Abstract Packet

2018 SNU International Conference on Linguistics - Future Directions for Linguistic Research -

Abstract Packet

Location: Bldg. #14 (College of Humanities), Seoul National University

Date: June 15-16, 2018

Co-hosted by ▫ SNU Language Education Institute ▫ SNU Language Research Center ▫ Joongwon Linguistic Society of Korea ▫ Korean Generative Grammar Circle ▫ Korean Association for the Study of English Language and Linguistics

2018 SNU International Conference on Linguistics

Conference Program

Seoul National University International Conference on Linguistics: Theme Session – Multimodality, Viewpoint, and Conceptualization

 Date: 15-16 June 2018  Location: [Bldg. 14 - Room 610] Seoul National University

Day 1

9:00-9:30 Registration in front of Room 14-B101 Opening Remarks at Room 14-B101 9:30-9:40 Program Committee | Myung-Kwan Park (Dongguk University), Lee Ho-Young (Seoul National University) Moderator | Chae Kwan Jung (KICE) Plenary Talk I - Moderator | Iksoo Kwon (HUFS) (Venue: Room 14-B101) 9:40-11:00 Metaphor and Viewpoint in Multimodal Communication Plenary Speaker | Eve Sweetser (Univ. of California, Berkeley) 11:00-11:10 Break Session 1: Cartoons and Conceptualization Moderator | Yong-Taek Kim (Georgia Institute of Technology) 11:10-11:45 Presentation #1 Stay out of my hair!: Cognitive mechanisms and Political cartoons

Speaker #1 Jung Hwi Roh (Hankuk Univ. of Foreign Studies) 11:45-12:20 Presentation #2 Multimodal Metaphors: Conceptualization of Refugee Crisis in Verbal and Nonverbal Modes Speaker #2 Joonyeop Baek (Univ. of New Mexico) 12:20-13:30 Lunch Session 2: Multimodality and Education Moderator | Iksoo Kwon (Hankuk Univ. of Foreign Studies) 13:30-13:45 Presentation#3 Multimodality and language teacher and learner identity construction

Speaker #3 So-Yeon Ahn (City University of Hong Kong) 13:45-14:20 Presentation #4 The Semantic and Pragmatic Development of Epistemic Modality through the Film Speaker #4 Jee-Won Hahn (Pukyong National University) Presentation #5 Pragmatic uses of metaphors in Chinese video advertisements* 14:20-14:35 Speaker #5 Xie Pan (The Hong Kong Polytechnic Univ.)* 14:35-14:50 Break Session 3: Visual Data and Cognitive Mechanisms Moderator | Joonyeop Baek (Univ. of New Mexico) 14:50-15:25 Presentation #6 Memes’ interpretation from Mexican citizens: A quantitative Pragmatic study of their effectiveness Speaker #6 Jose Alfredo Jimenez Lopez (Benemerita Univ. Autonoma de Puebla) Sandra Juarez Pacheco (Benemerita Univ. Autonoma de Puebla) 15:25-16:00 Presentation #7 Mothers in the Ads

Speaker #7 Huijae Yu (Yonsei University) 16:20-16:55 Presentation #8 Conceptual Metaphors in Gestures of Candidates in the 2015 U.S. Presidential Debate

Speaker #8 Iksoo Kwon (Hankuk Univ. of Foreign Studies), Jinree Jeon (Hankuk Univ. of Foreign Studies) Young-Eun Park (Hankuk Univ. of Foreign Studies), and Jung-Eun Lee (Hankuk Univ. of Foreign Studies) * Speed Presentation participant (10-min presentation + 5-min Q&A) Day 2

9:00- 9:30 Registration in front of Room 14-B101 Plenary Talk II – Moderator | RhangHyeYun Kim (Korean University) Cartography and the explanatory role of grammatical principles 9:30-10:50 Plenary Speaker | Luigi Rizzi (University of Geneva and University of Siena) 10:50-11:00 Break Session 4: Conceptualization Moderator | Jinsun Choe (Hankuk Univ. of Foreign Studies) 11:00-11:35 Presentation #9 Cancellation at different conceptual levels: The construal of concession encoded by nevertheless

Speaker #9Jung-Eun Lee (Hankuk Univ. of Foreign Studies) 11:35-12:10 Presentation #10 Different Levels of Figurativity on Metonymic Expressions

Speaker #10 Ayako Sato (Shonan Institute of Technology) 12:10-13:30 Lunch

Session 5: Constructions and mental spaces (I) Moderator | Hyug Ahn (Sungkyunkwan Univ.) 13:30-14:05 Presentation #11 Coercion and conceptual blending

Speaker #11 Soyeon Yoon (Incheon National Univ.) Presentation #12 14:05-14:40 Away as a solution to a mismatch between two incompatible constructions

Speaker #12 Yong-Taek Kim (Georgia Institute of Technology) 14:40- 14:50 Break Session 6: Constructions and mental spaces (II) Moderator | Ahrim Kim (Chung-Ang Univ.) 14:50-15:25 Presentation #13 Hearer-proximal demonstratives as fictive-motion expressions: Korean geu- and Japanese so-

Speaker #13 Yong-Taek Kim (Georgia Institute of Technology) Katsunobu Izutsu (Hokkaido University of Education) 15:25-16:00 Presentation #14 The Nature of Spaces Built by -e/a kaciko and -e/ase in Modern Spoken Korean

Speaker #14 Boo Kyung Jung (University of Hawai‘i at Mānoa) 16:00-16:10 Break Session 7: Conceptualization of Time Moderator | Soyeon Yoon (Incheon National University) 16:10-16:45 Presentation #15 Time deixis in authoritarian period: a case from Taiwan

Speaker #15 Jennifer M. Wei (Soochow Univ) 16:45-17:20 Presentation #16 Cognitive Modelling for Space and Time

Speaker #16 In-Young Jhee (Korea National Sport Univ.) 17:20-17:55 Presentation #17 Future event reference: where evidentiality, modality, and mirativity intersect Speaker #17 Katsunobu Izutsu (Hokkaido Univ. of Education) Yong-Taek Kim (Georgia Institute of Technology) Takeshi Koguma (Univ. of Shiga Prefecture) 18:00- Reception at Hoam Faculty Hotel Seoul National University International Conference on Linguistics: KASELL Theme Session - English Linguistics and Its Application to English Learning and Teaching

 Date: 15-16 June 2018  Location: [Bldg. 14 - Room 204] Seoul National University

Day 1

9:00-9:30 Registration in front of Room 14-B101 Opening Remarks at Room 14-B101 Program Committee | Myung-Kwan Park (Dongguk University), 9:30-9:40 Lee Ho-Young (Seoul National University) Moderator | Chae Kwan Jung (KICE) Plenary Talk I (Venue: 14-B101) - Moderator | Iksoo Kwon (HUFS) Plenary Speaker I: Metaphor and Viewpoint in Multimodal Communication 9:40-11:00 Plenary Speaker | Eve Sweetser (UC Berkeley) 11:00-11:10 Break

Session 1 - Moderator | Young-Joo Jeon (Mokwon University) Presentation #1 The Phonology of International English: a Communicative Course in Advanced English 11:10-11:45 Speaker #1 Luis Guerra (University of Evora/University of Lisbon Center for English Studies, Portugal) Presentation #2 Appositive attachment in L2 sentence comprehension 11:45-12:20 Speaker #2 Junhyeok Kwon, Phillip Yoongoo Jung, Myung-Kwan Park (Dongguk University) 12:20-13:30 Lunch

Session 2 - Moderator | Haerim Hwang (University of Hawaii at Manoa) Presentation #3 Simultaneous processing of grammar and world-knowledge in second language 13:30-14:05 Speaker #3 Hyunah Ahn (Seoul National University) Presentation #4 Learnability and Pedagogical Implications: A Processability Perspective of Textbook Evaluation in 14:05-14:40 EFL Settings Speaker #4 Xiaofei Tang (Wuhan University of Technology) 14:40-14:50 Break

