their attitudes and behaviours. However, it is the parents who set the agenda and control the finances. The final constraint to be discussed concerning their children’s sport choices by Korean parents in the interviews,

152 is one that is universally understood by parents everywhere – cost:

Parent (12): We go to the taekwondo and swimming classes together. If I drive her somewhere, I don’t want to sit around and watch her because it is expensive.

Parent (4): I have to ask my husband before we do anything because he is the one who has all the money. If he doesn’t like what we are doing, he won’t pay.

Overall, the interview results indicated that the sporting choices and participation by young Koreans in Australia were limited by the overriding effect of parental control. This can be broken down into several interrelated constraining factors: parental authority, parents’ level of acculturation, parents’ perceptions of mainstream culture, peer pressure associated with minority status and support networks, cultural maintenance, parental sporting experiences, sporting aspirations, and financial issues.

8.2.3 Interpersonal constraints

This section provides information regarding an unexpected finding in terms of culturally-based sport participation of young Koreans in Australia. The quantitative research found that young Koreans involved in mainstream sports are significantly constrained by interpersonal factors. The following comments support this and illustrate in more detail several of these.

The first comment shows that peer relationships form an important social function among children in general, but particularly among minority groups, in this case young Koreans participating in mainstream sport of Australian Rules football.

Child (20): I used to have a friend in football but he moved away. I wanted to quit but then I made friends with some Korean kids at football.

Similarly, peer pressure was brought into play through gender. This young Korean girl felt uncomfortable and marginalised playing a mainstream sport that she perceived as gender specific.

Child (10): My father makes me go to football, but since my friend stopped going, I don’t like it as much. Now I’m the only girl, so it’s a bit embarrassing. I wish my 153 friend would come back.

Many young Koreans in Australia believed that they were ill-prepared to communicate in English with native speakers, although previously studying English in Korea. This, again, led to marginalisation and poor outcomes in the mainstream sporting environment.

Child (2): If someone has poor language and communication skills, they may be socially outcast and isolated. I think I would have to learn more about the culture and language before I could comment on that. For example, at school, there’s a group of people who have poor English skills because they only arrived in Australia and they usually just hang out by themselves and do not do sport or interact much with anyone else … mostly the non-English speaking Korean people. There are some people who have problems with understanding some sporting terms in English. When the coach tells a Korean player to do something and he doesn’t understand, it would cause a problem in the actual game. And when I train, I have to know what I should be doing. I also have problems with some of the other kids, and I often feel alone.

Even among some of the interviewees possessing good English communication skills, a lack of adaptive skills in mainstream sport led to unsatisfactory experiences with their peers.

Child (18): I was born in Australia. I played football at school for one year but I wasn’t good at it. I think I’m more like a Korean because I’m not into Australian culture. I don’t really think I should play football, I don’t really understand it. I prefer to be Korean-Australian and experience both cultures, but it is not easy. I feel as a Korean I don’t feel welcomed in football because Koreans are not really strong at tackling.

It seems hard to change relationships on the personal level, because first the negative beliefs concerning ethnic minority group members have to change. The connection and network of people with European backgrounds are similar to those relating to the opportunity structure in Australia, whereas immigrant ethnic minority communities report very different situation which are more limited and have less active networks. It was evident that the framework of the school environment provided a kind of support network, although perhaps involuntary, to the young Koreans in this study. However this did not extend past their graduation from high school, as can be seen from the following comment:

154 Child (11): In high school I played a lot of sport, and a lot of them Australian sport such as, cricket, and touch football. After I finished school, I lost contact with most of my teammates.

While the school environment provided access and support in terms of mainstream sport participation, it should be noted that most Australian schools did not cater for ethno- specific sporting programs and information.

Child (12): I am in year 6 at Rose Bay and I do gymnastic classes during school sport. There are a lot of sports that I like, for example, tennis, cricket, basketball, baseball at school. There is no taekwondo at school … It’s hard to bring other people from my school because they don’t really know what taekwondo is. They think all martial arts are karate. I was so disappointed.

The findings suggested that interpersonal constraints could limit satisfactory mainstream sporting experiences for young Koreans in Australia. These can be broken down into several interrelated factors. Sport participation through a strong social support system in which friends or family members encourage the individual to continue to participate in sport. The lack of peer acceptance and relationships within the young Koreans in this study can be seen as a limitation to their increased sport participation. It is difficult to establish these relationships because of a number of interpersonal factors, both internal and external. The interrelationships between gender, language skills, adaptive skills, social networks, access and information have been identified as constraints.

8.3 Summary of Findings

The findings of this chapter indicated that respondents’ sport participation is constrained by both internal and external factors. In terms of respondents’ sporting patterns, evidence was provided of the dynamic relationships that exist between various constraining factors and sport participation during their cultural adjustment. This study of young Koreans and sports in the Australian context provided an opportunity to examine the different aspects of problems, experiences and choices that they face. It also provided the opportunity to consider different influences on participation and non- participation in sport, either by choice or cause by constraints. 155 Association of main constraints with socio-demographic characteristics and acculturation modes (RP 4.1) Regardless of gender, in terms of quantitative findings, the most important participation constraints within the seven categories were resources, access, interpersonal, affective, religious, socio-cultural, and physical, in that order. The most important constraining items were a lack of time, access, information, adaptive skills, accompaniment, and parental and family support, in that order.

Insufficient time due to study/work was the most common constraining factor for both male and female respondents. The factors of a lack of adaptive skills and lack of interest in sports were significantly higher among female respondents compared to their male counterparts. Inactive respondents had higher levels of socio-cultural, access and affective constraints, while highly active respondents had higher levels of religious, physical, resource and interpersonal constraints.

Older-aged young Koreans demonstrated higher levels of resource and access constraints and they tended not to participate in sport. In addition, more assimilated young Koreans tended to perceive interpersonal constraints to be of lesser importance than their counterparts. This finding can be potentially explained by the fact that more assimilated young Koreans who participate in sport actively would perceive better interpersonal relations with their sport partners of mainstream. Respondents who were more separated or marginalised showed significantly higher level of socio-cultural constraints.

Relationship between perceived constraints and sport participation rates (RP 4.2) Religious and interpersonal constraints, for both male and female respondents, were negatively correlated with the total participation rate in sport. Socio-cultural constraints, for female respondents, only had significant negative correlation with the total participation rate in sport.

Relationship between perceived constraints and the frequency of different types of sport participation (RP 4.3) Participation in the most mainstream popular sports among respondents is significantly

156 constrained by interpersonal factors. Participation in taekwondo is significantly constrained by socio-cultural, religious and physical factors (such as high risk of injury for female respondents). Netball participation, for male respondents, is significantly constrained by gender differences.

Influence of different types of participation constraints on limiting and withdrawing from sport participation (RP 4.4) Qualitative research found young Koreans’ participation constraints among three categories (time, parental control and interpersonal constraints). It is possible that different ethnic groups would be constrained by different factors; however, this is outside the scope of this research.

In this chapter, the findings pertaining to research question 4 of this study were reported and a subset of reasons for limiting and withdrawing in particular sport behaviour were discussed. The semi-structured interviews of young Koreans’ experiences in sport participation provided an opportunity to examine the different participation constraints that they face according to time, parental control and interpersonal relations in Australia. It cannot be said that the findings reported from the study necessarily apply to all young Koreans in Australia in terms of their difficulties in cross-cultural matters, but it does provide a meaningful guideline to evaluate these issues in more detail.

Conclusions and possible recommendations regarding the research questions of the study are presented in the next chapter. The implications for the management of sports and theoretical contributions of this thesis will also be outlined in Chapter Nine.

157 CHAPTER NINE

CONTRIBUTION TO THEORY, DISCUSSION OF FINDINGS, AND FURTHER RESEARCH

This study investigated the sport patterns of young Koreans in the Australian context based on the modified Theory of Planned Behaviour Framework along the lines of the four research questions presented in Chapter One. The primary purpose of this thesis was to examine empirically and extend knowledge of the determinants of young Koreans’ sport participation behaviour in the Australian context.

This study was important given the significant growth in the number of young Koreans in Australia. A review of the literature indicates that, while simply labelling a group as ‘Korean’ can limit understanding and result in inappropriate sport policy and practice, young Koreans within the Korean-Australian community have not been sufficiently studied (see Chapter Two). Specifically, the focus of the research was on partial fulfilment of the theoretical gaps for a better understanding of the dynamic nature of ethno-specific sport behaviours of young Koreans in Australia. The cross-sectional approach that was used highlighted differences in socio-demographic characteristics, acculturation mode, social support and perceived constraints in relation to the types and rates of participation and involvement in sporting sub-cultures. The framework was detailed in Chapter Three.

This study has utilised survey and interview data. The methodology was explained in Chapter Four. The study’s findings were presented with the help of statistical tables and interview narratives over four chapters (Chapters Five to Eight).

This final chapter aims to summarise the key findings of the study and describe how they are interrelated. In addition, it discusses the study’s findings in relation to the theory and the literature, and its theoretical contributions. Finally, it includes suggestions for future research.

158 9.1 Summary and Discussion of Research Results

The main findings from the study are summarised and discussed in relation to each of the four research questions: the respondents’ nature of sport participation in Australia (Question 1), acculturation and culturally-based sport patterns (Question 2), social support and sport patterns (Question 3), and perceived constraints and sport participation (Question 4). Each section analyses the findings and closes with a discussion of the findings in relation to the literature.

9.1.1 The nature of sport participation among different groups of young Koreans in Australia

The first research question is: What is the nature of sport participation of young Koreans in Australia? How do different groups of young Koreans in Australia differ in their sport participation?

The findings are:

a. Soccer was the most popular and commonly preferred sport among young Korean respondents, followed by swimming, basketball, table tennis and taekwondo. Over two thirds of respondents did not participate in sport regularly (or they had not participated in any sport). Respondents were more likely to choose mainstream educational sporting environments, while the educational institution provided the most popular source for their first interest in sport. However, the more popular preference of sport coaches’ cultural background was those from a Korean background.

b. Sport participation rates were significantly different depending on socio- demographic characteristics (gender, age and language proficiency).

c. The frequency of different types of sport participation between males and females was significantly different depending on age, length of residence, language proficiency and residential status.

159 d. The source of first interest in sport among respondents was significantly different depending on gender, age and residential status.

e. Choice of sport programs was significantly different depending on gender, age, length of residence, language proficiency and residential status.

These findings are elaborated below in relation to the literature.

According to the Korean Olympic Committee’s 2008 statistical report of all registered athletes, soccer was the most commonly reported sport among young Korean players in Korea. Taekwondo, however, came second and the American-based sport of baseball ranked third. Soccer, as the most popular sport worldwide, was also the most popular sport of Koreans in both Korea and Australia. The success and high profile of the Korean soccer team at the 2002 Korea-Japan World Cup brought nationwide enthusiasm and social cohesion. In particular, community soccer teams, programs and seasonal matches provide playing opportunities for young Korean males in Australia.

In terms of the high participation rate in swimming, Sydney, with its abundance of beaches, lends itself to all kinds of water sports. Swimming is considered a necessity by most parents. Basketball, on the other hand, seems to be increasing in popularity among young Koreans. This may be due to the average population height increasing over time. There is also anecdotal evidence that some Korean parents think that playing basketball will increase the height of their children.

In general, although this study’s respondents participate in Australian sports while living in Australia, they are more likely to prefer to participate in a sport with a sport coach who is from the same ethnic background (Korean) as them. Friends’ referrals were found to be the most influential factor in sport participation, while they were more likely to participate in educational sporting activities. This leads to the assumption that there are both external forces exerting pressure, and internal motivations that become source of first interest in sport participation. It is possible to provide an efficient sporting environment by taking into consideration three factors – ethno-specific background, friends and education.

160 However, young Koreans seem to be familiar with the mainstream sports (rugby, cricket, etc.) through their educational programs. American sports, such as basketball and baseball, were also found to be popular among the respondents. American culture has strongly influenced young Koreans’ culture, especially through sport. The patterns of sport participation in Australia seem to reflect a triangulation of mainstream Australian sports, Korea’s traditional sports and American sports.

A number of studies have focused on socio-demographic characteristics as an important segmentation tool in sport studies. Kotler (2000) suggested that socio-demographic variables are easier to measure, and are often associated with consumption behaviour. Four selected socio-demographic variables (age, gender, length of residence and language proficiency) were investigated for possible link to the sport patterns of the respondents.

Gender is the most popular basis for distinguishing participant groups in sport studies. Consistent findings reported in this study suggest that in general males are more actively involved in sports than females (O’Loughlin, Paradis, & Kishchuk, 1999; Sallis et al., 2000; Vilhjalmsson & Krristjansdottir, 2003; Woodfield, Duncan, Al-Nakeeb, Nevill, & Jenkins, 2002). By far the most popular sport for male respondents was outdoor soccer. They were more likely to participate in sport outside of school hours than their female counterparts.

ABS (2006) estimated 63% of children participated at least once in an organised sport outside of school sport. Over the six year period girls’ participation in organised sport rose 6% from 53% in 2000 to 59% in 2006 compared to 3% from 66% to 69% for boys. However, there are still particular groups from CALD backgrounds in society who have traditionally low levels of participation in sport (AHRC, 2006). These include particularly young Korean females in Australia. The results of this study revealed that gender did indeed have some effects on the sporting patterns of respondents in Australia. The ‘inactive’ sport group of female respondents was nearly double that of male respondents whereas the levels of ‘highly’ active group for male respondents were approximately double that of female respondents. The Australian Government survey concerning culturally and linguistic diverse women from North Africa and the Middle

161 East showed similar results in that they were significantly less likely to participate in sport and physical activity than their male counterparts in Australia (ABS, 2005).

