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The New Sheriffs in Town
TheHill.com The new sheriffs in town Contributed by The Hill Staff April 25, 2007 For the last 12 years, Republican lobbyists have been in high demand. But following the Nov. 7, 2006 electoral wave that changed control of both the House and Senate, Democratic insiders on K Street are now the talk of the town. Still, Democratic leaders on Capitol Hill are wary of getting too cozy with their lobbyist friends because K Street scandals that have plagued the GOP are part of the reason they are now calling the shots in the 110th Congress. In part one of our annual listing of Washington's top lobbyists, we highlight the best "hired guns" and corporate lobbyists on K Street. The list is determined through conversations with members of Congress, key aides and lobbyists themselves. Gary Andres, Dutko Worldwide Andres has a doctorate in public policy and is a longtime Republican Party activist and lobbyist. John Ashcroft, The Ashcroft Group Working closely with Juleanna Glover Weiss, the influential and conservative former attorney general has built a lucrative client base. Doyle Bartlett, Bartlett, Bendall & Kadesh. Bartlett counts some of the largest financial-services companies among his clients. Charles Black, BKSH & Associates Black was a senior official in the Reagan and George H.W. Bush administrations and holds significant sway in GOP political circles. Kirk Blalock, Fierce, Isakowitz and Blalock The former White House official represented The Business Roundtable during the debate over rules covering foreign investment in the United States. Jim Blanchard, DLA Piper Blanchard, a former Democratic Michigan governor and congressman, took over the firm's government affairs practice involved in international and strategic lobbying. -
No. 02-1740, ADAMS, VICTORIA J., ET AL. V. FEC, ET
No. _________ ================================================================ In The Supreme Court of the United States ---------------------------------♦--------------------------------- VICTORIA JACKSON GRAY ADAMS, et al., Appellants, v. FEDERAL ELECTION COMMISSION, et al., Appellees. ---------------------------------♦--------------------------------- On Appeal To The United States District Court, District Of Columbia ---------------------------------♦--------------------------------- JURISDICTIONAL STATEMENT ---------------------------------♦--------------------------------- BONITA P. TENNERIELLO Counsel of Record JOHN C. BONIFAZ LISA J. DANETZ BRENDA WRIGHT NATIONAL VOTING RIGHTS INSTITUTE 27 School Street Suite 500 Boston, MA 02108 (617) 624-3900 DAVID A. WILSON AVI SAMUEL GARBOW HALE AND DORR LLP 1455 Pennsylvania Avenue, NW, 10th Floor Washington, DC 20004 (202) 942-8400 Attorneys for Appellants ================================================================ COCKLE LAW BRIEF PRINTING CO. (800) 225-6964 OR CALL COLLECT (402) 342-2831 i QUESTION PRESENTED Whether the District Court erred in ruling that a challenge to the increased “hard money” contribution limits found in sections 304, 307 and 319 of the Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act of 2002 (BCRA), Pub. L. No. 107- 155, 116 Stat. 81, 97-100, 102-03, and 109-112 (codified as amended at 2 U.S.C. §§ 441a and 441a-1) is nonjusticiable due to lack of cognizable injury, even though the increases will confer preponderant electoral power on wealthy donors and will effectively exclude candidates and voters without access to networks of large donors from electoral participation, in violation of the equal protection guaran tee incorporated by the due process clause of the Fifth Amendment to the United States Constitution. ii PARTIES Actual parties to the proceedings in the United States District Court were: (1) Victoria Jackson Gray Adams, Carrie Bolton, Cynthia Brown, Derek Cressman, Victoria Fitzgerald, Anurada Joshi, Nancy Russell, Kate Seely-Kirk, Rose Taylor, Stephanie L. -
Strategy Not Scripture