Session 3 - Moderator | Sung-Ho Ahn (Hanyang University) Presentation #5 Approaches and Challenges to World Englishes for ESP in Capstone Design Course: Tourism and 14:50-15:25 Convention English Speaker #5 Kyong-Sook SONG (Dongeui University) Presentation #6 Applying Cognitive Linguistics to Teaching English Tense and Aspect in the Foreign Language 15:25-16:00 Classroom

Speaker #6 Vanessa H K Pang (The Chinese University of Hong Kong) 16:00-16:10 Break

Session 4 - Moderator | Hyo Jung Lim (Kwangwoon University) Speed Presentation #1 & #2 A shift to another EIL: From English as an international language to English as an intercultural language 16:10-16:40 Locative PP extraction out of VP-ellipsis Speakers #1 & #2 Lee, Kang-Young (Chungbuk National University) Kim, Sun-Woong & Kim, Jinhee (Kwangwoon University) Speed Presentation #3 & #4 Teaching Google search techniques in an L2 academic writing context. Pedagogical Implications of the UNESCO’s Theoretical and Operational Framework on Intercultural Competence on ESL/EFL Curriculum Design 16:40-17:10 Speaker #3 & #4 Sumi Han & Jeong-Ah Shin (Hallym University, Dongguk University) Teri An Joy G. Magpale-Jang (Wonkwang University)

Speed Presentation #5 & #6 Analysis of Readability and Text Features that Support Beginning L2 Reading Development L2 Processing of Filled-Gap Effects in English: An ERP study 17:10-17:40 Speaker #5 & #6 Dennis Murphy Odo (Pusan National University) Jaejun Kim & Wonil Chung (Dongguk University)

Day 2

9:00-9:30 Registration in front of Room 14-B101 Plenary Talk II (Venue: 14-B101) - Moderator | RhangHyeYun Kim (Korean University) Plenary Speaker II: Cartography and the explanatory role of grammatical principles 9:30-10:50 Plenary Speaker | Luigi Rizzi (University of Geneva and University of Siena) 10:50-11:10 Break

Session 5 - Moderator | Young-Han Jung (Inha Technical College) Presentation #7 Gender feature as a cue in L2 learners’ reflexive resolution 11:00-11:35 Speaker #7 Sanghee Kim, Jonghyeon Lee, Jeong-Ah Shin, Kiel Christianson (Seoul National University, Seoul National University, Dongguk University, University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign) Invited Talk for the Theme Session: Cumulative Effects of L1 Syntactic Experience on L2 Production: Evidence for Error-based Implicit Learning 11:35-12:25 Invited Speaker | Heeju Hwang (University of Hong Kong)

12:25-13:30 Lunch

Session 6 - Moderator | EunJoo Han (Seoul Women’s University) Presentation #8 Reproducibility in phraseology and ornithonym component 13:30-14:05 Speaker #8 Roza Ayupova (Kazan Federal University, Russia) Presentation #9 Negotiating the Lexical and Collocational Hurdles Confronting EFL Emirati Students in 14:05-14:40 Comprehending American Literary Texts Speaker #9 Sedek M. Gohar (UAE University) 14:40-14:50 Break

Session 7 - Moderator | Hye Kyung Wie (Dankook University) Presentation #10 Surprising Tag Questions with Fragments in English 14:50-15:25 Speaker #10 Jaejun Kim, Jonghak Hur, Philip Yoongoo Jung (Dongguk University) Presentation #11 15:25-16:00 VP-Preposing in English: Topicalization vs. Left-Dislocation

Speaker #11 Gui-sun Moon (Hansung University) 16:00-16:10 Break

Session 8 - Moderator | Soojin Ahn (University of Georgia) Speed Presentation #7 & #8 Discriminating Near Synonyms with Sketch Engine: A Comparative Study of Gambling and Gaming The Debate Instruction for Beginner-Level EFL Learner’s Class: Towards the Introduction of “Simplified Debate" 16:10-16:40 Speakers #7 & #8 Longxing Li (1 & 2), Chu-Ren Huang (1) 1.Hong Kong Polytechnic University, Hong Kong; 2.University of Macau, Macao) Shimpei Hashio (Graduate School of Doshisha University) Speed Presentation #9 & #10 College-level Sheltered Instruction: EAP Classes at Harvard University Temporal Interpretation of Immediately and its Context 16:40-17:10 Speaker #9 & #10 Sun-Hee Bae (American University of Sharjah) Seong Eun Park (Ewha Womans University) Speed Presentation #11 & #12 Can’t You See the Big Picture?: The Importance of Teaching interpreting students Theme, New and Grammatical Metaphor in Consecutive Interpreting 17:10-17:40 English Language Policy and Modernization of Korea: A Peace Corps-led TEFL program, 1966-1981 Speaker #11 & #12 Gyung Hee Choi (Pyeongtaek University) Chee Hye Lee (University of Seoul)

18: 00 - Reception at Hoam Faculty Hotel

Alternate for regular presentation: Structural priming effects at the ellipsis site - Sunjoo Choi & Jeong-Ah Shin (Dongguk University) Seoul National University International Conference on Linguistics: Theme Session – Language Learning and Teaching in Segmental and Suprasegmental Features

 Date: 15-16 June 2018  Location: [Bldg. 14 - Room 207] Seoul National University

Day 1

Session 1 - Moderator | Yungdo Yun (Dongguk University) 11:10-11:45 Presentation #1 Shifting Boundaries Speaker #1 Chiung-Yao Wang (Chang Jung Christian University) 11:45-12:20 Presentation #2 Ongoing pronunciation change - between needs assessment and progress testing: the case of Polish students of English Department Speaker #2 Marta Nowacka (The University of Rzeszów) 12:20-13:30 Lunch

Session 2 - Moderator | Yong-cheol Lee (Cheongju University) 13:30-14:05 Presentation #3 | Korean speaking toddler speakers’ articulatory development with multi-parameter control Speaker #3 | Gayeon Son (Kwangwoon University) 14:05-14:40 Presentation #4 | The acquisition of a natural and an unnatural stress patterns Speaker #4 | Soohyun Kwon (University of Pennsylvania) 14:40-14:50 Break

Session 3 - Moderator | Tae-Jin Yoon (Sungshin Women's University) 14:50-16:00 Invited presentation | Benefits of Child Directed Speech in Language Acquisition: Evidence from Korean Invited Speaker | Eon-suk Ko (Chosun University) 16:00-16:10 Break

Session 4 - Moderator | Yong-cheol Lee (Cheongju University) 16:10-16:40 Presentation #5 | Variation in Voice Onset Time of Korean stops: Korean monolinguals vs. Korean-English bilinguals Speakers #5 | Hye Jeong Yu (Hanshin University) 16:40-17:10 Presentation #6 A corpus-study of voicing and gender effects on American English Fricatives Speaker #6 Tae-Jin Yoon (Sungshin Women's University) 17:10-17:40 Presentation #7 | Perception of English words ear and year by Japanese listeners Speaker #7 | Jihyeon Yun (Chungnam National University) and Takayuki Arai (Sophia University)

Day 2

9:00-9:30 Registration in front of Room 14-B101 Plenary Talk II (Venue: 14-B101) - Moderator | RhangHyeYun Kim (Korean University) 9:30-10:50 Plenary Speaker II: Cartography and the explanatory role of grammatical principles Plenary Speaker | Luigi Rizzi (University of Geneva and University of Siena) 10:50-11:10 Break

Session 5 - Moderator | Weonhee Yun (Keimyung University) 11:00-11:35 Presentation #8 | Neurocognitive evidence for the internal complexity of Korean vowels Speaker #8 | Haeil Park (Kyung Hee University) 11:35-12:10 Presentation #9 | Acoustic Correlates of English Word Stress Produced by Cantonese Speakers Speaker #9 | Wai-Sum Lee (City University of Hong Kong) 12:10-13:30 Lunch