The results of this study also revealed that male respondents were more likely to participate in ethnically and culturally integrated sporting activities such as taekwondo, rugby league, cricket, and Australian Rules football than their female counterparts. Based on the concept of ‘degree of behavioural involvement’ (refer to Section 3.2.3), this leads to the conclusion that young Korean males in Australia display more ‘divergent patterns’ through masculine sports.

Female respondents were less likely to participate in sport outside of schools compared to their male counterparts. The majority of female respondents participated in sporting activities as an integral part of their education rather than other sport participation environments such as local communities, clubs and extra-curricular sport activities. Compared to their male counterparts, the female respondents lagged behind in terms of opportunities to participate in a range of community-based sports. Australian school sports may be regarded as providing safe sporting environments for young Korean females. A need to develop sport participation strategies after and/or outside of school hours for young Korean females has been identified through this study.

This study revealed that females and males tended to participate in different types of sports and their attitudes towards sport were different. Interestingly, both genders had similar sporting preferences to their general Australian counterparts. Male respondents were more likely to participate in culturally-based sports than female respondents (with the exception of netball).

Traditional team games such as football, cricket and netball are often the only physical education options on offer in most schools. However, mainstream sports can present significant challenges to newly arrived respondents who have limited English skills and cultural understanding. These challenges were even greater for female respondents. Korean sports, on the other hand, can present significant challenges to those respondents who have adopted the mainstream Australian culture and identity and have limited Korean skills. These challenges were greater for female respondents and those

162 of secondary school age.

No significant inter-gender differences were found concerning the respondents’ choice of sporting programs. Presumably, those female respondents felt more comfortable working and socialising with people in an Australian cultural context. This could also be seen as providing them with opportunities of intercultural contact (e.g., romantic, visa opportunities, etc.).

The findings indicated that there is a consistent negative association between age and sport participation rates. A bias may exist in demographic information where country of birth may be an inappropriate tool in that respondents may have arrived in Australia at a very early age. Length of residence was therefore deemed in this study to be a more reliable measure. The growth process inherent in length of residence was thought to contain another unforseen bias. However, this study revealed that length of residence was not related to participation rates.

The findings supported the research of McPherson & Kozlik (1980) suggesting that there is a consistent negative association between age and participation in sport and physical activity within all demographic groupings. This study’s results were similar to that of mainstream Australian children’s participation in cultural and leisure activities which peaked for those aged 10 years (ABS, 2006b). Age functions in acculturation, with one possible explanation that educational institutions provide an entry point for participation in sports, with specified times and parental support that may not continue into high school and tertiary institutions.

The findings supported the research of Duan and Vu (2000) in that it is probably easier for young immigrants to adopt new cultural behaviours without the impediment of pre- existing ones which need to be unlearnt. The younger-aged respondents were relatively dominant in active participation and were more likely to participate in mainstream sports such as rugby league, cricket, netball and Australian Rules football than those from the older-aged groups. Regardless of the types of sport, participation decreased with age.

163 The findings supported the notion that early life experiences and leisure behaviour are directly related (Sofranko & Nolan, 1972) as the respondents from the short-stay older age group showed a higher Korean cultural value than their younger-aged counterparts. This may explain why the older-aged respondents felt more comfortable with Korean sport organised by the Korean community. It should be understood that upon reaching puberty there are additional factors in play. The older respondents tend to be preoccupied with the opposite sex and dating, thus limiting time for sport participation. Korean churches usually provide the opportunity in which to co-mix.

The findings show that respondents from the same age groups, but having different lengths of residence, were no different in their sport participation rates. However, short- stay respondents (e.g., intensive course, working holiday, etc.) had the lowest participation rates. Although they may have more time available for travelling and working, sport was not a high priority during their stay in Australia. It is interesting to compare these findings with Choi’s (2006) study in which many Korean short-term residents had a stronger preference for sport activities compared with other types of Korean residents in Australia.

The findings show that young Koreans who were either citizens or permanent residents were more likely to participate in culturally-based sport compared to overseas students or short-term resident visa holders. Citizens were more likely to participate in rugby, cricket and Australian Rules football while permanent residents were more likely to participate in taekwondo and table tennis. Young Koreans who were citizens or permanent residents were more likely to participate in netball and they were also less likely to be via the Korean community. Temporary residents in this study appeared more uneasy about mainstream sport participation than those of other residential status. Young Koreans who were citizens were more likely to participate in mainstream after- school sport programs than those of other residential status. The result of this study indicated that more stable residential status can contribute to the establishment of regular sport participation attitudes. Young Koreans who were citizens and permanent residents displayed more ‘divergent patterns’ and ‘independence seeking behaviour’.

The findings indicated that length of residence in relation to sport environments were

164 statistically different. The respondents from the 2 years or less group again had a relatively higher preference for Korean community-based sport environments in Australia. This result implies that Australian-born respondents and those who have lived a relatively longer time in Australia are more effective in using sport as a pathway to the mainstream social network. These findings can be related to those of Duan and Vu (2000) who suggested that living away from one’s own ethnic community for an average of 2.5 years after an initial adjustment period because individuals will be less challenged to acculturate by improving and using language. In addition, this study’s results suggest that, after 10 years, there is a decline in sport participation correlating with their increasing age.

An examination of recently arrived Chinese immigrant students in both their behaviours and attitudes in leisure reflects high ethnic loyalty to their culture of origin (Yu & Berryman, 1996). The findings of the present study reinforced this idea. It seems that short-stay respondents have a strong sense of Korean culture expressed through their sport patterns compared to their Australian-born and long-stay counterparts.

This study reaffirms the positive relationships between the length of residence that immigrants resided in the country of residence and the level of their acculturation/assimilation into the mainstream culture of the country of residence. While this is generally true, many scholars have still argued recently that the situation is different, in the era of transnationalism, when communication technologies, such as the internet, help international migrants to be connected to their countries of birth and not to be assimilated into the host societies (Appadurai, 1997; Barkan, 2003).

Several studies found that participation rates in sport and physical activities for people born in non-English speaking countries are significantly lower than people born in Australia or English-speaking countries (ABS 2005). The results showed that respondents with a higher level of English language proficiency were more likely to conform to mainstream-based sport patterns whereas those with a higher level of Korean language proficiency were more likely to conform to Korean sport patterns in Australia. This direct effect on culturally specific attitudes toward sport environments may be explained to the extent that language skills are a reflection of culturally-based

165 sport patterns; however, culturally and linguistically diverse programs and professionals are limited in Australian sport settings (Taylor & Toohey, 1997).

The lack of knowledge and skills associated with English among respondents may be due to the current Korean English educational system, whose learning environments are not practical enough to achieve high levels of proficiency (Park, 2006). This study has found that culturally-based sports such as taekwondo can cater for respondents without sufficient English proficiency to successfully participate in mainstream sports in Australia. Through sharing their technical skills, they gain the self-esteem and confidence necessary to have better social interaction with their local peers, who may act as facilitators to improve their language skills. A common interest among young people can result in the ‘give and take’ that makes for long-term relationships.

It is common for English language students from Korea to try to speak with each other using only English. This can defeat the purpose of practicing English and improving communication skills by limiting any creative communication in either language. This can extend to the sports field, where it is thought that, by engaging in mainstream sports, English skills will be fast tracked.

Communication is significantly more effective among young Koreans with similar cultural backgrounds. Korean immigrants who do not understand English can access special programs as suggested by Chio (2005). SBS Radio and TV stations broadcast in Korean to all major centres in Australia and many Korean language newspapers and magazines provide sporting information. Those without Korean language proficiency, conversely, were less likely to participate in the context of Korean-only sporting environments, which tend to be administered as well as conducted in Korean. In this regard, Laios (2000) emphasised that effective intercultural communication is a prerequisite for group coordination, the development of good interpersonal relationships and trust within the team and the creation of positive sporting environments.

The research findings concluded that selected socio-demographic characteristics partially influenced sport patterns such as degree of involvement (frequency and rate), behavioural involvement (type), and cognitive involvement (choice of sport programs

166 and first interest in sport) among respondents. Younger male respondents displayed more ‘divergent patterns’ and ‘independence seeking behaviour’, and were more likely to participate in ethnically and culturally integrated sport settings. On the other hand, older female respondents displayed more ‘withdrawal- or non-involvement patterns’, with a more traditional approach to their choices of sport patterns. They had little involvement with sport in Australia.

9.1.2 Acculturation and culturally-based sport patterns among young Koreans in Australia

The second research question is:

How is sport participation of young Koreans in Australia affected by acculturation?

The findings are:

a. Gender, age, length of residence and language proficiency were correlated with acculturation.

b. Acculturation modes affected sport participation rates, while assimilation and marginalisation attitudes were key indicators when socio-demographic variables were taken into account.

c. Assimilation, integration and marginalisation affected the frequency of different types of culturally-based sport participation.

d. Assimilation and integration affected choice of mainstream-based sport programs, while separation affected choice of ethnically-based sport programs.

Over recent decades, a number of acculturation studies among several ethnic minority populations (e.g., Mexican-American, Latina, Asian and Turkish) have suggested that migrants who were more assimilated were more physically active during their leisure

167 time (Crespo et al., 2001; Evenson et al., 2004; Hosper et al., 2007; Lee, Sobal, & Frongillo, 2000). Consistent with these, this study’s results provide some support for the predictive validity of acculturation theory that assimilation functions in sport contexts among young Koreans considering their socio-demographic characteristics. Mainstream Australian-orientated acculturation (assimilation) remained an independent predictor of higher level of sport participation while marginalisation remained an independent predictor of lower level of sport participation. The findings supported the notion that level of sport participation can be affected by a person’s level of acculturation while controlling certain socio-demographic variables such as gender, age, length of residence and language skills. Female respondents were less assimilated than male respondents because young Korean females interact with mainstream society less frequently and for shorter periods of time.

Previous cross-cultural research into acculturation by Berry (1997) suggested that assimilated ethnic minority immigrants desire contact with the dominant culture. This assumes that assimilated young Korean females are more likely to participate in mainstream sporting environments. Although the highly active in sport respondents tended to come from the more assimilated groups, the results of this study do not fully support this assimilation theory in terms of the culturally-based sport participation of young Koreans in Australia. Participation in mainstream sports was found to be heavily influenced by greater assimilation; however, participation in taekwondo, which originated from Korea, increased with greater assimilation among male respondents and with integration among female respondents. In this regard, bicultural values of culturally-based sports seem to play as important a role in social inclusion as mainstream sports among female respondents. Participation in Australia’s most popular sport of cricket was also predicted by greater integration among male respondents. This stresses the importance of different acculturation modes in relation to types of culturally-based sport participation in general.

One key finding of the present study was that age had a significant effect on sport participation rates along with assimilation and marginalisation. More specifically, older respondents had lower levels of assimilation and integration. Regarding the negative correlation between age and assimilation, one explanation could be that age was related

168 to the age at time of arrival in the new culture and society.

However, Liem et al. (2000) and Richman et al. (1987) found that a longer residence and an earlier age of immigration to the larger society tend to be related to a higher level of identity with the larger society and a lower level of cultural group identity. Consistent with these findings, this study found that long-stay respondents became more assimilated which in turn increased their participation in sport. This finding supported the notion of Szapocznik and Kurtines (1980) that a higher level of mainstream cultural identification can be associated with the longer stay in the host country. Also the role of time spent in the host country can probably be explained by viewing acculturation as an ongoing learning process (Duan & Vu, 2000).

It is reasonable to assume that Australian-born respondents are more likely to participate in sport and they tend to be assimilated and integrated in Australian society. In contrast, recently arrived young Koreans encounter more difficulties where sports offered in Australia are different to those offered in Korea, and are unprepared to participate in cooperative sport activities, with their unfamiliar games and rules, within a multicultural group environment. To the uninitiated, cricket, with its many rules, for example, can present a daunting prospect to young Koreans, especially new arrivals.

The findings supported the notion that, as part of the acculturation process, a sense of identity among ethnic groups is related to the changes that occur over time in the key indicator of language proficiency (Birman & Tricket, 2001; Phinney, 1992; Sachdeve, 1995; Sachdeve & Bourhis, 1990; Ward, 1996). As would be expected, respondents with better fluency in English had a more positive assimilation attitude. This confirms the findings of Diaz-Rico and Weed (2002), Schumann (1986) and others. In addition, the results showed that respondents with assimilation and greater English proficiency were more likely to choose mainstream sport programs, whereas those with separation and integration attitudes were more likely to choose ethnically-based sport programs.

Berry (2001) pointed out the diversity of ethnic minority migrants’ motivations and desires to achieve or avoid satisfying contact within the host community. Indeed, my findings supported his argument that they have either strong and/or weak connection

169 with both their heritage and the host cultures. Central to the experience of young Koreans is acculturation to the host mainstream culture and its effect upon the maintenance of aspects of heritage culture. Although there is evidence of significant connections between sport participation and cultural adjustment, Korean scholars (e.g., Boo, 2006; Choi, 2005; Coughlan, 2008; Han, 2008; Hur & Hur, 1999; Lee, 1999; Yang, 2008) have focused on dependence of Koreans’ cultural behaviour through their perceptions of cultural belonging.