STRATEGY NOT SCRIPTURE: The dynamics of Religion and Politics in the George W. Bush campaign of 2000. By Warren Parsons A Thesis Submitted to The University of Birmingham For the Degree of Master of Philosophy Department of American & Canadian Studies. The University of Birmingham 2009 University of Birmingham Research Archive e-theses repository This unpublished thesis/dissertation is copyright of the author and/or third parties. The intellectual property rights of the author or third parties in respect of this work are as defined by The Copyright Designs and Patents Act 1988 or as modified by any successor legislation. Any use made of information contained in this thesis/dissertation must be in accordance with that legislation and must be properly acknowledged. Further distribution or reproduction in any format is prohibited without the permission of the copyright holder. ABSTRACT Ever since George W. Bush came to power in January 2001 there has been a burgeoning interest in his religiosity and its political implications. This interest joined favourably with an already remarkable amount of attention given towards religion and politics in the United States. But to many, George W. Bush added a new dimension and a fresh anxiety to an area perpetually fraught with concern for the religious- political union. The common inference was that Bush, unlike any other president, with his seemingly overt display religiosity was in complete accord with the agenda of Conservative Christians, most notably the Religious Right. In conjunction with one another it was deemed that American democracy was under threat. From the erosion of social policy to the broader risk of a theocratic takeover it had been argued that George W. -
WASHINGTON POST Del 16 Maggio 2004
WASHINGTON POST del 16 maggio 2004 First of two articles THE BUSH MONEY MACHINE : Fundraising's Rewards Pioneers Fill War Chest, Then Capitalize By Thomas B. Edsall, Sarah Cohen and James V. Grimaldi Washington Post Staff Writers Sunday, May 16, 2004; Page A01 GREENSBORO, Ga. - Joined by President Bush, Vice President Cheney and a host of celebrities, hundreds of wealthy Republicans gathered at the Ritz-Carlton Lodge here in the first weekend in April, not for a fundraiser but for a celebration of fundraisers. It was billed as an "appreciation weekend," and there was much to appreciate. As Bush "Pioneers" who had raised at least $100,000 each for the president's reelection campaign, or "Rangers" who had raised $200,000 each, the men and women who shot skeet with Cheney, played golf with pros Ben Crenshaw and Fuzzy Zoeller and laughed at the jokes of comedian Dennis Miller are the heart of the most successful political money operation in the nation's history. Since 1998, Bush has raised a record $296.3 million in campaign funds, giving him an overwhelming advantage in running against Vice President Al Gore and now Sen. John F. Kerry (D-Mass.). At least a third of the total - many sources believe more than half - was raised by 631 people. When four longtime supporters of George W. Bush in 1998 developed a name and a structure for the elite cadre that the then-Texas governor would rely on in his campaign for president, the goal was simple. They wanted to escape the restraints of the public financing system that Congress had hoped would mitigate the influence of money in electing a president. -
The Politics of Influence in the United States, China and Israel
Volume 6 | Issue 7 | Article ID 2829 | Jul 02, 2008 The Asia-Pacific Journal | Japan Focus Billions: The Politics of Influence in the United States, China and Israel Connie Bruck, Peter Dale Scott Billions: The Politics of Influence in the Thatcher, who in turn passed legislation United States, China and Israel enabling Murdoch to crush the powerful trades unions of Fleet Street. In America, Murdoch’s Peter Dale Scott and Connie Bruck Fox News, New York Post, and Weekly Standard underwrote the meteoric rise of the neocons in the Project for the New American Century (PNAC), whose Chairman was William Introduction Kristol, editor of The Weekly Standard. [2] Peter Dale Scott Connie Bruck’s account of billionaire Sheldon Adelson using his millions to refashion the politics of Israel strikes several familiar notes. Around the world states are in standoffs against their richest citizens. In Thailand Thaksin Shinawatra has challenged the traditional monarchist establishment of the country. The Russian oligarchs dominated Russian politics for a decade