Session 6 - Moderator | Yong-cheol Lee (Cheongju University) Presentation #10 | The comparative study of L2 fluency acquisition to English and 13:30-14:05 Korean prosody Speaker #10 | SeokHan Kang (Konkuk University) 14:05-14:40 Presentation #11 | The Pronunciation Patterns of L2 Learners of Filipino: An Exploratory Study Speaker #11 | Leticia Pagkalinawan (University of Hawaii at Manoa) 14:40-14:50 Break

Session 7 - Moderator | Yungdo Yun (Dongguk University) 14:50-15:25 Presentation #12 | Prosodic marking of second occurrence focus in Korean

Speaker #12 | Seong Eun Park (Ewha Womans University) 15:25-16:00 Presentation #13 | Asymmetry in Phonemic Categorization of English Stops on the VOT and F0 Dimensions Speaker #13 | Gayeon Son (Kwangwoon University) 16:00-16:10 Break

Session 8 - Moderator | Gayeon Son (Kwangwoon University) 16:10-16:40 Presentation #14 | Detecting of Syllabic Consonants in the Spontaneous Speech Corpus

Speakers #14 | Weonhee Yun (Keimyung University) 16:40-17:10 Presentation #15 | The phonological and phonetic gap of the expletive and the non- expletive there Speaker #15 | Hohyeuk Won and Hyoungyoub Kim (Korea University) 17:10-17:40 Presentation #16 |

Speaker #16 | 18: 00 - Reception at Hoam Faculty Hotel

Seoul National University International Conference on Linguistics: KGGC Theme Session -Crosslinguistic Variation in the Left Periphery at the Syntax-Discourse Interface

 Date: 15-16 June 2018  Location: [Bldg. 14 - Room B101] Seoul National University

Day 1

Session 1 - Moderator | Kiyong Choi (Kwangwoon University) Presentation #1 The Left Periphery and the Syntax-Pragmatics Interface of (Negative) Polar Questions 11:10-11:45 Speaker #1 Myriam Uribe-Etxebarria (University of the Basque Country, UPV/EHU) Presentation #2 Obligatory “Focused” Expressions in Hungarian 11:45-12:20 Speaker #2 Flóra Lili Donáti (Paris 8 University, SFL) 12:20-13:30 Lunch

Session 2 - Moderator | TaeSik Kim (Hanyang University) Presentation #3 Feature-relativized Criterial Freezing: evidence from overt-covert movement asymmetries and 13:30-14:05 multi-criterial movement Speaker #3 Masako Maeda (Kyushu Institute of Technology) Presentation #4 Criterial Freezing Effects in Scrambling Wh-in-situ Languages 14:05-14:40 Speaker #4 Yeun-jin Jung (Dongeui University) 14:40-14:50 Break

Session 3 - Moderator | Kwang-sup Kim (Hankuk University of Foreign Studies) Presentation #5 The CP structure of Nominal Conditionals: clausal ellipsis and intervention effects in Korean 14:50-15:25 Speaker #5 Masaya Yoshida & Suwon Yoon (Northwestern University & University of Texas at Arlington) 15:25-16:00 Presentation #6 Syntacticizing Discourse in Arabic: evidence from a Three-tiered Speech Acts Structure in Tunisian Arabic Speaker #6 Mohamed Jlassi (Sohar University) 16:00-16:10 Break

Session 4 - Moderator | Jaehoon Choi (Daegu University) Speed Presentation #1 & #2 [1] Two types of Modalized Questions in Korean: nka-Q vs. ul-kka-Q [2] Exploring the right/left periphery in Japanese by RM 16:10-16:40 Speakers #1 & #2 [1] Arum Kang & Suwon Yoon (Korea University & University of Texas at Arlington) [2] Yoshio Endo (Kanda University of International Studies) Speed Presentation #3 & #4 [3] A Case for an Ongoing Left Periphery Truncation of Finite Clauses: Evidence from adverbs’ compatibility with genitive subjects in Japanese 16:40-17:10 [4] Fronting of Non-Contrastive Topics in English Speaker #3 & #4 [3] Yoshiki Ogawa, Keiyu Niikuni & Yuichi Wada (Tohoku University) [4] Paul Law (City University of Hong Kong) Speed Presentation #5 & #6 [5] Person and Number of (Empty) Subjects in Korean Embedded Jussives: A syntax-discourse approach 17:10-17:40 [6] Modal Expressions, Hearsay Expressions, and Point-of-view Speaker #5 & #6 | [5] Jong Un Park (Dongguk University) [6] Takeshi Oguro (Chiba University of Commerce)

Day 2

9:00-9:30 Registration in front of Room 14-B101 Plenary Talk II (Venue: Room 14-B101) - Moderator | RhangHyeYun Kim (Korean University) Plenary Speaker II: Cartography and the explanatory role of grammatical principles 9:30-10:50 Plenary Speaker | Luigi Rizzi (University of Geneva & University of Siena) 10:50-11:10 Break Session 5 - Moderator | Gui-Sun Moon (Hansung University) Presentation #7 The Left-periphery of NP in Korean and Japanese: evidence from numeral classifiers 11:10-11:45 Speaker #7 Yongsuk Yoo, Yuta Sakamoto & Myung-Kwan Park (Korean Naval Academy, Chukyo University & Dongguk University) Presentation #8 Case Asymmetry of ATB Wh-questions in Korean: an experimental study 11:45-12:20 Speaker #8 Yunhui Kim1, Duk-Ho Jung2 & Jeong-Seok Kim1 (1Korea University & 2UC San Diego) 12:20-13:30 Lunch

Session 6 - Moderator | Sun-Woong Kim (Kwangwoon University) Presentation #9 Two Types of ECM Constructions in Korean 13:30-14:05 Speaker #9 Semoon Hoe1, Dongwoo Park1,2 & Han-Byul Chung1 (1Seoul National University & 2Sogang University) Presentation #10 Number Agreement in CP: addressee-oriented Plural Marking 14:05-14:40 Speaker #10 Saetbyol Seo (Seoul National University) 14:40-14:50 Break

Session 7 - Moderator | Sookhee Lee (Sookmyung Women’s University) Presentation #11 The Relative Order of Foci and Interrogative Elements: a Slavic perspective 14:50-15:25 Speaker #11 Elena Callegari (University of Oslo) Presentation #12 (via Skype conference) A cartographic Approach to Embedded Word Orders in Jordanian Arabic 15:25-16:00 Speaker #12 Marwan Jarrah (University of Jordan) 16:00-16:10 Break

Session 8 - Moderator | Duk-Ho An (Konkuk University) Speed Presentation #7 & #8 [7] Labeling, Cartography, and Left-periphery of Korean Clauses [8] Quantifying into the left periphery in Hungarian 16:10-16:40 Speakers #7 & #8 | [7] Myung-Kwan Park & Jong Un Park (Dongguk University) [8] Genoveva Puskas (University of Geneva) Speed Presentation #9 & #10 [9] The Syntax and Prosody of Speech Act Particles in Korean [10] Historical Developments/Variations of Japanese Addressee-honorific Markers and Economy 16:40-17:10 Principles Speaker #9 & #10 | [9] Sihun Jung & Moonhyun Sung (Sogang University) [10] Akitaka Yamada (Georgetown University) Speed Presentation #11 & #12 [11] Variation in Intergrated Parenetical Constructions [12] Topic-comment Sentence Structure in English 17:10-17:40 Speaker #11 & #12 | [11] Yasuyuki Fukutomi (Fukushima University) [12] Hongmei Wu & Nirada Chitrakara (Chulalongkorn University) 18: 00 - Reception at Hoam Faculty Hotel

Plenary Session Invited Speakers

▸ Luigi Rizzi (University of Geneva & University of Siena)

▸ Eve Sweetser (University of California at Berkeley)

Abstracts Seul 2018

Luigi Rizzi University of Geneva, University of Siena

Talk

Cartography and the explanatory role of grammatical principles.