Based on the results, acculturation modes seem to provide a better understanding of the internal factors of culturally-based sport patterns. Beyond this theoretical interest, this study suggests that sport participation behaviour as depicted by acculturation modes are appropriate for the context of this research. The results from the hierarchal regression analysis identified two significant predictor variables in determining sport participation rates, namely: assimilation and marginalisation. This study’s results showed that respondents with a higher marginalisation tended to not participate in sport actively, which supported the theory that marginalisation functions in only a small way in interacting with members of both the host culture and culture of origin from the aspect of socio-cultural development through sport participation. By rejecting both their own and the host community sporting cultures, they may run the risk of losing contact with both cultures, with resulting negative consequences (e.g., Berry, 1997; Ryska, 2002). However, it should be acknowledged that these results may be specific to this research situation.

Separation strategy suggests exclusive focus on the cultural values and practices of the ethnic minority group and little or no interaction with members of the host culture. The findings of this study, however, indicated that in some cases this may lead to positive outcomes. Young Koreans who were more separated were more likely to participate in the Korean-originated sport environments, and this may facilitate the possibility of being accepted by the Korean or Australian cultures in the long-term as suggested by Floyd and Gramann (1993). Bicultural experiences can provide more opportunity to interact with members of the host culture and vice versa. This vital role can be played by Korean sport coaches and community organisations in Australia. A reverse assimilation to Korean culture may also occur. The quality of intercultural contact can

170 be increased through such ethnic sport participation.

The present study reinforced the results of Yu and Berryman’s (1996) study of recently arrived Chinese immigrants, which found that both their behaviours and attitudes in leisure reflected high loyalty to their culture of origin. This can mitigate the effects of a broad range of problems and conflicts while retaining close links with their culture of origin and providing access and participation in cultural practices enabling a high level of cultural expression (e.g., Stodolsk, 2000). Through emphasising group-orientated values, codes of etiquette, hierarchical rankings, language, cultural attitudes and rituals, taekwondo can accommodate specific cultural requirements within a ‘non-racist climate’ (e.g., Lynch et al., 1996).

Integration strategy between two cultural systems may provide the most supportive socio-cultural base for the individual (Berry & Kim, 1988), and is the most positive and desirable outcome in dealing with cultural change (Berry, 1997, 2003; Bourhis et al., 1997; Gold, 1996; Ward, 1996). Although integration strategy suggests a strong sense of belonging to both heritage and host cultural identification, the findings of this study only partially supported this concept. According to this strategy, young Koreans with a higher level of integration would exhibit high levels of both ethno-specific and mainstream-specific attitudes. It was found, however, that these young Koreans were more likely to become interested in sport participation through Australian educational institutions and their sport coaches from mainstream and bicultural backgrounds, while being less likely to participate in sports organised by Korean community-based environments in Australia. In an extensive study on the disintegration functions of sport, Coakley (2003, p. 284) concluded:

Sports not only reflect the influence of cultural beliefs about race and ethnicity on the social relationships and the organisation of social life, but also are sites where people challenge or reproduce dominant beliefs and forms of racial and ethnic relations in a society.

Young Koreans who displayed high levels of sport participation were more likely to participate in community-based sporting environments, while assimilation was not a

171 mediating factor. From a long-term perspective, they may either fully engage in common cultural experiences or lose interest completely due to cultural and linguistic barriers as suggested by Gillborn (1990). In comparison, separation was a strong predictor among young Koreans who chose their sport coaches from Korean backgrounds and became interested in sport through the Korean community. Community-based sport participation is more voluntary compared to participation within educational institutions, whose sporting programs are largely subsidised by the large mainstream sporting institutions (who use their ‘captive audience’ to promote and advertise their particular codes). It is difficult for grass-root ethnic sporting organisations to compete. In this sense, findings of this study fill the theoretical gaps in the literature by providing insight into the relationship between assimilation and cultural behaviours. Although the highly active young Korean sport participants tended to come from the more assimilated groups, the results of this study, however, do not fully support this assimilation strategy in terms of the culturally-based sport participation of young Koreans in Australia.

This study also concluded that although culturally-based sports were more easily accessible to some, they may also result in insularity. Ethnocentrism or separation may result from participation in ethnic sport. Mainstream sports may lead to a loss of sense of culture of origin. Kotler (2000) indicated that consumer wants and abilities change with age. Regarding the negative correlation between age and assimilation, one explanation could be that age was related to the age at time of arrival in the new culture and society. More specifically, findings of this study showed that older young Koreans were less-assimilated or less-integrated.

Overall, findings suggest that acculturation modes and socio-demographic variables helped to predict both mainstream and ethnically-based sport patterns. The acculturation experiences of the respondents in Australia in relation to sports are complex, involving many factors both internal and external.

9.1.3 Social support and young Koreans’ sport patterns in Australia

The third research question is:

172 How is sport participation influenced by social support?

The findings are:

a. Socio-demographic characteristics (age, length of residence, English proficiency) and acculturation modes were correlated with family, peer and general support.

b. Peer support affected sport participation rates, but social support factors (family, peer and general support) were no key indicators when acculturation modes and socio-demographic variables were taken into account.

c. Respondents living with both parents in Australia, and assimilation, were key indicators of level of sport participation, while sport participation rates and types of sport were different depending on different types of family composition.

d. Parental sporting involvement affected their children’s participation in culturally-based sport.

Young minority immigrants may often experience problems (Aronowitz, 1992; Sam & Berry, 1995), possibly related to conflicts between the demands of family and peers, and to the problems of transition between childhood and adulthood compounded by cultural transition (Phinney, 1990). This study’s results suggested positive relations between peer support and assimilation, integration, English skills and length of residence. Moreover, acculturation, as a determinant of attitudes and behaviours of immigrant child and family functioning (Smart & Smart, 1992), is the key indicator. In a hierarchical regression model, not all social support factors were significant and peer support did not contribute significantly after controlling acculturation modes and socio- demographic characteristics. Due to the complex nature of variables, it was deemed necessary to include a wider framework to accurately determine the nature of these relations regarding young ethnic minorities in a cross-cultural context.

The main explanation put forward regarding a lack of mainstream sport involvement by

173 ethnic minorities is a lack peer support and inadequate networking opportunities (CMYI, 2007; Coakley, 2003; Hughes, 1997; Lynch et al, 1996; Taylor, 2001). Previous research into peer support in sport has also found that positive racial intervention results in increased physical activity participation of ethnic minorities (e.g., Castro, Sallis, Hickmann, Lee, & Chen, 1999). Sometimes mainstream sport participation may not always lead to positive integration outcomes (e.g., Berry 1997; Kelly & Cohn, 1988), and never be fully realised due to the involuntary nature of the process and the external nature of the forces being exerted. The expression ‘you can lead a horse to water, but you can’t make it drink’ is an apt description in this context. In contrast to Western cultures, Korean culture emphasises group awareness over individual concerns, sensitivity to others, and the minimisation of conflict (Farver, Kim, & Lee-Shin, 2000).

In examining the association between social support and sport participation, this study sought to demonstrate that the association would vary depending on peer and parental influences. Respondents’ friends and parents were the most popular referral group. The noteworthy result is that, for young Koreans in particular, tangible support from their peers plays a more important role than family social support for increasing level of sport participation. Peer support only explains the extent of level of sport participation, partly supporting the inclusion of social support factors within the TPB as a distinct concept (Courya & McAuley, 1995; Rhodes et al., 2002). Another suggestion is to consider that as age increases, so too does peer influence at the expense of parental influence.

This finding is consistent with the literature, in that during adolescence, peer acceptance and support can contribute to the formation of sporting attitudes and behaviours (Smith, 1991) and adolescents seek support from not only within, but also outside, the immediate family, such as from their peers (Petersen, Kennedy, & Sullivan, 1991). Because young people from CALD backgrounds may be disadvantaged in regard to mainstream forms of sport participation, an ethno-cultural network may be beneficial for the sporting outcomes of these adolescents, especially, given their occasional strong reliance on peer-based own ethnic group which can compensate for the lack of family support (e.g., Bankston, 2004; Kim & Goto, 2000; Schwartz, 2002; Zhou & Bankston, 1998).

174 Previous studies indicated that adolescent friendships and peer group interactions are related to social development (Crosnoe, 2000; Ryan, 2001) and more opportunities for culturally inclusive extracurricular activities (Ethnic Communities’ Council of Victoria, 2010). Blau (1994) suggested that the larger the group, the more likely its members are to have a relationship with friends of their own ethnicity. When applied to the sporting environment, as the number of ethnic minorities increase, participants are able to form a group of their own ethnicity, perhaps interacting less with mainstream group members. The findings of this study supported the notion that the strongest associations are between higher level of social support (particularly peer support) and acculturation attitudes in relation to the level of sport participation. The influence of interactive acculturation between young Koreans and members of the host culture plays a very significant role in the development of some behavioural and cognitive sport patterns among young Koreans in Australia. Acculturation can be mediated by the extent to which young Koreans feel accepted or discriminated against by members of both Korean and host communities during their participation in culturally-based sport.

The effects of instrumental support, however, may appear considerably more mixed with language proficiency and acculturation attitudes. This pattern of relationships suggests that peer support (i.e., instrumental support) may function as one of the mediators of ethno-specific sport behaviour on subsequent sport participation during adolescence. LaFromboise et al. (1993) further argued that a lack of interracial contact may harm minority students’ achievement; for instance, interracial friendships and peer networks of sport participation can provide young ethnic minorities with access to resources, means of self-presentation, and patterns of communication acceptable to members of the mainstream group (e.g., Orfield & Yun, 1999; Thrupp et al., 2002). However, it is theoretically possible that integrated community sport programs may experience higher levels of racial and ethnic tension and hence less interracial friendship than school-based sport programs with a relatively small minority population (e.g., Rivkin, 2000).

This study’s finding suggested that not only are parents important in terms of level of sport participation but also in aiding the assimilation of their children. This supported the findings of Brown et al. (1989) and the survey of Australian children’s participation

175 in selected culture and leisure activities (ABS, 2005) who suggested strong parental influence on physical activity level of children. The initial interest in sport is most frequently fostered by the parents (Weiss & Knoppers, 1982), but limited family interaction and support may be a negative influence during the period immediately following immigration when children could most benefit from the help and support of their parents.

It seems that, in terms of involvement in sport, having at least one parent present and providing support leads to positive outcomes. This is because the social influence/control factor of family composition was a significant influence on the young Korean’s sport patterns. An ABS (2005) report indicated that in single parent families where the parent is employed, children are less likely to participate in sport and less likely again where the single parent is not working and without stable financial support. Many working parents are simply too tired to engage actively with their children. It is not unusual for first generation migrant Korean parents to work two jobs to support their family. This makes it hard to deal with available sport and cultural activity information (school newsletters) or to drive their children to training and events (e.g., Berrigan et al., 2006).

On the other hand, the growth in numbers of ‘gireogi families’ (a family in which the father lives and works in Korea, sending money for his children’s education and living expenses, while the mother takes the children to another country to pursue their education (Choi, 2005)), although financially independent, may be due to cultural differences, a lack of social network and language difficulties. These families belong to the wealthy middle class of the consumer society (Kang, 2003), and they have high aspirations for their children’s education in Australia. Other parents may struggle financially due to high education fees, living costs and frequent travel back and forth by family members (Tokita, 2006).

The priorities of the parents in Korea concerning their children’s stay in Australia often emphasise study over sport participation, resulting in a lack of financial support in that area. In general, nervous newly arrived young Koreans with poor language skills have difficulty in expressing their ideas, wants and needs when speaking to their home-stay

176 parents.

The findings supported McPherson et al. (1989) who suggested there was a higher level of sport participation in children whose parents participated or had participated in sport. Further, the participation in a broad range of culturally-based sports by the Korean parents in this study proved important to their children’s participation in sport, while parents who participated in mainstream sports only (perhaps more assimilated) provided less opportunity for their children to participate in most culturally-based sports. If parents participated in mainstream sport or not at all, their children had less opportunity to participate in most culturally-based sports.

Further support for the potentially important role of social support (e.g., emotional, informational and appraisal support) comes from evidence linking such support to differences in the respondents’ sport participation in culturally-based sport through parents’ involvement. The cultural behaviour and attitudes toward sport of the children in this study reflected those of their parents. In this sense, parents not only provide social support, but also are associated with cultural maintenance. It is possible that contribution of parents’ sport involvement may be quickening their acculturation (e.g., Christenson, 2004), resulting from parents’ participation in patterns of sport found in mainstream society and forgoing their heritage sport patterns. Parents’ sport involvement and acculturation may provide greater insight into young Koreans’ sport patterns due to the fact that the family unit seems so important to this group. The finding may indicate that children’s sport patterns could be explained by parents’ acculturation. Previous studies on family leisure involvement have consistently found that family leisure behaviours have a positive relationship to aspects of family functioning (cohesion) among school aged children (Orthner & Mancini, 1991; Zabriskie, 2000). Those parents who opted for their children’s participation in the Korean sport of taekwondo valued self-discipline, self-defence and maintaining their Korean culture. However, decisions regarding sport patterns tended to be made without consulting their children. Until these issues are addressed, only limited progress toward positive cultural adjustment can be achieved.