in the Yeltsin era. In Mexico a similar role has been played by oligarchs such as Carlos Hank González (d. 2001), and Carlos Slim Helù, today the second Rupert Murdoch with his third wife, Wendy richest man in the world. Deng in 2001 In many cases, billionaires have used their From an American perspective, it is hard to control of media to solidify their influence in think of anyone surpassing the influence of politics. This was the strategy in Canada of Murdoch. But according to the 2008 Forbes Conrad Black, for a time (before his conviction 400, Murdoch, with a net worth of $8.3 billion, on fraud charges) "the third biggest newspaper is only the 109th-richest person in the world. -
Political Parties in Rough Weather
The Forum Volume 5, Issue 4 2008 Article 3 POLITICS OF PRESIDENTIAL SELECTION Political Parties in Rough Weather Marty Cohen∗ David Karol† Hans Noel‡ John Zaller∗∗ ∗James Madison University, [email protected] †University of California, Berkeley, [email protected] ‡Georgetown University, [email protected] ∗∗UCLA, [email protected] Copyright c 2008 The Berkeley Electronic Press. All rights reserved. Political Parties in Rough Weather∗ Marty Cohen, David Karol, Hans Noel, and John Zaller Abstract Though lightly regarded by many observers, political parties have been able to steer pres- idential nominations to insider favorites in all nine of the contested cases from 1980 to 2000. Democrats had more trouble in 2004, but still managed to avoid insurgent Howard Dean. This paper explains how today’s presidential parties – understood as coalitions of elected officials, interest and advocacy groups, and ideological activists – have learned to work together in the so- called Invisible Primary to affect the outcome of the state-by-state primaries and caucuses. The paper concludes with a discussion of the influence of parties in the pre-Iowa phase of the 2008 nominations. KEYWORDS: political parties, presidential nominations ∗Marty Cohen received his Ph.D. from UCLA in 2005 writing a dissertation on the role of re- ligious conservatives in the Republican Party. He currently teaches American Politics at James Madison University. David Karol is Assistant Professor of Political Science at UC Berkeley. His work has appeared in the Journal of Politics, Studies in American Political Development, Inter- national Organization and Brookings Review. He is completing a book on party position change and coalition management in American politics. -
January 7,2004 Ofice of the General
Rome, Georgia 301 6 1 706-290-4499 706-232-3753 [email protected] January 7,2004 Ofice of the General Counsel Federal Elections Commission 999 E Street, N.W. Washington, D.C. 20463 Re: Complaint Against Bush-Cheney ’04, Eric Tanenblatt, and Ofice of the Governor of the State of Georgia To whom it may concern: My name is George Anderson. I am an ethics activist in the State of Georgia. My address is 18 Twickenham Road, Rome, Georgia 30161. I seek immediate FEC investigation and enforcement action against Bush-Cheney ’04,Inc., Eric Tanenblatt, and Office of the Governor of the State of Georgia for violation of the Federal Election Campaign Act of 1972 (“FECA”), as amended, 2 U.S.C.$0 431 et seq. (1997 and Supp. 1999). Bush-Cheney ’04, Inc., registered with the Federal Election Commission on May 16,2003, as the principal campaign committee of George Bush and Richard Cheney for ‘ federal office in the 2004 elections. Eric Tanenblatt was at the time of the activities described below an employee of the Office of the Governor of the State of Georgia. Bush-Cheney ’04 filings with the FEC list Tanenblatt as having made the maximum personal contributions allowed by law. Bush-Cheney ’04 hheracknowledges on its campaign website that Tanenblatt is responsible for raising more than $200,000 in additional campaign contributions. (www. eeorgewbush com/DonorslRanpers.aspx#rangers). The Office of the Governor of the State of Georgia violated the Federal Election Campaign Act of 1972 (“FECA”) when its employee, Eric Tanenblatt, used equipment and space in the Office of the Governor to make bdraising-related telephone calls on behalf of Bush-Cheney ’04 as well as doing so while behg paid a salary by the Ofice of the Governor.