Abstract

The line of research known as the cartography of syntactic structures has shown a significant heuristic capacity, in that it has promoted much cross-linguistic research on structural map and uncovered systematic structural properties of functional sequences in the different zones of the syntactic tree. Can such properties be deductively connected to simple UG principles constraining syntactic computations and the interfaces with sound and meaning? If this question is systematically asked, cartographic research can effectively function as a generator of empirical issues for formal syntax, nourishing the theoretical reflection on syntactic computations and enriching the empirical basis of syntactic theory.

In this talk I will illustrate the “further explanation” of cartographic properties with special reference to the cartography of the left periphery of the clause. Relevant theoretical tools are offered by the interpretive procedures of criterial configurations at the interfaces for articulations such as topic – comment, and focus-presupposition. Intervention locality (Relativized Minimality) also can play a central role in the explanation of various ordering constraints on configurations created by movement (Abels 2012, Haegeman 2013, Rizzi 2013, based on Rizzi 1990). The labeling algorithm (Chomsky 2013, 2015, Rizzi 2015a-b, 2016), offers promising lines for a principled explanation of various freezing effects observed both in the high and low periphery (Belletti 2004) of the clause.

Selected references

Abels, K. (2012) “The Italian Periphery: A View from Locality”, Linguistic Inquiry, 43(2). Belletti, A. (2004) “Aspects of the Low IP Area”. In The Structure of CP and IP: The Cartography of Syntactic Structures, Vol. 2, L. Rizzi (ed). New York: Oxford University Press. Chomsky, N. (2013) “Problems of projection.” Lingua 130: 33–49. Chomsky, N. (2015) “Problems of Projection: Extensions”. In E. Di Domenico, C. Hamann, S. Matteini, eds., Structures, Strategies and Beyond – Studies in Honour of Adriana Belletti. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins. 3-16. Haegeman, L. (2013) Adverbial Clauses, Main Clause Phenomena, and Composition of the Left Periphery: The Cartography of Syntactic Structures, Volume 8. New York: Oxford University Press. Rizzi, L. (2015) “Cartography, Criteria, and Labeling”. In U. Shlonsky, ed., Beyond the Functional Sequence. New York: Oxford University Press. 314-338. Rizzi, L. (2015b) “Notes on labeling and subjects”. In E. Di Domenico, C. Hamann, S. Matteini, eds., Structures, Strategies and Beyond – Studies in Honour of Adriana Belletti. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins. 17- 46. Rizzi, L. (2016) Labeling, maximality, and the head – phrase distinction. In The Linguistic Review, 2016.

Metaphor and Viewpoint in Multimodal Communication

Eve Sweetser

Department of Linguistics and Program in Cognitive Science University of California, Berkeley

[email protected]

Viewpoint is a basic aspect of human cognition, and thus of language. Very obviously, since physical viewpoint is rooted in our bodily interaction, co-speech gesture is also viewpointed; language and gesture together form a viewpointed multimodal communication system. Further, the metaphoric aspects of this multimodal system are no less viewpointed than the literal ones: frames generally carry viewpoint, and metaphoric mappings impose viewpoint on Target frames.

So the linguistic and the gestural components of communication can both express either literal or metaphoric meanings. Enmeshed in this is deictic viewpoint structure – characteristic equally of language and gesture, and meaningful via its relation to the embodied selves of the speaker and addressee(s). Abstract deixis, long recognized as a phenomenon, is best understood as metaphoric; time, social structure, and other more abstract phenomena are understood in terms of physical spatial structure, which is inherently literally deictic. These abstract frames are thus understood and given meaning by their relation not just to physical space but to physical deixis and gesture space in the bodily reach of the speaker. This may be more obvious in gesture than in grammar – a metaphoric spatial gesture for time is inherently deictic in the spatial domain, unlike a grammatical tense marker.

We end up with a more unified understanding of multimodal communication – there are major differences between modalities but also important functional overlaps which are more general than is usually thought.

Theme Session Invited Speakers

▸ Heeju Hwang (University of Hong Kong)

▸ Eon-suk Ko (Chosun University)

Cumulative Effects of L1 Syntactic Experience on L2 Production: Evidence for Error-based Implicit Learning

Heeju Hwang

(University of Hong Kong)

There is currently a debate about whether between-language structural priming reflects the operation of transient, short-term memory activation mechanisms (e.g., Pickering & Branigan, 1998) or the operation of longer-term mechanisms of implicit learning (e.g. Chang, Dell, & Bock, 2006). We aim to address the issue by investigating how the cumulative L1 experience with particular constructions (Active/Passive and DO/PO) affects subsequent L2 production for those constructions. Chinese (L1) learners of English (L2) described transitive and ditransitive events in two sessions, one in Chinese and the other in English. We found that participants’ L1 experience significantly changed their syntactic behavior in L2. The effect was greater with a less frequent construction. Our results provide clear evidence in favor of the view that structural priming reflects the presence of a long-lasting adaptation within the language production system.

Benefits of child-directed speech in early acquisition of language: Evidence from Korean

Eon-Suk Ko Chosun University

Child-directed speech (CDS) is characterized by exaggerated pitch contour, higher pitch, short utterance length, and slower speaking rate than adult-directed speech (ADS). Numerous studies have provided results supporting the idea that CDS serves to facilitate children’s language acquisition. Most of these studies, however, have focused on children learning western languages. In order to identify potential universals in the role of CDS, we need more empirical support from typologically diverse data. In this talk, I present results of several studies investigating the role of CDS in language acquisition with data in Korean. I first address the question of CDS preference. It is well-known that infants show a preference for CDS over ADS (e.g. Cooper & Aslin, 1994). We tested Korean infants’ preference for CDS, which was an extension of our participation in the ManyBabies project. Using the Headturn Preference Procedure, we tested babies with 8 test trials of CDS and ADS each in English and Korean. Though we cannot present the results of English yet due to the policy of the ManyBabies consortium, we were able to replicate CDS preference in Korean with both the younger (6-8 month olds) and the older (12-14 month olds) group of infants. I then present several linguistic adaptations found in Korean mother’s CDS that are likely to help infants’ language learning. The investigation is based on a corpus of 35 mother- child dyads divided into three groups of preverbal (8 month olds), early speech (13 month olds), and multi-word (27 month olds) stage. They spontaneously interacted in a mock apartment for 40 minutes, followed by a 10 minute session where mothers spoke with another adult. These interactions were captured by video and audio, and transcribed in CHAT format. At the segmental level, I investigated the acoustic cues for the stop contrasts in CDS. The effects of voice onset time (VOT) and the F0 of the following vowel in distinguishing lenis vs. aspirated stops in Korean have attracted much attention due to the change in the role each of these cues has played as a primary cue. An influential theory (e.g. Ohala, 1981) suggests that sound change can occur from listener failing to reconstruct the target representation of the speaker. Applied to the context of Korean tonogensis, this would mean that mothers fail to deliver the VOT cue and children treat the f0 as the primary cue for Korean. We, however, found that VOT played a significant role in distinguishing the two stop categories in CDS. Thus it seems that mothers would rather speak clearly than spread innovation. At the word level, the close resemblance between form and meaning in sound symbolic expressions (e.g. ideophones jaoŋ ‘meow’ and expressive lengthening khɨ::n ‘huge’) has been claimed to make word learning easier (e.g. Imai & Kita, 2014). We investigated mothers’ modulation of the frequency and acoustic saliency of sound symbolic words. As expected, the ratio of sound symbolic words in CDS decreased with child age, and they were acoustically more salient than conventional words. Interestingly, mothers weaken the prominence for ideophones for older children but maintain the acoustic saliency of expressive lengthening constantly. We suggest that children at age 2 are learning the details of scalar properties thus still benefit from the enhanced prosody of the adjectives undergoing expressive lengthening. At the utterance level, we investigated how Korean mothers might take advantage of the right-edge prominence in teaching nouns despite the SOV word order. We analyzed 35 Korean and 35 American mothers interacting with children of matched ages. We found that Korean mothers had a significantly higher rate of repeating nouns at the end of an utterance than American mothers, and the rate of repetition decreased with age. The ratio of nouns aligned with the right-edge is greater in English but decreases with age in both languages.