Stereotypical Korean culture tends to favour group orientation which manifests in a

177 great deal of mutual cooperation and cohesion. More collectivistic young Koreans tend to value the Confucian principles of respect and discipline, especially in Korean martial arts and sports education. For example, ‘bowing’ is important in group-orientated Korean sport settings, while it may feel a bit alien to more individualistic young Koreans who lack a sense of Korean identity. Through emphasising their own group- orientated values, codes of etiquette, hierarchical rankings, language, cultural attitudes and rituals, taekwondo can accommodate specific cultural requirements within a ‘non- racist climate’ (e.g., Lynch et al., 1996), while retaining close links with their culture of origin and providing access and participation in cultural practices, enabling a high level of cultural expression.

Previous research has shown that non-pressuring forms of social support influence physical activity (Courneya et al., 2000), but it was argued here that a social influence construct (e.g., family’s cultural value and parental control) may indicate an interpersonal context (Deci et al., 1994) of young ethnic minorities’ sport behaviour. Consequently, the effects of pressuring forms of social influence toward sport participation can be based upon different ethno-cultural perception and situation. These findings are somewhat consistent with Awde’s (2008) findings, suggesting that a family’s cultural value and norms on the basis of parent-child interactions are the important context. Moreover, it is important to acknowledge that the family structural variations show significant differences in the patterns of sport participation. Parents perform the roles associated with the behavioural conduct of their children using sport.

Rhodes et al. (2002) suggested that social support was superior to subjective norms in understanding exercise behaviour. However, this study’s model did not stabilise across non-pressuring forms of social support factors whilst pressuring forms of social influence/control were found to be important predictors of sport participation in this particular ethno-specific context. This finding supported the notion of Ajzen and Madden’s (1986) study concerning the influence of social pressure on an individual’s behaviour.

The findings concluded that social support variables provide an enhanced understanding of the dynamic nature of ethno-specific sport patterns among young Koreans in

178 Australia. Although the association between social support and sport activity is inconsistent with the literature, it is important to consider both pressuring and non- pressuring forms of social influence within the theory of planned behaviour. However, the determinants of social support in this study appear likely to be useful in research on ethno-specific sport behaviour. While parents exerted control over their children, their children’s acculturation also played a major role. This is to signify that further research should pay attention to this particular form of social support that young people from CALD backgrounds in the Australian sport context have.

9.1.4 Perceived constraining factors and young Koreans’ sport participation in Australia

The fourth research question is: What are the constraining factors that hinder sport participation?

The findings are:

a. Level of perceived socio-cultural, religious, access, affective, resource and interpersonal constraints were correlated with acculturation modes and socio- demographic characteristics.

b. Sport participation rates were different depending on level of perceived socio- cultural, religious and interpersonal constraints.

c. Participation in the mainstream popular sports (Australian Rules football, cricket and netball) was significantly constrained by interpersonal factors. Participation in taekwondo was significantly constrained by socio-cultural, religious and physical constraints, while rugby league participation, for some female respondents, was significantly constrained by religious constraints.

d. Time, parental control and interpersonal constraints were the most common reasons for limited participation and withdrawal from sport.

179 Previous studies have identified various constraining factors related to sport participation across different socio-demographic groups. Tsai and Coleman (1999) identified a lack of awareness of opportunities and levels of skill and ability as preventing participation in sports. Some authors stress the importance of sports involvement in terms of developing new skill sets as well as personal enjoyment, social interaction and social change (Yu & Berryman, 1996). This study supported the findings of previous research that immigrant populations are subject to certain constraints that are not found or appear different in the general population (Stodolska, 1998). In general, resource, access and interpersonal constraints were given more weight than others. The present study placed these constraints into seven categories, identifying resource and access as the most important participation constraints.

As with the current study, Tcha and Lobo’s (2002) investigation of Western Australian Korean immigrants found that lack of time because of work/school commitment and family influenced their sport and leisure participation. This study’s findings are consistent with the literature, in that during adolescence the most important constraining items were a lack of time followed by access, information, adaptive skills, accompaniment, and parental and family support in that order. As the group was not homogeneous, different weight was given to different constraining factors depending on level and types of sport participation; however, time constraint proved to be a constant. This study extended Tcha and Lobo’s work in that an interrelationship was found between study, parental and peer expectation, language difficulties, religious requirement, education systems, school curricula, lack of access and facilities, cultural practices, personal aspirations, fatigue and stress.

The present study found a relationship between gender and sport participation, and a relationship between sport participation and parental influence. It is possible, therefore, to speculate that Korean parents exert different levels of influence concerning the types and level of sport participation depending on the gender of their children. It is interesting to point out that similarities exist between sporting culture and Korean culture in Australia in that both are, by and large, patriarchal in nature. Young Koreans in this study indicated that inequality between males and females existed. This may be linked to Confucianism as a social creed in Korea which sharply separates the domestic

180 sphere from the public and subordinates females to males, creating an extremely masculine-dominated culture (Ahn, 1997). Some Korean women may still be pressured into this Confucian stereotype with their social life (sport included) organised under men’s dominion. While Dewar (1987) argued that gender is viewed as a set of socially produced power relations including play, games, and sport, the situation of women in sport in Korea may still be based on Confucianism which demands a rigorous masculine thought process. Many older-generation Koreans and parents may consider sport as a violent and aggressive activity which they believe to be not suitable for women (taekwondo, for instance, as a combat sport).

The current research findings indicated that young Korean females had limited sport participation opportunities due to a perceived lack of adaptive skills compared with their male counterparts (refer to Table 8.1). This concurs with Malina’s (1996) explanation of this lower involvement by females, citing differences in body image, physical abilities and attitudes. The traditional role division within the migrant family sees women as homemakers, having insufficient time to develop skills necessary for successful integration into the new society (Pelemis, 2006). In this study, a lack of appropriate sport facilities, and information, as well as parental restriction, served as constraining factors encountered by young Korean females in Australia.

Korean culture has a long history of an ideology that has justified inequality between men and women. Sport in Korea today maintains the prejudice that males are a breed apart, and also perpetuates patriarchy by reinforcing gender inequalities (Ahn, 1997). Walseth and Fasting (2004) found that the main reason for not participating in sport by females from minority groups was home and family responsibility, whereas for men it was the demands of work and study.

If the sporting choices for young Korean males continue to be based on these existing concepts, i.e., the natural superiority of men’s masculinity, the lack of involvement of their female counterparts within the Korean community in Australia will continue. Nowadays, however, the traditional family structure is no longer ubiquitous in the Korean community. With an increasing number of single children of either sex, the opportunity for gender equality must likewise increase.

181 Chung’s (2005) study of Muslim females in Hong Kong showed that access constraints and resource constraints are the most important sport constraints, while Tsai and Coleman’s (1999) study of Chinese immigrants in Australia and Golembski et al.’s (2002) study of Polish youths found resources and interpersonal constraints to be the main constraints. While young Koreans faced a complex mix of constraints to participate in sport during their acculturation process, Tcha and Lobo’s (2002) study is one of the few investigations that explicitly includes socio-demographic characteristic factors and questions their importance. In contrast with Tcha and Lobo, the present study supported the idea that the socio-demographic variables can account for constraint categorisations.

Even within a cultural group, different traditions and interpretations may produce unique sets of barriers to sport participation (Keogh, 2002). Among the Korean- Australian community there is a diversity of language, ethnicity, religion and cultural heritage. The Korean community, however, lacks experience and resources in assisting young Koreans. There is a tendency to formulate and implement their second generation support projects concerning sport without properly understanding the cultural sensibilities and conformity in the host society.

Apart from the general results that the perceived importance of religious and interpersonal constraints are positively associated with assimilation and integration, while socio-cultural and affective constraints are positively associated with separation and marginalisation, and that the constraints set found among young Koreans differs somewhat from that of the mainstream, several more specific observations can be derived from the results of this study.

The findings supported the notion that more assimilated or integrated young Koreans may perceive constraints such as inability to find a sport partner or lack of time due to religious practices limiting their active participation in sport. They may feel withdrawn from or unable to access new or existing sport opportunities available both inside and outside their community. On the other hand, more marginalised or separated young Koreans, who may lack desire to start participating in sport due to racial discrimination, language barriers and cultural distance from members of the mainstream, may not

182 engage in new sport opportunities. The findings supported the research of Horton (2003) suggesting a sense of marginalisation or exclusion is the likely result due to disadvantaged minority culture.

Ethnic minority groups are subject to different treatment in Australian society due to social structures that are not equally accessible to all. These may lead to “exclusionary behaviour by the majority, separatist behaviour by the minority and the formation of ghettoes” (Cope, Castles, & Kalantzis, 1991, p. 47), and can be the source for racial discrimination (van Rhee, 2004). The findings supported the research of Lorenzo et al. (2000) suggesting that Asian minorities have significantly more interpersonal problems, view themselves more negatively, and are more dissatisfied with social support and networks. These findings may generally suggest an overall lack of social connectedness experienced by ethnic minorities with immigrant backgrounds in Australia.

In particular, the perceived importance of access constraints was found to be higher among older-aged young Koreans. Those from the older-aged group in this study had become more interested in sport participation via their friends from the Korean community (see Chapter Five). After leaving school these older-aged young Koreans have less parental influence along with increased prospects to disengage from the (involuntary) school sport environments, social networks and diverse peer contacts which had provided their main opportunities and access until this point. It is then that they attempt to re-discover their ethno-cultural reconnection to fill this void. However, in older-age groups this can lead to increasingly ghettoised and ethnocentric outcomes regarding sport participation.

Language constrains the extent to which minority ethnic youths may overcome participation barriers (e.g., lack of knowledge about sites or information about particular sporting activities) (Yu & Berryman, 1996). Some short stay older-aged young Korean participants who were less assimilated may feel frustrated when they face having to learn in an English-only sport environment. Brochures advertising various facilities and programs can be difficult to decipher, resulting in missed opportunities, limited access and progress. Application forms may be submitted without supporting information such as terms and conditions, family medical history, emergency details, exercise history,

183 purpose, etc. Inadequate counselling due to language barriers can prevent effective problem solving and subsequent participation.

The semi-structured interviews of young Koreans’ experiences in sport participation provided an opportunity to examine the different participation constraints that they face according to time, parental control and interpersonal relations in Australia. It cannot be said that the findings necessarily apply to all young Koreans in Australia in terms of their difficulties in cross-cultural matters, but they do provide a meaningful insight to evaluate these issues in more detail.

Foster et al. (2005) reported that the lack of time was the most common barrier in all the surveys that stops people from exercising, but there are a number of more complex barriers. My findings indicate that time constraint due to study - for example, coaching schools, private tutors, Saturday Korean schools and Sunday Church services - proved to be the largest constraint. It can lead them towards substituting their sporting patterns to those with low level of participation or even withdrawal from sport in the long-term. Although sport participation can be helpful in releasing tension, the overloaded schedule of young Korean students made this impractical.

Interpersonal experiences tended to impact on respondents’ participation in mainstream sport in Australia. Peer relationships, gender, language skills, adaptive skills, social networks, access and information were interrelated and proved to be limiting factors. Along with the ‘cultural gap’ between young Koreans and their mainstream counterparts, a similar gap exists between young Koreans and their parents’ generation. This may affect their participation patterns in sport.

Previous studies (Rosenthal & Feldman, 1992) found that first generation parents identify more strongly with their cultural group and show a lower level of identification with the mainstream society than their children. Young Koreans may adjust to mainstream cultural beliefs and behavioural patterns that differ from traditional values of first generation Koreans (Georgas et al., 1996), resulting in ethno-cultural conflicts through the lack of acceptance by parents of their children’s interethnic interactions (e.g., dating and marriage) (Rhee et al, 2003). The second generation, however, is more likely

184 to socialise with others. A growing disconnection between young Koreans and their cultural roots is evidenced by changing sporting behaviour and involvement and participation outside their own ethnic community. They can progress towards intercultural social contact and relations within mainstream culture compared to their parents’ generation. Thus, different cultures and generation gaps have further resulted in greater miscommunication and inter-generational conflict (Chae, 1990; Lee et al., 2000). Although first generation migrants are expected to change their values to a certain extent, second generation migrants are expected to differ from traditional values to a greater extent (Georgas et al., 1996).

Overall, the findings indicated that the related constraining factors of time, parental control and interpersonal relationships had a profound effect on respondents’ participation in sport. Such results illustrated the role played by the acculturation theory in relation to the effect of constraints on level of sport participation. Factors that can lead to withdrawal or limited access for both active and potentially active participants were found. It would therefore be useful in the future to examine modes of constraints from two perspectives: (i) those which limit those who participate in sport actively; and ii) those which limit those inactive individuals who are potentially participants.

Based on the results presented (see Chapter Eight), it can be concluded that young Koreans in Australia who wanted to participate in different types of culturally-based or new sport, but found their participation limited by at least one constraining factor, tended to be relatively young-aged school children. The study also attempted to explain how participation constraints are differently perceived by male and female respondents, given the diversity of roles they play in contemporary Korean immigrants’ society in Australia. The findings supported the value and the predictive validity of constraint theory on level of sport participation. Beyond this theoretical interest, this study suggests that different types of constraints studies in a cross-cultural context can better explain differences in sport participation behaviour. These findings are somewhat consistent with Henderson et al.’s (1988) findings, suggesting that different types of constraints affect participation and preferences.

185 9.2 Contribution to Theory

This study makes some modest contribution to theoretical advancement. One way was in terms of pulling several concepts and theories together to form the theoretical framework of the study, and another way is by enhancing this theoretical framework.

Based on an extensive review of literature (including literature about youth from CALD backgrounds) and carefully selecting from available and relevant theories, the original theoretical framework of the thesis emerged, which guided the conduct of the study. The framework which was first presented in Chapter Three, and presented again below, combines elements from socio-demographic characteristics, acculturation modes, social support factors and participation constraints into a single framework that shows the determinants of sport participation.

Acculturation Modes *Assimilation *Integration *Separation *Marginalisation

Socio-demographic Social Support Factors *Family, Peer, General Sport Participation Behaviour Characteristics social support *Degrees of involvement *Age *Family composition *Behaviour involvement *Gender *Parental influence *Cognitive involvement *Length of residence *Language proficiency

Perceived Constraints *Residential status *Socio-cultural *Religious *Access *Affective (i) Link 1 *Resource (ii) Link 2

*Physical (iii) Link 3 *Interpersonal

Figure 3.4 The original theoretical framework for the thesis

In the first link combination, acculturation modes, social support and perceived constraints were assumed to predict participation behaviour of sport directly. For testing the second link, socio-demographic characteristics were assumed to be the immediate antecedent of acculturation modes including its direct influence on sport participation behaviour. In statistics of the third link, interaction effects were expected when

186 considering the relationship among these variables.

This framework was proposed for four reasons. First, there were problematic viewpoints of the theory of planned behaviour in the literature regarding the determinants of ethno- specific sport behaviour (e.g., Courneya & McAuley, 1995; Courneya et al., 2000; Levine & Pauls, 1996; Ryan & Deci, 2000). Second, the sport participation approach to Berry’s framework for understanding acculturation (1980, 1997), Vaux et al.’s social support appraisals of family, peer and general social support (1986) and the status of hierarchical leisure constraint (Crawford & Godbey, 1987; Crawford, Jackson, & Godbey, 1991) were highly dependent on ethnicity. Third, the original framework comprised of variables and relationships for obtaining the broadest possible outcomes in relation to young Koreans’ sport participation in terms of degree of involvement, behaviour involvement and cognitive involvement that had not previously been identified. Finally, the original framework utilised the existing theories to maximise their effectiveness for a particular ethnic group.

In applying this framework to the study, further refinement of the framework occurred. Thus, Figure 9.1 below emerged as another representation of the framework, but a more enhanced one, and more specific to young Koreans (and potentially for other ethnic young groups).

The enhanced framework shows the following three links which are slightly different from the original theoretical framework of the study:

y Link 1 (direct influence) shows four possible direct links that can exist among the variables, even though young Koreans’ sport participation can vary. Specifically, this framework suggests direct influences of variables such as (i) socio-demographic characteristics (gender, age, length of residence, language proficiency and residential status), (ii) acculturation modes (assimilation, integration, separation and marginalisation), (iii) social support factors (peer support, family composition and parental involvement) and (iv) perceived constraining factors (socio-cultural, religious and interpersonal constraints, time and parental constraints) on young Koreans’ sport participation in terms of

187 frequency/rate, participation types, choice of sport programs and source of first interest in sport.

Socio-demographic Characteristics Gender Age Length of residence Language proficiency Residential status

Acculturation Modes Assimilation Integration Separation Marginalisation Ethno-specific Frequency/rate Sport Participation type Choice of sport programs Participation Source of first interest in sport Social Support Factors

Peer support Family composition Parental involvement

Perceived Constraining Factors Socio-cultural (i) Link 1 Direct influence Religious (ii) Link 2 Mediating influence Time (iii) Link 3 Correlation Interpersonal Parental control

Figure 9-1 Young Korean-specific sport participation framework

y Link 2 (mediating influence) allows for an assessment of moderating factors that influence ethno-specific sport participation. The enhanced framework, by incorporating socio-demographic characteristics, acculturation modes and social support variables, allows for an examination of the level of sport participation using these moderating factors. For example, this framework suggests that sport participation rates among young Koreans differ depending on social support factors and are moderated by acculturation modes and socio- demographic variables.

188 y Link 3 (correlation) shows the correlation between pairs of linked core determinants of the modified TPB constructs. This framework suggests that there are significant correlations between socio-demographic characteristics and acculturation modes, social support and perceived constraining factors. According to this link, socio-demographic characteristics, together with acculturation modes, can be used to directly predict young Korean-specific sport participation.

There are some specific contributions arising from the inclusion of variables within the enhanced framework in this thesis. In summary, the differences between the original theoretical framework (represented in Figure 3.3) and the enhanced framework (represented in Figure 9.1) are as follows:

a. Inclusion of four distinct dimensions (frequency/rate, participation types, choice of sport programs and source of first interest in sport) of ethno-specific sport behaviour.

The original framework was conceptualised as an integrating involvement construct and typically referred to in terms of degree of involvement, cognitive involvement and behavioural involvement. These terms were frequently used interchangeably. In the enhanced framework, sport participation was clarified as (i) frequency/rate, (ii) participation type, (iii) choice of sport programs, and (iv) sources of first interest in sport in order to better understand the influence of socio-demographic variables, acculturation modes, social support factors and perceived constraint factors on the Korean-specific sport participation behaviour. In the context of ethno-specific sport participation, no research has simultaneously investigated these four dimensions of sport participation behaviour.

b. Inclusion of socio-demographic characteristics of age, gender, length of residence, language proficiency and residential status as important determinants of ethno-specific sport participation.

There is very little empirical research that has previously been focused on the effects of

189 socio-demographic characteristics in the theory of planned behaviour in order to better understand ethno-specific sport behaviour. Socio-demographic characteristics were taken account of and it was found that each of these have significant explanatory power, even if some had more weight (e.g., age and gender) than others. In this sense, socio- demographic characteristics are adequate for fully explicating the causes of individual differences in sport participation. Specific contributions arising from the inclusion of age, gender, length of residence, language proficiency and residential status in this study include evidence of:

y the significant role socio-demographic characteristics play in sport participation rates, types and choice of sport programs for young Koreans including its associations with the modified TPB constructs of acculturation modes, social support and perceived constraining factors;

y the considerable role gender, age and length of residence play in sport participation rates for young Koreans when the relationship between acculturation modes and family composition is retained that had not previously been investigated in the context of ethno-specific sport behaviour;

y identification of the need to consider length of residence, language proficiency and residential status in order to better understand source of first interest in sport.

c. Inclusion of acculturation modes as important determinants of ethno-specific sport participation.

As the number of young people from CALD backgrounds in Australia grows, young Koreans are making an effort to become part of the Australian sporting culture and to develop a positive acculturation attitude. It is acknowledged that the enhanced framework allows for a better understanding of how acculturation relates to socio- demographic characteristics, social support and perceived constraining factors by systematically assessing their impact on level of sport participation. Acculturation modes were taken into account and it was found that each of these have important explanatory power, even if some had greater weight than others. In this sense, this study

190 provides theoretical and empirical evidence for Tangsujjapoj’s (1991) contention that acculturation is not enough to explain all the variability in the type of activity and frequency of participation. However, assimilation is even more important among the differential impact of these acculturation modes within young Koreans. In addition, it urges recognition of cultural peculiarities and helped further enhance the young Korean- specific sport behaviour framework. This may provide a frame of reference for understanding their difficulties in social and cultural adjustment. Specific contributions arising from the consideration of acculturation modes in this study include evidence of:

y the significance of assimilation and marginalisation in sport participation rates for young Koreans when the relationship between gender, age and length of residence and participation rates is retained;

y the considerable role acculturation plays in sport participation for young Koreans including its influence on participation rates, several other culturally- based sport involvements and choice of sport programs;

y identification of the need to consider the relationship between assimilation attitude and ethnically-based sport participation in order to better understand ethno-specific sport behaviour.

d. Inclusion of peer support, family composition and parental involvement as important determinants of social support in relation to sport participation among young Koreans in Australia.

This enhanced framework is probable given the substantial support for the relationship of sport participation with social support factors such as peer support, family composition and parental influence among young Koreans. It is also acknowledged that, among young Koreans in Australia, incorporating elements of the pressuring forms of social support of the modified framework was significant to understanding sport participation behaviours. Because of the broad nature of social support, it was necessary to differentiate between pressuring and non-pressuring forms (especially considering the youth of the Korean participants and the sport context of this study). The contributions arising from the exclusion of both family and general social support factors need to be 191 considered in order to better understand the level of sport participation. The modifications to the enhanced framework include the removal of social support factors. For instance, the general social support factor was not in the proposed direction nor was it significant. Specific contributions arising from the inclusion of peer support, family composition and parental involvement in this study include evidence of:

y perceiving a reliable alliance with greater peer support in sport participation rates for young Koreans as part of better social and cultural adjustment;

y the significant role parental involvement in sport plays in sport participation for young Koreans including its influence on participation rates and several other culturally-based sport involvements;

y the considerable role family composition plays in sport participation rates for young Koreans when the relationship between acculturation modes and family composition is retained that had not previously been investigated in the context of ethno-specific sport behaviour.

e. Inclusion of socio-cultural, religious and interpersonal constraints, time, and parental control as important determinants of perceived constraining factors in relation to ethno-specific sport participation.

The inclusion of perceived constraining factors as determinants made an important contribution to the study of ethno-specific sport participation. However, in the context of young Korean-specific sport participation, a direct link between perceived constraining factors can be used as a substitute for a measure of sport behaviour. Specific contributions arising from the inclusion of socio-cultural, religious and interpersonal constraints, time, and parental control as perceived constraining factors in this study include evidence of:

y the significant role socio-cultural, interpersonal and religious constraints play in sport participation for young Koreans including its influence on participation rates and several other culturally-based sport involvements;

192 y the considerable role time and parental control play in sport participation for young Koreans including the influence it has on participation rates and types, source of first interest in sport, and choice of sport programs.

Overall, the theoretical rationale for developing the original framework was outlined in some detail much earlier in Chapter Three and revisited briefly in this section. In the main, the enhanced framework was re-established due to the following reasons. First, the enhanced framework was an extension of the original theoretical framework, addressing some of the original framework’s limitations which emerged when it was being applied. The idea was that a given ethno-specific sport behaviour depends jointly on socio-demographic characteristics and the modified constructs of the theory of planned behaviour (acculturation modes, social support and perceived constraining factors) to affect a given sport behaviour.

Second, the enhanced framework for young Koreans provided the detailed knowledge of the specific discipline of sport participation behaviour. The data that emerged helped to further enhance the value of the young Korean-specific sport behaviour framework, improving its applicability and practicality.

Finally, it also provided theoretical as well as empirical evidence that sport participation can and does identify with a variety of young people from CALD backgrounds within the cross-cultural contexts of sport.

9.3 Recommendations for Further Research

Recommendations for further study have been made as a result of the findings and limitations of this study, as well as the lack of ethno-specific sport participation behaviour research in young Koreans in Australia, as follows:

x It would be beneficial for future studies to consider a combination of both internal (from the Korean community) and external (from mainstream) perspectives through cultural and linguistic collaborations.

193 x A comparative study of the sporting patterns young Koreans (i) throughout Australia and (ii) in other English speaking countries is suggested. In this way, trends and divergences may be identified.

x A longitudinal study in the area of acculturation and age over a longer period of time would be useful to track the progress of both individuals and group relationships in terms of their sporting patterns. In a cross-cultural design, two or more age groups are studied longitudinally, so that both changes over time and group difference can be detected.

x It is recommended that a broad range of variables and cross-references in relation to statistical analyses is necessary to counter statistical bias. With further availability of data, more sensitive tests might be conducted to discern differences in sport participation behaviour in a temporal perspective.

x Acculturation is a subjective process and there is a need to gather more factual knowledge about ethno-specific behaviour in the Australian sport context from an inter-group perspective (Bourhis et al., 1997). These findings may offer some further insight into the problematic nature of young people from CALD backgrounds and help advise fair and effective policies that would be more beneficial for improving interpersonal and intergroup outcomes in sport between immigrant and host community.

Finally, the following research methodology protocols are to be considered:

x The use of interviews allowed for opportunities to personally identify major problem areas and sources of dissatisfaction from the participants and their family members. However, interview subjects should be divided into adults and children, thereby avoiding conscious or subconscious parental influence.

x Questionnaire design could be Web-based for increased convenience and technical benefits. Internet access is extremely high and coverage bias is likely to be less of a concern for young Koreans in Australia.

194 x The generational composition of the household should be targeted rather than individuals. This would provide detailed information on the relationship between socio-economic living conditions of households, acculturation, aspects of family functioning (cohesion) and family sport involvement from Korean parent, youth and family perspectives. x Appropriate participation (time and cooperation) incentives should be offered (e.g., family movie tickets, vouchers, grand prize drawing, etc.). Incentive gifts from the researcher can be used to increase the response rate.

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235 Appendix A: Survey Questionnaire

Survey Questionnaire of Towards of a Level Playing Field: Young Koreans and Sport in Australia

㍺ⶎ 㫆㌂

236 Thank you for taking the time to complete this questionnaire. ⽎ ㍺ⶎ㰖⯒ 㧧㎇䞮㡂 㭒㎪㍲ ╖┾䧞 Ṧ㌂ ✲Ⱃ┞┺.

Please circle the appropriate box number(s). 䟊╏䞮⓪ ⻞䢎㠦 ☯⁎⧒⹎ 䚲₆ 䟊 㭒㎎㣪.