Seoul National University International Conference on Linguistics: Theme Session – Multimodality, Viewpoint, and Conceptualization

 Date: 15-16 June 2018  Location: [Bldg. 14 - Room 610] Seoul National University

Day 1

Speaker #7 Huijae Yu (Yonsei University) 16:20-16:55 Presentation #8 Conceptual Metaphors in Gestures of Candidates in the 2015 U.S. Presidential Debate

Speaker #9Jung-Eun Lee (Hankuk Univ. of Foreign Studies) 11:35-12:10 Presentation #10 Different Levels of Figurativity on Metonymic Expressions

Speaker #10 Ayako Sato (Shonan Institute of Technology) 12:10-13:30 Lunch

Session 5: Constructions and mental spaces (I) Moderator | Hyug Ahn (Sungkyunkwan Univ.) 13:30-14:05 Presentation #11 Coercion and conceptual blending

Speaker #11 Soyeon Yoon (Incheon National Univ.) Presentation #12 14:05-14:40 Away as a solution to a mismatch between two incompatible constructions

Speaker #15 Jennifer M. Wei (Soochow Univ) 16:45-17:20 Presentation #16 Cognitive Modelling for Space and Time

Speaker #16 In-Young Jhee (Korea National Sport Univ.) 17:20-17:55 Presentation #17 Future event reference: where evidentiality, modality, and mirativity intersect Speaker #17 Katsunobu Izutsu (Hokkaido Univ. of Education) Yong-Taek Kim (Georgia Institute of Technology) Takeshi Koguma (Univ. of Shiga Prefecture) 18:00- Reception at Hoam Faculty Hotel Stay out of my hair!: Cognitive mechanisms and political cartoons

Jung Hwi Roh Hankuk University of Foreign Studies [email protected]

Abstract This study aims to explore multimodal phenomena within frameworks of cognitive semantics by conducting a case study of political cartoons on nuclear crisis in North Korea with special focus on frame metonymy (Dancygier and Sweetser 2014), conceptual metaphors (Lakoff and Johnson 1999) and blends (Fauconnier 1997) in meaning constructions. It specifically looks into the cartoons illustrating escalating political tensions between North Korea (NK) and the United States (US) after Donald Trump took office as a president of the US. The study investigates the dataset represented the conflicts between two political figures, Kim Jong Un and Donald Trump, by using their salient feature─hair. 54 relevant cartoons were collected out of total 667 images via Google image search, which depict hairstyles of the political figures to show one of conflict patterns and their unpleasant emotions and further to satirise their political actions regarding nuclear weapons. This study provides a qualitative analysis of the selected dataset within cognitive semantic frameworks. It specifically argues that cognitive mechanisms such as metonymy, conceptual metaphor and blending productively interact in meaning constructions to convey intended messages effectively. It also supports the claim that cognitive mechanisms are not confined to linguistic phenomena but all the human artefacts including cartoons.

Multimodal Metaphors: Conceptualization of Refugee Crisis in Verbal and Nonverbal Modes

Joonyeop Baek University of New Mexico [email protected]

From their seminal work, Lakoff and Johnson argue that “metaphor is primarily a matter of thought and action, and only derivatively a matter of language” (Lakoff and Johnson 1980: 153). Yet a considerable amount of metaphor studies have been focused on so-called verbal metaphors. The conceptual nature of metaphor, however, implies that metaphors can be realized not just in verbal language, but in any possible manifestation (Lakoff 1993; El Refaie 2003; Forceville and Urios- Aprisi 2009). With this in mind, this study examines how conceptual metaphors are visually expressed in political cartoons describing the current refugee crisis. More specifically, I show, using a cognitive semantic analysis, how people metaphorically conceptualize and express views of the refugee crisis. In the first phase, I analyze how conceptual metaphors, such as REFUGEE CRISIS IS A NATURAL DISASTER and REFUGEE CRISIS IS A WAR, structure the cartoons with systematic mappings, and discuss their implicatures. In the second phase, I analyze the verbal metaphors of the refugee crisis and related immigration issues. The analysis also includes how the same concepts are metaphorically rendered in each visual and verbal mode, and the differences between the two modes. I argue that visual representations effectively reify the abstract concepts in more concrete forms, and, thus allow people access to the concepts more easily as well. This study suggests that nonverbal language reflects the conceptual structure of our mind, and designs our conceptualization as well as verbal language does. Hence, it attests the fundamental assumption of conceptual metaphor theory that the way we conceptualize the world is metaphorical in nature.

References El Refaie, Elisabeth. 2003. Understanding visual metaphor: The example of newspaper cartoons. Visual Communication 2(1). 75–96. Forceville, Charles. and Eduardo Urios-Aprisi. 2009. Multimodal Metaphor. Berlin:Mouton de Gruyter. Lakoff, George. 1993. The contemporary theory of metaphor. In Andrew Ortony (ed.), Metaphor and Thought (second edition), 202–251. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Lakoff, George and Mark Johnson. 1980. Metaphors we live by. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press.

Multimodality and language teacher and learner identity construction

So-Yeon Ahn

City University of Hong Kong [email protected]

The presentation examines the notion of identity formation through the investigation of multiple modes. A multimodal perspective views language as one mode among various mediums through which individuals participate in the meaning-making process. Moreover, all modes are understood to serve and realize social functions where individuals can orchestrate meanings from a wide array of resources. Furthermore, multimodal semiotic resources are understood to be social as they are influenced by the norms and rules in the specific social and cultural context as well as the motivations and interests of sign-makers (Jewitt, 2009; Kress, 2009; Kress & van Leeuwen, 2006). In this regard, individuals appropriate multimodal semiotic resources to construct identities of oneself and others utilizing the semiotic link between various indexes and their social meanings. Moreover, according to Kress and van Leeuwen (2006), an image entails two main participants, “represented participants (the people, the places, the things depicted in images), and interactive participants (the people who communicate with each other through images, the producers and viewers of images)” (emphasis in original) (p. 362). Therefore, a multimodal analysis also engages the onlookers in the interpretation and negotiation of meanings. Grounded in the belief that multimodal analysis yields insights into identity formation, the presentation explores the notion of language teacher and learner identity with the use of drawings and written narratives. The study reports on two separate research studies that sought to understand how young learners envision the concept of good English teacher in South Korea and how Korean undergraduates depict their understandings of English learner and speaker identity. For both studies, participants were asked to provide a visual image and written descriptions related to the notion of respective identity. When drawings and narratives were completed, the characters’ salience, posture, appearance, colours and associated objects and visual narratives were categorized and documented. A social semiotic multimodal analysis was applied as these graphic and narrative elements deliver various representative values and demonstrate the formation of identities (Jewitt, 2009, 2012; Kalaja, 2016; Kress, 2010). Concentrating on the dimension of language-image relations, the study examined how both groups of participants exploited non- arbitrary semiotic signs as resources to construct identities. While the age of the participants exhibits great difference, the presentation delivers the effectiveness of utilizing multiple resources to better grasp the formation of identities. Therefore, the findings suggest that a multimodal analysis is an effective analytic tool through which an individual’s formation of identities can be captured with many representational values. In others words, the ways individuals encapsulate their understandings of identity in their drawings can yield insights into diverse, shifting, and multiple aspects of identity. The Semantic and Pragmatic Development of Modality through the Film

Jee-Won Hahn Pukyong National University [email protected]