Part A. Demographics and Language fluency 㧎ῂ䐋Ἒ䞯/ 㠎㠊⓻⩻

1. Gender ㎇⼚: 1 2 Male ⋾ Female 㡂

2. Age (last birth) ⋮㧊: ______

3. Country of birth 㿲㌳ῃṖ: In Korea In Australia Other country: 䞲ῃ 䢎㭒 (list) ₆䌖 You ⽎㧎 1 2 3:______Father 㞚⻚㰖 1 2 3: ______Mother 㠊Ⲏ┞ 1 2 3: ______

4. If born outside Australia, Years of stay in Australia (years) ______(months) 䢎㭒㠦㍲ 䌲㠊⋮㰖 㞠㦖 ἓ㤆, 䢎㭒㠦㍲ Ệ㭒䞲 ₆Ṛ ⎚ Ṳ㤪

5. Family composition - living in Australia with Ṗ㫇㌂䟃 (䢎㭒㠦㍲ 䞾℮ ㌂⓪ ㌂⧢): 1 2 3 4 5 Single Parent (Father or Mother) Both Parents Home-stay Friend(s) Other 㠊Ⲏ┞ ⡦⓪ 㟧 ⿖⳾┮ 䢞㓺䎢㧊 䂲ῂ✺ ₆䌖 㞚⻚㰖

6. Residential status (visa condition) Ệ㭒 㔶⿚ (゚㧦 㫆Ị): 1 2 3 4 5 Permanent Working Citizen Student Other Resident Holiday 㔲⹒ῢ 䞯㌳ ₆䌖 㡗㭒ῢ 㤢䌏䢖Ⰲ◆㧊

7. How would you rate your ability to use English? (㡗㠊 ㌂㣿⓻⩻ 㩫☚) Good ㌗ Average 㭧 Poor 㽞 Spoken Ⱖ䞮₆ 2 3 4 Written 㝆₆ 2 3 4 Reading 㧓₆ 2 3 4

8. How would you rate your ability to use Korean? (䞲ῃ㠊 ㌂㣿⓻⩻ 㩫☚) Good ㌗ Average 㭧 Poor 㽞 Spoken Ⱖ䞮₆ 2 3 4 Written 㝆₆ 2 3 4 Reading 㧓₆ 2 3 4

237 Please circle the appropriate box number. 䟊╏䞮⓪ ⻞䢎㠦 ☯⁎⧒⹎ 䚲₆ 䟊 㭒㎎㣪. Strongly Strongly Disagree Neutral Agree disagree agree Part B-1 ⹮╖ 㭧Ⱃ㩗 㺂㎇ 㩗⁏⹮╖ 㩗⁏㺂㎇ Acculturation ⶎ䢪 㩗㦧☚ 1 2 3 4 5

I write better in English than in Korean. 1 1 2 3 4 5 ⋮⓪ 㡗㠊⪲ ⁖㦚 㝆⓪ ộ㧊 䞲ῃ㠊⽊┺ ⌁┺. Most of the music I listen to is Korean. 2 1 2 3 4 5 ⋮⓪ ╖⿖⿚ 䞲ῃ㦢㞛㦚 ✹⓪┺. I tell jokes both in English and Korean languages. 3 1 2 3 4 5 ⋮⓪ 㡗㠊㢖 䞲ῃ㠊 ⚦ 㠎㠊⪲ ⏣╊ỆⰂ⯒ Ⱖ䞲┺. Generally, I find it difficult to socialise with anybody, Korean or Australian. 4 1 2 3 4 5 㧒⹮㩗㦒⪲, ⋮⓪ 䞲ῃ㌂⧢ ⡦⓪ 䢎㭒㌂⧢ὒ 䞾℮ 㠊㤎Ⰲ⓪ ộ㧊 㠊⪋┺. When I am in my home, I typically speak English. 5 1 2 3 4 5 ⋮⓪ 㰧㠦 㧞㦚 ➢ 㧒⹮㩗㦒⪲ 㡗㠊⪲ Ⱖ㦚 䞲┺. My closest friends are Korean. 6 1 2 3 4 5 ⋮㦮 䂲䞲 䂲ῂ✺㦖 䞲ῃ㌂⧢✺㧊┺. I think as well in English as I do in Korean. 7 1 2 3 4 5 ⌊Ṗ ㌳ṗ䞮₆㠦⓪ ⌊Ṗ 䞮⓪ 䞲ῃ㠊Ⱒ䋒 㡗㠊☚ 㧮 䞲┺. I sometimes feel that neither Australians nor Koreans like me. 8 1 2 3 4 5 ⋮⓪ Ṗ⊪ 䢎㭒㌂⧢ ⡦⓪ 䞲ῃ㌂⧢ 㠊⓪ ⑚ῂ☚ ⋮⯒ 㫡㞚䞮㰖 㞠⓪ ộ㦚 ⓦ⋖┺. If I were asked to write poetry, I would prefer to write it in English. 9 1 2 3 4 5 Ⱒ㟓 ⑚ῆṖ ⌊Ợ 㔲⯒ 㖾╂⧒ 䞶 ➢, ⋮⓪ 㡗㠊⪲ 㝆⓪ ộ㦚 ㍶䢎䞲┺. I prefer going to social gatherings where most of the people are Korean. 10 1 2 3 4 5 ⋮⓪ 䞲ῃ㌂⧢㧊 Ⱔ㦖 ㌂䣢㩗 ⳾㧚㠦 㺎㍳䞮⓪ ộ㦚 ㍶䢎䞲┺. I have both Australian and Korean friends. 11 1 2 3 4 5 ⋮㠦Ợ⓪ 䢎㭒㢖 䞲ῃ 䂲ῂ✺ ⚮ ┺ 㧞┺. There are times when I think no one (Australian and Korean) understands me. 12 1 2 3 4 5 䢎㭒㌂⧢ὒ 䞲ῃ㌂⧢ 㠊ⓦ ⑚ῂ☚ ⋮⯒ 㧊䟊䞮㰖 ⴑ䞶 ➢Ṗ 㧞┺. I get along better with Australians than Koreans. 13 1 2 3 4 5 ⋮⓪ 䞲ῃ㌂⧢✺⽊┺ 䢎㭒㌂⧢✺Ⱒ ṯ㧊 㧞㦚 ➢Ṗ ▪ 㫡┺. I feel that Koreans treat me as an equal more so than Australian do. 14 1 2 3 4 5 ⌊Ṗ ⓦ⋒₆㠦⓪ 䢎㭒㌂⧢✺⽊┺ 䞲ῃ㌂⧢✺㧊 ▪㤇 ▪ ⋮⯒ ☯❇䞮Ợ ╖䞲┺. I feel that both Koreans and Australians value me. 15 1 2 3 4 5 ⌊Ṗ ⓦ⋒₆㠦⓪ 䞲ῃ㌂⧢✺ὒ 䢎㭒㌂⧢✺ ⚮ ┺ ⋮⯒ 㭧㣪䞮Ợ ㌳ṗ䞲┺. I sometimes find it hard to communicate with people (both Koreans and Australians). 16 1 2 3 4 5 ⋮⓪ Ṗ⊪ ㌂⧢✺ὒ (䞲ῃ㌂⧢✺ὒ 䢎㭒㌂⧢✺) 㦮㌂ ㏢䐋㧊 䧮✺┺⓪ ộ㦚 ⹲ἂ䞲┺. I feel that Australians understand me better than Koreans do. 17 1 2 3 4 5 ⌊Ṗ ⓦ⋒₆㠦⓪ 䞲ῃ㌂⧢✺⽊┺ 䢎㭒㌂⧢✺㧊 ▪㤇 ▪ ⋮㠦Ợ 㧊䟊㕂㦚 ⽊㧎┺. I would prefer to go out on a date with a Korean than with an Australian. 18 1 2 3 4 5 ⋮⓪ 䢎㭒㌂⧢⽊┺⓪ 䞲ῃ㌂⧢ὒ 䞾℮ ◆㧊䔎⯒ 䞮⓪ ộ㦚 ㍶䢎䞲┺. I feel very comfortable around both Australians and Koreans. 19 1 2 3 4 5 ⋮⓪ 䢎㭒㌂⧢✺ὒ 䞲ῃ㌂⧢✺ 㟧 㭒⼖㠦 㧞⓪ ộ㧊 㞚㭒 䘎䞮┺. I sometimes find it hard to make friends both Australians and Koreans. 20 1 2 3 4 5 ⋮⓪ Ṗ⊪ 䢎㭒㌂⧢✺ὒ 䞲ῃ㌂⧢✺ ⚮ ┺ 䂲ῂ⪲ ㌂‖⓪ ộ㧊 䧮✺┺. I find it easier to communicate my feelings to Australians than to Koreans. 21 1 2 3 4 5 ⋮⓪ 䞲ῃ㌂⧢✺⽊┺ 䢎㭒㌂⧢✺ὒ 㦮㌂㏢䐋 䤾㞂 㓓┺⓪ ộ㦚 ⹲ἂ䞲┺. I feel more relaxed when I am with a Korean than when I am with an Australian. 22 1 2 3 4 5 ⋮⓪ 䢎㭒㌂⧢⽊┺ 䞲ῃ㌂⧢ὒ 䞾℮ 㧞⓪ ộ㧊 䤾㞂 䘎䞮┺. Sometimes I feel that Koreans and Australians do not accept me. 23 1 2 3 4 5 ⋮⓪ Ṗ⊪ 䞲ῃ㌂⧢✺ὒ 䢎㭒㌂⧢✺ ⚮ ┺ ⋮⯒ ⹱㞚✺㧊㰖 㞠⓪ ộ㦚 ⓦ⋖┺. I feel more comfortable socialising with Australian than I do with Koreans. 24 1 2 3 4 5 ⋮⓪ 䞲ῃ㌂⧢✺⽊┺ 䢎㭒㌂⧢✺ὒ 䞾℮ 㠊㤎Ⰲ⓪ ộ㧊 䘎䞮┺⓪ ộ㦚 ⓦ⋖┺. Koreans should not date non-Koreans. 25 1 2 3 4 5 䞲ῃ㌂⧢✺㦖 䞲ῃ㧎㧊 㞚┢ ㌂⧢✺ὒ ◆㧊䔎⯒ 䟊㍲⓪ 㞞 ♲┺. Sometimes I find it hard to trust both Australians and Koreans. 26 1 2 3 4 5 ⋮⓪ Ṗ⊪ 䢎㭒㌂⧢✺ὒ 䞲ῃ㌂⧢✺ ⚮ ┺ 㔶⬆䞮⓪ ộ㧊 䧮✺┺. Most of my friends at work/school are Australians. 27 1 2 3 4 5 㰗㧻/䞯ᾦ㠦 㧞⓪ ╖ ┺㑮㦮 ⋮㦮 䂲ῂ⓪ 䢎㭒㌂⧢✺㧊┺. I find that both Koreans and Australians often have difficulty understanding me. 28 1 2 3 4 5 ⋮⓪ 䞲ῃ㌂⧢✺ὒ 䢎㭒㌂⧢✺ ⳾⚦ ⋮⯒ 㧊䟊䞮⓪◆ 㠊⩺㤢䞲┺. I find that I do not feel comfortable when I am with both Koreans and Australians. 29 1 2 3 4 5 ⋮⓪ 䞲ῃ㌂⧢✺ὒ 䢎㭒㌂⧢ ⳾⚦ ṯ㧊 㧞㦚 ➢ ⰺ㤆 ⿞䘎䞾㦚 ⓦ⋖┺. 238 Please circle the appropriate box number. 䟊╏䞮⓪ ⻞䢎㠦 ☯⁎⧒⹎ 䚲₆ 䟊 㭒㎎㣪. Strongly Strongly Disagree Neutral Agree disagree agree Part B-2 ⹮╖ 㭧Ⱃ㩗 㺂㎇ 㩗⁏⹮╖ 㩗⁏㺂㎇ Social Support ㌂䣢㩗 㰖㰖☚ 1 2 3 4 5