This study investigates the semantic and pragmatic development among Korean EFL students focusing on modality. Modal verbs are treated as minor category under the terms like auxiliary verbs and defective verbs (Coates 1987) because they do not affect the meaning of the proposition. Modals, on the other hand, have received growing interest due to their functions ranging from epistemic meaning to politeness. The study highlights the two aspects that modal verbs are involved. Using the film, it examines whether language learners are able to develop their pragmatic competence focusing on modals. Research questions include 1) how modal verbs are used in the film 2) whether students demonstrate development on the use of modal constructions after the given period of time. Generally, language serves two functions: transactional function which transmits information and interpersonal function to affect relationship. Semantically, speakers express the degree of certainty of the proposition and speaker’s confidence in the truth of proposition (Karkkainen 1992). On the other hand, modality is one of the constructions to serves the interpersonal aspect of language. Implicitness is considered as crucial for accounting for pragmatic dimension. The speaker can deny that s/he has made. Speakers express the degree of certainty towards the message and remains ambivalent and negotiable (Östman 1986). Interpersonal function of modals, thus, indicates the speaker’s sensitivity to the other and are used to protect the hearer’s face, which belongs to politeness. In this study, the movie Inside Out is employed as the source of contextualized language (Abrams 2014). Films provide scenes, situation, and dialogues to help figure out the meaning of utterances. The modals selected for the study include will/would, can/could, shall/should, may/might, and must. Meanings of the modal verbs are analyzed within the framework of Elturki and Salsbury (2016). Directives are targeted as the source of drawing pragmatic meanings since they are one of the common face-threatening acts and call for mitigation devices (Holmes 1984; Yang et. al. 2014). Use of such language use mitigate and emphasize the message by conveying interpersonal meanings. When threats are involved, modal verbs indicate mitigation of illocutionary forces as well as expression of certainty. Two raters including the author have participated in filtering the data. Then, the target modal items are used as teaching materials over 5 weeks conducted in the course, Screen English where students are exposed to the scenes and social factors are involved. Written tests and interviews are conducted at the end of the study. For the questionnaires, video clips are created to include the scenes where modal verbs are used to express politeness as well as certainty. Students are asked to choose the meaning of the given choices. Modal verbs in English language teaching tend to be minor categories as they focus on semantics. Pragmatic function of modality has not much discussed. Using the film, students learn meanings encoded in the proposition and then they also identify instances where the same construction is used for conveying interpersonal meaning. When two aspects of language are presented, learners are expected to enhance their awareness. Comparison is counted as crucial to raise awareness in pragmatics (Schmidt 1992).

References Abrams, Z. I. (2014). Using film to provide a context for teaching L2 pragmatics. System, 46, 55- 64. Coates, J. (1987). Epistemic modality and spoken discourse. Transactions of the Philological Society 1987: 110-131. Elturki, E., & Salsbury, T. (2016). A Cross-Sectional Investigation of the Development of Modality in English Language Learners’ Writing: A Corpus-Driven Study. Issues in Applied Linguistics, 20. Holmes, J. (1984). Expressing doubt and certainty in English. RELC Journal 13:2: 9-28. Karkkainen, E. (1992). Modality as a strategy in interaction: Epistemic modality in the language of native and non-native speakers of English. Pragmatics and Language Learning 3: 197- 216. Östman, J. O. (1986). Pragmatics as implicitness. Ann Arbor: University Microfilms International. Schmidt, R. (1992). Awareness and second language acquisition. Annual review of applied linguistics, 13, 206-226. Yang et. al. (2014). Epistemic modality in English-medium medical research articles: A systemic functional perspective. English for Specific Purposes 38: 1 – 10.

Pragmatic uses of metaphors in Chinese video advertisements

Molly Xie Pan The Hong Kong Polytechnic University [email protected]

Metaphors in video ads are receiving increasing attention. Studies have investigated metaphors in video ads from the dimensions of their salient traits (Forceville, 2007), parameters that contribute to their construction (Forceville, 2008), the multimodal manifestation of conceptual metaphors (Urios-Aparisi, 2009; Yu, 2009, 2011), and the identification of metaphors in video ads (Bobrova, 2015). However, the existing research mainly focuses on cases where the product is directly involved as the target. Other possibilities of how metaphor is used in video ads are underexplored. For instance, metaphor may be a “fleeting element” (Forceville, 2008, p. 23), which supports the central metaphor or builds a scenario where the product will be introduced as a solution or a motive. This study takes the view from multimodal metaphor theory that metaphor can manifest itself not only in language but also in non-verbal language, such as sound, motion and images (Forceville, 2006). Through analyzing 182 metaphors which were identified from 100 Chinese video ads, this study highlights some of such possibilities in the Chinese context, where metaphors are used in different ways other than directly involving the product as the target. Then, it further explores how these different uses are manifested via approaches that metaphors are signaled. Five filmic techniques were summarized from existing literature (Bobrova, 2015; Forceville, 2006): transformation of images, depicting non-existing gestalt, replacement of objects/scenes, juxtaposition of objects/scenes and simultaneous cueing of different modes. Results from a Chi- Square test showed a significant associations between the different uses and the signal types (χ² (8, N = 182) = 19.50, p = .01, Cramer’s V = 0.23). Specifically, the signal type of transformation of images was used proportionally more frequent than expected for signaling central metaphors which directly involve the product. This may suggest that central metaphors tend to be signaled by techniques that require comparatively less cognitive effort so that they could be detected easily. Implications and future directions are discussed further.

References Bobrova, L. (2015). A Procedure for Identifying Potential Multimodal Metaphors in TV Commercials. Multimodal Communication, 4(2), 113-131. Forceville, C. (2006). Non-verbal and multimodal metaphor in a cognitivist framework: Agendas for research. Applications of Cognitive Linguistics, 1, 379. Forceville, C. (2007). Multimodal metaphor in ten Dutch TV commercials. Public Journal of Semiotics, 1(1), 15-34. Forceville, C. (2008). Pictorial and multimodal metaphor in commercials. In E. F. McQuarrie & B. J. Phillips (Eds.), Go figure! New directions in advertising rhetoric (pp. 272-310). New York and London: ME Sharpe. Urios-Aparisi, E. (2009). Interaction of multimodal metaphor and metonymy in TV commercials: Four case studies. In C. Forceville & E. Urios-Aparisi (Eds.), Multimodal metaphor (pp. 95-116). Berlin: Mouton De Gruyter. Yu, N. (2009). Nonverbal and multimodal manifestations of metaphors and metonymies: A case study. In C. Forceville & E. Urios-Aparisi (Eds.), Multimodal metaphor (pp. 119-143). Berlin: Mouton De Gruyter. Yu, N. (2011). Beijing Olympics and Beijing opera: A multimodal metaphor in a CCTV Olympics commercial. Cognitive Linguistics, 22(3), 595-628. Memes’ interpretation from Mexican citizens: A qualitative Pragmatic study of their effectiveness

José Alfredo Jiménez López and Sandra Juárez Pacheco Benemérita Universidad Autónoma de Puebla [email protected]

The present research proposes a pragmatic study of memes using Grice’s Maxims (1975) as reference with the purpose of identifying the effectiveness of communicating ideas across the Mexican society. As a consequence, this qualitative research aims to present some gathered and analyzed data obtained from sixteen participants, four (2 females and 2 males) from each different generation within the Mexican context such as: baby boomers, X generation, millennials and Z generation (Nielsen, 2015; CONDUSEF, 2016). According to Slings (1992), pragmatics is the science that focuses on trends and rules of language; this means that, as well as memes, pragmatics aims to be at the tendency edge in order to comprehend the use and purpose of a message. Furthermore, memes are a group of symbols or images that can express ideas, emotions, cultural events, and political ideologies (Dawkins, 1976; Gordon Graham, 2002; Leigh, 2010). As a consequence, the importance of the use of memes in Mexican society is growing in a fast way since these images, so called memes, are diffused among individuals with the use of the media. To sum up, this research pays particular attention to some utterances given by five memes in three main aspects. Firstly, the fact that these memes have become viral by internet in Mexican society. Secondly, the way they provide information; and thirdly, how it is interpreted by the partakers in this study performed within the Mexican society.

Key terms: meme, social generations, viral, pragmatics, Mexican society.