My friends respect me. 1 1 2 3 4 5 ⋮㦮 䂲ῂ✺㦖 ⋮⯒ 㫊㭧䞲┺. My family cares for my very much. 2 1 2 3 4 5 ⋮㦮 Ṗ㫇㦖 ⋮⯒ ⰺ㤆 㥶㕂 㧞Ợ ☢⽎┺. I am not important to others. 3 1 2 3 4 5 ⋮⓪ ┺⯎ ㌂⧢✺㠦Ợ ⼚⪲ 㭧㣪䞮㰖 㞠┺. My family holds me in high esteem. 4 1 2 3 4 5 ⋮㦮 Ṗ㫇㦖 ⋮⯒ 䢎㦮㩗㦒⪲ ⏨Ợ 䘟䕦䞲┺. I am well liked. 5 1 2 3 4 5 ⋮㠦Ợ ⰺ㤆 䢎Ṧ㦚 Ṗ㰚┺. I can rely on my friends. 6 1 2 3 4 5 ⋮⓪ ⋮㦮 䂲ῂ✺㦚 㦮㰖䞲┺. I am really admired by my family. 7 1 2 3 4 5 ⋮㦮 Ṗ㫇㦖 ⋮⯒ 㰚㩫㦒⪲ 䃃㺂䞲┺. I am respected by other people. 8 1 2 3 4 5 ⋮⓪ ┺⯎ ㌂⧢✺⪲⿖䎆 㫊㭧 ⹱⓪┺. I am loved dearly by my family. 9 1 2 3 4 5 ⋮㦮 Ṗ㫇㦖 ⰺ㤆 ⋮⯒ ㌂⧧䞲┺. My friends don’t care about my welfare. 10 1 2 3 4 5 ⋮㦮 䂲ῂ✺㦖 ⋮㦮 䟟⽋㠦 ╖䟊 㩚䡖 ☢⽊㰖 㞠⓪┺. Members of my family rely on me. 11 1 2 3 4 5 ⋮㦮 Ṗ㫇 㔳ῂ✺㦖 ⋮⯒ 㦮㰖䞲┺. I am held in high esteem. 12 1 2 3 4 5 ⋮⓪ ⏨㦖 䘟䕦㦚 Ṗ㰖ἶ 㧞┺. I can’t rely on my family for support. 13 1 2 3 4 5 ⋮⓪ ⋮㦮 Ṗ㫇㦮 㰖㰖⯒ 㦮㰖 䞮㰖 㞠⓪┺. People admire me. 14 1 2 3 4 5 ㌂⧢✺㦖 ⋮⯒ 䃃㺂䞲┺. I feel a strong bond with my friends. 15 1 2 3 4 5 ⋮⓪ ⋮㦮 䂲ῂ✺ὒ ṫ䞲 ἆ䞿⩻㦚 ⓦ⋖┺. My friends look out for me. 16 1 2 3 4 5 ⋮㦮 䂲ῂ✺㦖 ⋮⯒ 㔶㭧䧞 ㌳ṗ䞲┺. I feel valued by other people. 17 1 2 3 4 5 ⋮⓪ ┺⯎ ㌂⧢✺⪲⿖䎆 㭧㣪䞮┺ἶ ㌳ṗ䞲┺. My family really respects me. 18 1 2 3 4 5 ⋮㦮 Ṗ㫇㦖 㰚㩫㦒⪲ ⋮⯒ 㫊㭧䞲┺. My friends and I are really important to each other. 19 1 2 3 4 5 ⋮㦮 䂲ῂ✺ὒ ⋮⓪ 㰚㩫㦒⪲ ㍲⪲ 㭧㣪䞮┺. I feel like I belong. 20 1 2 3 4 5 ⋮⓪ ⌊Ṗ 㭒㥚㢖 㠊㤎Ⰶ┺ἶ ⓦ⋖┺. If I died tomorrow, very few people would miss me. 21 1 2 3 4 5 ⌊Ṗ Ⱒ㟓 ⌊㧒 㭓⓪┺Ⳋ, ⳝⳝ ㏢㑮㦮 ㌂⧢✺㧊 ⋮⯒ ⽊ἶ 㕌㠊䞶 ộ㧊┺. I don’t feel close to members of my family. 22 1 2 3 4 5 ⋮⓪ ⋮㦮 Ṗ㫇 ῂ㎇㤦✺⪲⿖䎆 䂲䞲 ⓦ⋢㧊 㠜┺. My friends and I have done a lot for one another. 23 1 2 3 4 5 ⋮㦮 䂲ῂ✺ὒ ⋮⓪ ┺⯎ ⶊ㠎Ṗ⯒ 㥚䟊 Ⱔ㦖 㧒㦚 㦚 䟊㢪┺.

239

Please circle the appropriate box number. 䟊╏䞮⓪ ⻞䢎㠦 ☯⁎⧒⹎ 䚲₆ 䟊 㭒㎎㣪. Part C-1. Sport Participation (Type and Frequency) 㓺䙂䁶 㺎Ṗ 㫛⳿ὒ ゞ☚

In the last year, how often have you participated in the following organised sport(s)? ╏㔶㦖 㰖⋲ 䞲䟊 ☯㞞 㠒Ⱎ⋮ 㧦㭒 ┺㦢ὒ ṯ㦖 㫆㰗 㓺䙂䁶㠦 㺎㡂 䞮㡖㔋┞₢?

Frequency A few times Monthly Weekly More than ゞ☚ Never a year ⰺ㤪 ⰺ㭒 㩚䡖 㠜┺ 㧒⎚㠦 once a week Types of sport ┾㥚 ┾㥚 㭒2䣢 㧊㌗ 㓺䙂䁶 㫛⳿ ⳝ ⻞ Taekwondo 1 2 3 4 5 Martial Arts 䌲ῢ☚ ⶊ㑶 Other Marital arts 1 2 3 4 5 ₆䌖ⶊ㑶 Australian Rugby 1 2 3 4 5 䢎㭒⩃゚ Cricket 1 2 3 4 5 䋂Ⰲ䅩 Australian Rules football 1 2 3 4 5 䢎㭒㔳 䛡⿞ Ball games Soccer 1 2 3 4 5 ῂ₆ 㫛⳿ 㿫ῂ Netball 1 2 3 4 5 ⎍⽒ Basketball 1 2 3 4 5 ⏣ῂ Golf 1 2 3 4 5 Ἶ䝚 Table tennis 1 2 3 4 5 䌗ῂ Racket Tennis 1 2 3 4 5 sports 䎢┞㓺 ⧒䅩㓺䙂䁶 Badminton 1 2 3 4 5 ⺆✲⹒䎊 Track and field 1 2 3 4 5 㥷㌗ Swimming 1 2 3 4 5 㑮㡗 Other sports Gymnastics ₆䌖 1 2 3 4 5 㼊㫆 㓺䙂䁶 Riding 1 2 3 4 5 㔏Ⱎ Cycling 1 2 3 4 5 ㌂㧊䋊

1. 1 2 3 4 5

2. 1 2 3 4 5 Other (Please 3. 1 2 3 4 5 specify ) ₆䌖 㫛⳿ 4. 1 2 3 4 5

5. 1 2 3 4 5

240 Please tick as appropriate 㩗䞿䞲 Ὁ㠦 䚲㔲䞮㎎㣪. Part C-2. Sport Environments 㓺䙂䁶 䢮ἓ

1. Please list three sport activities that you wish to participate in Australia in the future. 䢎㭒㠦㍲ ╏㔶㧊 㞴㦒⪲ 䧂ⰳ䞮⓪ 㓺䙂䁶 䢲☯ ㎎Ṗ㰖⯒ ⋮㡊䟊 㭒㕃㔲㡺.

1)______2)______3)______

2. Do you prefer your sport professionals (i.e., coaches) to be from… ╏㔶㧊 ㍶䢎䞮⓪ 㓺䙂䁶㩚ⶎ㧎✺㦮 ⶎ䢪㩗 ⺆ἓ㦖… (Tick as appropriate) 㩗䞿䞲 Ὁ㠦 䚲㔲䞮㎎㣪. 9 Korean cultural background 䞲ῃ ⶎ䢪㩗 ⺆ἓ Mainstream Australian cultural background 㭒⮮ 䢎㭒ⶎ䢪㩗 ⺆ἓ

3. Where do you participate in your main sport program most often? ╏㔶㧊 㧦㭒 㺎㡂䞮⓪ 㭒 㓺䙂䁶䢲☯ 䝚⪲⁎⧾㦖 㠊ⓦ Ὁ㧎Ṗ㣪? (Tick as appropriate) 9 Educational programs 䞯ᾦ㑮㠛 Afterschool Active Program ⹿ὒ䤚 䞯ᾦ䝚⪲⁎⧾ Korean Community (Korean language school, church, etc.) 䞲㧎┾㼊 (䞲⁖䞯ᾦ, ᾦ䣢 ❇) Private Sporting Club Ṳ㧎 㓺䙂䁶 䋊⩓ Local Community Sporting Club 㰖㡃 ㌂䣢 㓺䙂䁶 䋊⩓

4. How did you first become interested in sport participation? ╏㔶㦖 㻮㦢 㠊⠑Ợ 㓺䙂䁶 㺎㡂㠦 ὖ㕂㦚 Ṗ㰖Ợ ♮㠞㔋┞₢? (Tick as many as appropriate) 㩗╏䞲 㡂⩂ 䃎㠦 Ⱎ䋂䞮㎎㣪. 9 Educational institution ᾦ㥷₆ὖ Friends 䂲ῂ Parents ⿖⳾ Website 㥏㌂㧊䔎 Local advertisement (e.g., Magazine, newspaper, etc.) 㰖㡃 㔶ⶎ/㧷㰖 ὧἶ ❇ TV Media 䎪⩞゚㩚 ⹎❪㠊 The Korean community 䞲㧎 ┾㼊

5. What ethnic sport did your parent play? ╏㔶㦮 ⿖⳾┮℮㍲⓪ 㠊⟶䞲 ⹒㫇㓺䙂䁶㠦 㺎㡂 䞮㎾㔋┞₢? (Tick as many as appropriate) 㩗╏䞲 㡂⩂ 䃎㠦 Ⱎ䋂䞮㎎㣪. 9 KOREAN traditional sports (e.g., Taekwondo) 䞲ῃ 㩚䐋/⹒㫇 㓺䙂䁶 Popular AUSTRALIAN sports (e.g., Cricket, rugby, Australian football) 䢎㭒 㓺䙂䁶

241 Please circle the appropriate box number. 䟊╏䞮⓪ ⻞䢎㠦 ☯⁎⧒⹎ 䚲₆ 䟊 㭒㎎㣪. Part C-3. Perceived Sport Participation Constraints 㓺䙂䁶 㺎Ṗ 㩲㟓㣪㧎

Please indicate if any of these items have affected/limited your participation in the past year. 㰖⋲ 䞲䟊 ╏㔶㦮 㓺䙂䁶㺎㡂㠦 㩲䞲㩗 㡗䟻㦚 ⹎䂲 ㌂䟃㦚 䚲㔲 䞮㕃㔲㡺.

Tick as appropriate Always Frequently Sometimes Seldom Never 㩗䞿䞲 Ὁ㠦 䚲㔲䞮㎎㣪. 䟃㌗ 㧦㭒 Ṗ⊪ ✲ⶒỢ 㩚䡖 Busy with work/study 1 2 3 4 5 ⹪㊲ 㰗㧻/䞯㠛 Language barrier 1 2 3 4 5 㠎㠊㧻㞶 Religious requirements 1 2 3 4 5 㫛ᾦ㩗 㣪Ị Cultural differences 1 2 3 4 5 ⶎ䢪㩗 㹾㧊 Parental restriction 1 2 3 4 5 ⿖⳾㦮 㩲䞲 Lack of skills 1 2 3 4 5 ₆㑶 ⿖㫇 Lack of information 1 2 3 4 5 㩫⽊ ⿖㫇 Family responsibilities 1 2 3 4 5 Ṗ㫇 㦮ⶊ Nobody to go with 1 2 3 4 5 䞾℮ Ṟ ㌂⧢㧊 㠜┺. Fear of injury 1 2 3 4 5 ⿖㌗㠦 ╖䞲 ⚦⩺㤖 Don’t enjoy sport 1 2 3 4 5 㯦ỗ㰖 㞠┺. Financial costs 1 2 3 4 5 㨂㩫⿖╊ No appropriate program 1 2 3 4 5 䝚⪲⁎⧾㦮 ⿖㩗䞿㎇ Lack of access to appropriate facilities 1 2 3 4 5 㩗╏䞲 㔲㍺ 㩧⁒(㧊㣿) ⿖㫇 Encountered racist attitudes 1 2 3 4 5 㧎㫛㹾⼚㩗 䌲☚ 㰗Ⳋ Gender inequality 1 2 3 4 5 ⋾⎖ 㹾⼚ Lack of transport support 1 2 3 4 5 㹾⨟㰖㤦 ⿖㫇 Other: (list) ₆䌖 1 2 3 4 5

Other: (list) ₆䌖 1 2 3 4 5

Other: (list) ₆䌖 1 2 3 4 5

242 Your valuable comments Please specify if you have any further opinions and recommendation related Korean experiences from your sports. 㡂⩂⿚㦮 ‖㭧䞲 㦮ἂ 䞲ῃ㌂⧢ὒ ὖ⩾♲ 㓺䙂䁶 ἓ䠮㠦 ╖䞲 㦮ἂ㧊⋮ 㩲㞞㌂䟃㧊 㧞㦒㔲Ⳋ 㞚⧮ ὋṚ㠦 㧧㎇䟊 㭒㕃㔲㡺.

…………………………………………………………………………………………………… …………………………………………………………………………………………………… …………………………………………………………………………………………………… …………………………………………………………………………………………………… …………………………………………………………………………………………………… …………………………………………………………………………………………………… …………………………………………………………………………………………………… …………………………………………………………………………………………………… …………………………………………………………………………………………………… …………………………………………………………………………………………………… …………………………………………………………………………………………………… …………………………………………………………………………………………………… …………………………………………………………………………………………………… …………………………………………………………………………………………………… …………………………………………………………………………………………………… …………………………………………………………………………………………………… …………………………………………………………………………………………………… …………………………………………………………………………………………………… …………………………………………………………………………………………………… …………………………………………………………………………………………………… …………………………………………………………………………………………………… …………………………………………………………………………………………………… …………………………………………………………………………………………………… …………………………………………………………………………………………………… …………………………………………………………………………………………………… Finished? ┺ ⊳⋮㎾⋮㣪?

ත Please check that the answers to all questions accurately reflect the view. ත 㥚㦮 ㍺ⶎ㰖 㰞ⶎ 䟃⳿㠦 ╖䞲 ╋⼖㦚 ┺㔲 䞲⻞ 䢫㧎 䞮㡂 㭒㔲₎ ⿖䌗 ✲Ⱃ┞┺.

ත Please make sure you have not missed any pages or questions. ත 䟊╏ 㰞ⶎ㠦 ╖䞲 ╋⼖㦚 ザ㰦㠜㧊 ₆㧛 䞮㎾⓪㰖 ┺㔲 䞲⻞ 䢫㧎 ⿖䌗 ✲Ⱃ┞┺.

243 Appendix B: Interview consent and participation

Consent Form

I______(participant’s name) agree to my participation in the research project (Towards a level playing field: Young Koreans and sport in Australia) being conducted by Jae Won KANG (Email. [email protected], Mobile 0425 714 349) of the University of New South Wales for doctoral degree in Social Science and Policy.

I also understand and agree that the purpose of this study is to assess my child’s socio-cultural development and adjustment processes in sports.

I agree that my participation in this research will involve completing the semi-structured interview session (approximately 30-45 minutes) that will be arranged by the student researcher.

I am aware that I can contact the student researcher, Jae Won KANG if I have any concerns about the research. I also understand and agree that I am free to withdraw my participation from this research project at any time I wishes, without further consequences, and without giving reason.

I understand and agree that the research student (Jae Won KANG) has answered all my questions fully and clearly.

I agree that the research data gathered from this project may be published in a form that does not identify my personal information in any way.

______Signature (Participant) Date

______Signature of Parent / Guardian (if under 18 years) Date

______Signature (Student Researcher) Date

244 Appendix B-2: Interview consent and participation

If you want to participate in interview session, please fill in this application form.

⽎ 㡆ῂ⯒ 㥚䞲 㧎䎆う⯒ 㤦䞮㔺 ἓ㤆 㞚⧮㦮 㔶㼃㍲⯒ 㧧㎇䟊 㭒㔲₎ ⹪⧣┞┺.

Interview Participation Form 㧎䎆う 㺎Ṗ 㔶㼃㍲

Participant’s Name 㺎Ṗ㧦 ㎇ⳛ

E-mail 㩚㧦Ⲫ㧒

Contact(s) 㡆⧓㻮

Postal address 㭒㏢

Confidence in Korean English speaking language 䞲ῃ㠊 㡗㠊 㧦㔶 㧞⓪ 㠎㠊㍶䌳

Day: 㣪㧒: Availability

Ṗ⓻䞲 ⋶㰲㢖 㔲Ṛ Time: 㔲Ṛ:

Special consideration 䔏㧊㌂䟃

245 Appendix C: Interview encoding

Child Educational Country Year of Korean English Parent No. & Gender Age No. status of birth stay skills skills relationship*

1 Male 10 PS KO 2 G A 1 Father

2 Male 16 SS KO 1.5 G P 2 Mother

3 Male 10 PS KO 5 G G 3 Mother

4 Male 11 PS KO 2.5 A G 4 Mother

5 Male 14 SS KO 3 G A 5 Mother

6 Male 14 SS AU 14 P G 6 Father

7 Male 9 PS KO 5 P G 7 Mother

8 Male 14 PS KO 7 A G 8 Mother

9 Male 18 TS KO 1.5 G P 9 Mother

10 Female 10 PS AU 10 P G 10 Mother

11 Male 19 TS AU 19 P G 11 AB

12 Female 11 PS KO 7 P G 12 Mother

13 Female 10 PS KO 8 A G 13 Father

14 Male 16 SS AU 16 P G 14 Father

15 Male 10 PS KO 1.5 G A 15 Father

16 Male 13 SS KO 2 G A 16 Mother

17 Male 15 SS KO 7 A G 17 Mother

18 Male 14 SS AU 14 P G 18 AB

19 Male 13 SS KO 1.5 G A 19 Mother

20 Male 10 PS KO 3 A A 20 Father

Key: PSS - primary student, SS - secondary student, TS - tertiary student, KO - Korea, AU - Australia, G - good, A - average, P - poor, AB - did not attend, * - parents’ relationship to child.

246 Appendix D: Respondents’ profile

Demographic Category N % Characteristics Gender Male 265 57.86 Female 193 42.14

Age 9-13 years 133 29.04 14-18 years 173 37.77 19-25years 152 33.19

Birthplace In Australia 157 34.28 In Korea 287 62.66 Other Countries 14 3.06

Year of stay in Australia 2 years or less 110 24.02 3-4 years 46 10.04 5-9 years 132 28.82 10 years or more 170 37.12

Family composition Single parent 274 59.83 Both parents 64 13.97 Home-stay 28 6.11 Friend 48 10.48 Other 44 9.61

Residential status Australian citizen 232 50.66 Permanent resident 76 16.59 Overseas student 119 25.98 Other (Working holiday & tourist, etc.) 31 6.77

Total 458 100

247 Appendix E: Language proficiency

Language Proficiency Excellent Good Average Poor Gender % Overall English Proficiency Males 37.36 23.02 23.77 15.85 Females 45.08 20.73 27.45 6.74 Both 41.22 21.88 25.60 11.30

English Spoken Males 40.89 25.15 22.25 11.7 Females 52.85 17.62 24.87 4.66 Both 47.11 21.14 23.57 8.18

English Written Males 39.62 23.78 22.64 13.96 Females 45.60 23.83 25.91 4.66 Both 42.61 23.8 24.28 9.31

English Reading Males 42.64 20.38 25.66 11.32 Females 50.26 19.69 26.94 3.11 Both 46.44 20.04 26.30 7.22

Overall Korean Proficiency Males 25.08 22.34 27.35 25.23 Females 23.83 25.39 31.61 19.17 Both 24.26 24.02 29.42 22.30

Korean Spoken Males 33.96 30.94 20.38 14.72 Females 30.05 27.98 32.64 9.33 Both 32.01 29.45 26.51 12.03

Korean Written Males 27.17 25.28 21.89 25.66 Females 24.35 24.35 29.54 21.76 Both 25.76 24.81 25.72 23.71

Korean Reading Males 33.58 24.15 18.87 23.40 Females 25.14 25.30 32.55 17.01 Both 29.36 24.73 25.71 20.20

248 Appendix F: Statistical results and reliability – EAAM

Components Items 1 2 3 4 Eigen values (% of variance explained) 11.98 6.05 8.67 9.70

Cronbach’s alpha coefficient .83 .70 .66 .82

Assimilation I write better in English than in Korean. .813 When I am in my home, I typically speak English. .822 If I were asked to write poetry, I would prefer to write it in English. .804 I get along better with Australians than Koreans. .795 I feel that Australians understand me better than Koreans do. .812 I find it easier to communicate my feelings to Australians than to Koreans. .799 I feel more comfortable socialising with Australian than I do with Koreans .803 Most of my friends at work/school are Australians. .821 Integration I tell jokes both in English and Korean languages. .694 I think as well in English as I do in Korean. .638 I have both Australian and Korean friends. .609 I feel that both Koreans and Australians value me. .638 I feel very comfortable around both Australians and Koreans. .630 Separation Most of the music I listen to is Korean. .610 My closest friends are Korean. .607 I prefer going to social gatherings where most of the people are Korean. .604 I feel that Koreans treat me as an equal more so than Australian do. .652 I would prefer to go out on a date with a Korean than with an Australian. .604 I feel more relaxed when I am with a Korean than when I am with an Australian. .609 Koreans should not date non-Koreans. .693 Marginalisation Generally, I find it difficult to socialise with anybody, Korean or Australian. .811 I sometimes feel that neither Australians nor Koreans like me. .805 There are times when I think no one (Australian and Korean) understands me. .802 I sometimes find it hard to communicate with people (both Koreans and Australians). .801 I sometimes find it hard to make friends both Australians and Koreans. .791 Sometimes I feel that Koreans and Australians do not accept me. .791 Sometimes I find it hard to trust both Australians and Koreans. .798 I find that both Koreans and Australians often have difficulty understanding me. .788 I find that I do not feel comfortable when I am with other people. .806

249 Appendix G-1: Residential status and sport participation rates

Citizen / Overseas Permanent Other Student resident Sport participation % % % Highly active 28.2 23.5 16.1 Moderately active 35.1 29.4 38.7 Inactive 36.7 47.1 45.2 Total 100 100 100

Appendix G-2: Age and source of first interest in sport

9-12 yrs 13-16 yrs 17-18 yrs 19-25 yrs Source of First Interest in Sport % % % % Friends 28.8 29.6 39.2 37.4 Parents 17.7 15.7 11 10.5 Educational institutions 32.8 36.2 31.7 21 The Korean community 5.6 6.5 3.7 14.7 Website 4.6 2.2 2.3 3.8 Local magazine and newspaper 5.1 3.8 1.1 5 TV media 5.4 6 11 7.6 Total 100 100 100 100

Appendix G-3: Residential status and source of first interest in sport

Citizen / Overseas Permanent Other Student resident Source of First Interest in Sport % % % Friends 26.7 33.5 27.2 Parents 16.1 14.5 4.6 Educational institutions 35.4 26.5 15.9 The Korean community 7.9 10 15.9 Website 6.9 3 9.1 Local magazine and newspaper 3.5 6 11.4 TV media 3.5 6.5 15.9 Total 100 100 100

250 Appendix G-4: Age and choice of sport programs

9-12 yrs 13-16 yrs 17-18 yrs 19-25 yrs Choice of Sport Programs % % % % Educational programs 48.5 45.5 48.3 12.2 After school program 16.2 15.6 8.3 4.3 Korean community 18.4 19.3 18.3 43.3 Private clubs 8.1 9.8 13.4 23.2 The local community 8.8 9.8 11.7 17.1 Total 100 100 100 100

Appendix G-5: Length of residence and choice of sport programs

2 yrs or 10 yrs or 3-5 yrs 5-9 yrs less more Choice of Sport Programs % % % % Educational programs 27.3 37.5 41.7 39.8 After school program 5.3 14.3 12.8 14.4 Korean community 34.1 23.2 22.2 23.7 Private clubs 20.4 19.6 12.2 8.9 The local community 12.9 5.4 11.1 13.2 Total 100 100 100 100

Appendix G-6: English proficiency and choice of sport programs

Good Average Poor Choice of Sport Programs % % % Educational programs 39.8 36.5 25.8 After school program 13.8 9.5 6.1 Korean community 22.8 29.2 31.8 Private clubs 10.8 13.8 28.7 The local community 12.8 11 7.6 Total 100 100 100

251 Appendix G-7: Korean proficiency and choice of sport programs

Good Average Poor Choice of Sport Programs % % % Educational programs 31.5 42.3 43.8 After school program 10.6 11.3 15.3 Korean community 29.5 21.4 22.2 Private clubs 16.4 13.1 7.6 The local community 12 11.9 11.1 Total 100 100 100

Appendix G-8: Residential status and choice of sport programs

Citizen / Overseas Permanent Other student resident Choice of Sport Programs % % % Educational programs 35.1 30.5 1.9 After school program 27.6 10.6 9.8 Korean community 19.1 29.8 41.2 Private clubs 8.3 18.5 25.5 The local community 9.9 10.6 21.6 Total 100 100 100

252 Appendix H: Mean scores: Level of sport participation between living with parent present and living with no parent present - Adjusting for Acculturation Modes

Adjustment Living with no Living with Living with F-value(df) parent present single parent both parents

13 10.52 None 8.02 (P < .001ϯ) 20.49(2, 455)*** (P < .025ϯ) (P = .013ܚ

Acculturation Modes 12.19 (assimilation, 10.8 9.71 (P = .009ϯ) 10.85(6, 451)* integration, (P < .335ϯ) (P = .171ܚ separation, and marginalisation) * p < .05, *** p < .001

Note: Analysed by ANCOVA (Analysis of covariance), ϯ relative to no parent present,

ܚrelative to single parent

253 Appendix I: Correlation between each constraint and the total constraints

Correlations between each Sport Constraints Category dimension and the total Items constraints

Social-cultural constraint .746***

Language barriers .594***

Encountered racial attitude .627***

Cultural difference .615***

Religious constraint .510***

Religious requirements interrupt participation .510***

Access constraint .825***

Lack of appropriate facilities .569***

Lack of information .628***

Lack of transportation support .587***

Lack of adaptive skills .578***

Affective constraint .722***

Lack of interest in sport program .656***

Don’t enjoy sport .524***

Physical constraint .754***

Afraid of sport injuries .603***

Gender inequality .650***

Resource constraint .594***

Busy with study/work .268***

Money/cost .641***

Interpersonal constraint .781***

Lack of encouragement from family members .569***

Lack of companion (Nobody to go with) .601***

Parental restriction .544*** ***Significant level at p < .001

254 Appendix J: Encoding numbers assigned to interview information

No. T PI IR SC RC AC AF PC C

√ √ 1

2 √ √ √ √

3 √ √

4 √ √ √

5 √ √ √ √

6 √ √

7 √ √ √

8 √ √ √ √

9 √ √ √ √

10 √ √ √ √

11 √ √ √ √ √

12 √ √ √ √ √

13 √ √ √

14 √ √ √

15 √ √

16 √ √ √

17 √ √

18 √ √ √ √ √ √

19 √

20 √ √ √

Key: T – Time constraint, PI – Parental Influence, IR Interpersonal relations, SC – Socio- cultural constraints, RC – Religious constraints, AC – Access constraints, AF – Affective constraints, PC – Physical constraints, C– Cost/money constraints

255