References: CONDUSEF. (2016). Finanzas y Generaciones. Las finanzas se ven de distinta manera. Comisión Nacional para la Protección y Defensa de los Usuarios de Servicios Financieros: condusef.gob.mx Retrieved from: http://www.condusef.gob.mx/Revista/PDF- s/2016/197/genera.pdf Dawkins, R. (1989). The selfish gene. New York: Oxford University Press Gordon Graham. (2002). Genes: a philosophical inquiry. New York: Routledge. Grice, H.P. (1975). Logic and conversation. In Syntax and Semantics 3: Speech Acts. Cole, P. & Morgan, J.L. (eds.). New York: Academic Press. p. 41-58. Leigh, H. (2010). Genes, Memes, Culture, and Mental Illness: Toward an Integrative Model. New York: Springer. Nielsen. (2015). Estilos de vida generacionales. Cómo vivimos, comemos, jugamos, trabajamos y ahorramos para nuestro futuro. Retrieved from https://www.nielsen.com/content/dam/nielsenglobal/latam/docs/reports/2016/EstilosdeVi daGeneracionales.pdf Slings, S.R. (1992). Written and Spoken Language: An Exercise in the Pragmatics of the Greek Sentence. Classical Philology. Vol. 87, No. 2. The University of Chicago Press Journals. pp. 95-109. Retrieved from: http://www.jstor.org/stable/269521 Mothers in the Ads

Huijae Yu Yonsei University [email protected]

In this capitalist society we live in, we are required to live by consuming products, and as Baudrillard states, ‘if we consume the product as product, we consume its meaning through advertising (1988[1968]: 10).’ In this light, ads are truly the window that shows the ideologies already existing in the society, and the tunnel through which ideologies are born and consolidated. Following this, this study aims to critically analyses the media portrayal of ‘mother’ in a context of TV ads in Korea aired in the early 2018. Since the tactics in the ads to represent social relstionships and social actors are diverse and multimodal (Van Leeuwen 1996), the analysis will incorporate some multimodal aspects such as visual/auditory components of the ads. The data come from TV ads aired in the early 2018 representing ‘mother’ in any way. In the analysis four main frames for mothers represented in the ads were extracted: mother as a housekeeper, mother as a nurturer, mother as someone with endless energy, and mother as a naturally beautiful woman. Mothers appear in the context of advertisements of groceries, home appliances, child care products, vitamin pills, etc., which suggests that mothers are predominantly portrayed as a caretaker of their child and housekeeper of the home. They are always situated in a beautifully furnished house doing house chores or taking care of kids. Also they are portrayed as someone who is never out of energy and keeps on working by the help of vitamin products, which promotes the ideology that mothers should never rest. Despite the fact that mothers seldom appear in the commercials of beauty products, they are always portrayed as a beautiful and younger-than-age looking woman, which suggests that mothers should appear fit and beautiful without any help of the product. Very rarely are they portrayed as someone working outside home, and in rare cases they do, they appear to be struggling to find a balance between work and home. This as a whole not only promotes the products they are advertising for, but also formulates or consolidates certain ideologies about mothers, as in they should be taking care of their child at home with never-ending energy while maintaining naturally beautiful appearance.

References Baudrillard J (1988 [1968]) Selected Writings (ed. Poster M). Palo Alto, CA: Stanford University Press. Van Leeuwen T (1996) The representation of social actors. In: Caldas-Coulthard C and Coulthard M (eds) Texts and Practices: Readings in Critical Discourse Analysis. London: Routledge, pp. 32–70.

Conceptual Metaphors in Gestures of Candidates in the 2015 U.S. Presidential Debate

Kwon, Iksoo, Jinree Jeon, Young-Eun Park, and Jung-Eun Lee Hankuk University of Foreign Studies [email protected]

This paper aims to explore metaphoric co-speech gestures of candidates in the U.S. Presidential Debate in 2015. We collect data from four full video clips of the U.S. republican and democratic presidential debates, and focus especially on significant types of gestures whose construals rely on the speaker’s metaphorical conceptualization of linguistic contents. The metaphors that this paper focuses on are ASSEMBLIES ARE CIRCLES, IDEAS ARE OBJECTS, and ACTIONS ARE MOTIONS. For the first metaphor system, this study shows that the source domain element is realized via the candidates’ co-speech gestures to represent groups of people such as government, institution etc. as the very metaphor system can be found in verbal examples such as the syntax circle ‘a discussion/ study group for the subject syntax’ and Kor. cip-tan [gather-circle] ‘group.’ The second metaphor system is frequently found in our dataset to deliver messages regarding rejection: the interlocutor acts as if they were handling physical objects, specifically removing them from the center of their gesture space when they negate some ideas. Lastly, the metaphor ACTIONS ARE MOTIONS is used being paired up with the concept of development/ progress when the interlocutor speaks of the developing (or deteriorating) aspect of execution of a policy etc. These analyses provide systematic explanations of how conceptual metaphors motivate interlocutors to represent and grasp meanings conveyed by the non-verbal modalities by exploring ontological and epistemic correspondences that constitute the mappings. The result supports the claim that cognitive mechanisms such as metaphor are not confined to verbal modalities, but pervade both in verbal and non-verbal modalities since they motivate both of the forms of human conceptualization.

Cancellation at different conceptual levels: The construal of concession encoded by nevertheless

Jung-Eun Lee Hankuk University of Foreign Studies [email protected]

This paper explores the usages of nevertheless in English, by employing Sweetser’s (1990) domain analysis. The first aim of the study is to show that the notion of concession encoded by nevertheless is construed at non-content levels, the epistemic and speech-act levels, rather than the content level. The other goal is to illustrate that the epistemic and speech-act concession marked by nevertheless both involve a ‘cancellation’ (following Dascal and Katriel 1977, Bell 2010) but the aspect cancelled is distinguished depending on the types of concession. For the epistemic concession, nevertheless marks that the causal inference evoked from the discourse P is cancelled; for the speech-act concession, it signals various components (i.e. conversational implicature, assumptions, and illocutionary forces) conveyed by the discourse P are cancelled. Let us consider typical examples of nevertheless that marks the epistemic and speech-act concession, given in (1) and (2), respectively.1 The example (1) is extracted from an article in Washington Post, which introduces the recently developed mobile application system that can help doctors measure the depth, area and volume of a wound.

(1) P Ceradini [a plastic surgeon] uses blood work, genetic tests and tissue cultures to get the full profile of a chronic wound. And he prefers to examine a wound in person - using his own eyes and fingers - rather than rely on a photo or computer algorithm. Nevertheless, Q he is excited about the possibilities of digital monitoring systems – particularly their 3-D capabilities – and believes they will be a [sic] effective tool for wound care. (Washington Post)

In (1), nevertheless illustrates its epistemic use, in that it marks the cancellation of the causal inference evoked from P, such as ‘Ceradini would be unconcerned about this digital wound measurement system’ or ‘Ceradini would not consider the system highly reliable.’ The speaker in (1) expresses the meaning that ‘it is hard to believe both propositions presented in P and Q to be true, because of the causal inference evoked from the discourse P’. This suggest that the speaker in (1) uses nevertheless to express his or her incompatible belief towards the likelihood of coexisting the two states described in the conjuncts P and Q, rather than the impossibility of their coexistence in the real world. Unlike the example (1), the speaker in (2) uses nevertheless to cancel the assumption that is derived from his discourse P during the conversation. The example (2) is taken from a spoken discourse in a TV show. In (2), the two speakers, Tamron Hall (the host) and Mandy Walker (the senior project editor of Consumer Reports) who conducted testing to evaluate the efficiency of mattresses, are talking about the best of the best-ranked mattress on the report.

1 The data used in this study is taken from COCA (Corpus of Contemporary American English) which consists of both written and spoken American English. (2)

TAMRON: Consumer Reports conducted rigorous testing of twenty-six different mattresses and ranked the best of the best. And Mandy Walker is senior project editor. Mandy, good morning. Good to see you. MANDY: Good morning. Good to be here. TAMRON: → I love this segment. P I just got my mom a mattress. I’m hoping that I made the right choice based on your report. Nevertheless, Q how often should we change our mattress? MANDY: You know, it depends, if you’ve had that same mattress for five to seven years, and you’re starting to wake up feeling a little achy... (MANDY continues) (NBC)

The example (2) begins with Tamron introducing Mandy to the audience by exchanging greetings with Mandy. Tamron narrated his personal experience of buying a mattress for his mother based on Mandy’s report, which he assessed as ‘the best of the best’ (marked by an arrow). He then continued to talk to Mandy by asking her about a life cycle of mattress. Here, the speech-act cancellation marked by nevertheless occurs as follows. If we hear that someone buys a new mattress which is ranked the best of the best on Consumer Reports, then we normally assume that he/she would not change the mattress for a while, that the new mattress will remain in a good condition for a while, and that we do not need to know its expiration date for the time being. However, the effect of this assumption is cancelled in the speaker’s (Tamron) following interrogative form of utterance (how often should we change our mattress?), and this conceptual cancellation is expressed by his use of nevertheless. It is also worth noting that by using nevertheless the speaker in (2) does not express his having difficulties believing the linguistic contents in the discourses P and Q to be true at the same time or his having a problem believing that the described situations can co-occur in the real world. Based on the investigation of the usages of nevertheless in attested data, this study argues (i) that the epistemic concession marked by nevertheless is construed as cancelling the causal inference evoked from the discourse P and this is motivated by the incompatibility of the speaker’s beliefs towards the linguistic contents presented in the discourses P and Q; (ii) and that the speech- act concession is construed as cancelling a certain component of our speech acts, and this can be accounted for in terms of the Gricean maxim (Grice1975), face, politeness, etc.

References Bell, David. M. 2010. Nevertheless, still, and yet: Concessive cancellative discourse markers. Journal of Pragmatics. 42: 1912-1927. Dascal, Marcelo and Tamar Katriel. 1977. Between semantics and pragmatics: The two types of ‘but’: Hebrew ‘aval’ and 'ela’. Theoretical Linguistics. 4: 143-172. Grice, Paul. 1975. Logic and conversation. In Peter Cole and Jerry Morgan (eds.), Syntax and semantics. Vol. 3: Speech acts. New York: Academic Press. 41–58. Sweetser, Eve. 1990. From etymology to pragmatics: metaphorical and cultural aspects of semantic structure. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Different Levels of Figurativity on Metonymic Expressions

Ayako Sato Shonan Institute of Technology, Japan [email protected]

In the cognitive linguistics literature, metonymy has been understood by functional approach based on the functions of referentiality and contiguity, however, recent developments in the study of figurative expressions have found that metonymic expressions have more complicated status than metaphorical ones since the metonymy is somehow located in the literal and metaphorical expressions. These studies encourage us to highlight not only prototypical metonymic expressions but also different types of figurative expressions. Nonetheless, existing studies have still focused on only prototypical metonymic expressions, disregard of other types of metonymic expressions. In this paper, I consider what kinds of metonymies exist and how they treat in existing framework and challenge to treat all kinds of metonymic expressions as a unified account, focusing in particular on different levels of figurativity. I employ Evans’s theory (2010), the Theory of Lexical Concepts and Cognitive Models (LCCM theory) in which a lexical concept (vehicle) provides access to non-linguistic knowledge (target). Using this process, this paper investigates if and how the access site differs by the degree of figurativity. I characterise all types of metonymies as unified phenomena, and this reveals that metonymy is on a continuum with other expressions, such as metaphors. My research serves as a reminder that the access route length (conceptual distance) and the levels of figurativity are correlated to each other. Without examining each function of a figurative expression like existing theories, the measurement of conceptual processing is the one indicator for demonstrating the gradation, as a result, metonymy and other expressions can be understood based on the different levels of figurativity.

References Barnden, A. John. 2010. Metaphor and metonymy: Making their connections more slippery. Cognitive Linguistics 21-1: 1-34. Evans, Vyvyan. (2009). How words mean: Lexical concepts, cognitive models, and meaning construction. Oxford, United Kingdom: Oxford university press. —. (2010). “Figurative language understanding in LCCM theory”. Cognitive Linguistics, 21(4), 601-662.

Coercion and Conceptual Blending

Soyeon Yoon Incheon National University [email protected]

Coercion is defined as a resolution of semantic incompatibility between two different levels of abstraction, i.e., a construction and a lexical item that occurs in it. For example, the verb cut is incompatible with a ditransitive construction because cut typically indicates an event that involves two participants (a monotransitive verb) while the construction indicates an event that denotes transfer of possession from one person to another, requiring three participants. Nevertheless, they can occur together as in I cut him a belt when the incompatibility is resolved. In this case, the sentence is interpreted as ‘I made a belt and gave it to him by cutting it out of leather’ (Yoon 2012). Regarding coercion, previous studies in Generative Lexicon (Pustejovsky 1995) and Sign-based Construction Grammar (Michaelis 2005) explained various types of coercion by employing formal features. Specifically, Michaelis (2005) generalized coercion as a phenomenon where constructional meaning overrides lexical meaning, implying that constructional meaning takes a dominant role in determining the entire coerced expression. However, Yoon (2012) discovered that lexical meaning contributes to the entire meaning by delimiting the coerced meaning or providing its own meaning. Moreover, some of the coerced meanings contained the meaning that exists neither in the construction nor in the lexical item. For example, in the above mentioned coerced interpretation of I cut him a belt, the meaning of “making or creating something” newly emerges as a consequence of coercion. This emergent meaning cannot be explained from the formal approaches to coercion. In addition, different coercion types (NP coercion as in a water, argument structure construction coercion as in I cut him a belt) had to be separately explained in formal approaches although they can be generalized as “the resolution of incompatibility between a construction and a lexical item.” In order to explain the complex interaction of lexical and constructional meanings and its consequential emergent meaning in a unified way, this study approaches to coercion from Cognitive Linguistics view by employing Conceptual Blending (Fauconnier and Turner 2002), as this theory is appropriate to describe a process through which two different concepts are integrated and engender new concepts. Conceptual Blending can illustrate the complex integration of the meanings of two different levels (lexicon and construction) and explain various types of coercion in a consistent way. Moreover, the theory’s “emergent structure” can explain the creative and emergent interpretation of coercion. Fauconnier and Turner (1996) explained conceptual blending of caused-motion constructions (e.g., Gogol sneezed the napkin off the table, Sarge let the tank into the compound). Essentially, in the syntactic form [Subj V NP PP], cause and motion are integrated, and this integrated event is set up in Input 1. In Input 2 unintegrated events (one does a certain action, and the other moves in a certain direction) are set up. In the blended space, the action in Input 2 can be integrated with any of the sub-features of causal action (i.e., means, manner, and motion) and the syntactic roles in Input 1 are filled with the corresponding roles in Input 2. This explanation consistently shows how a particular verb is interpreted as manner of causal action (Gogol sneezed the napkin off the table) while another verb as object’s motion (Andy rolled the drum into the warehouse), etc. However, it does not capture the generalized pattern of different types of coercion, all of which are the semantic resolution of a lexical item and a construction. Fauconnier and Turner’s modelling explains causal integration, but other types of coercion does not have to involve causal integration.. In this study, I propose a different modelling of conceptual blending by dealing with English ditransitive construction and Korean light verb construction ([NP-ul ha-da] ‘NP-ACC do-DEC, do the action of NP’). With these data, I demonstrate the blending of constructional meaning from one space and lexical meaning from the other. Also, I present multiple blends when contextual information is involved in coercion.

References Fauconnier, Gilles. and Mark Turner. 2002. The Way We Think: Conceptual Blending and the Mind;s Hidden Complexities. New York: Basic Books. Michaelis, Laura A. 2005. Entity and event coercion in a symbolic theory of syntax. In J. Östman, and M. Fried (Eds.), Construction grammars: Cognitive grounding and theoretical extensions, 45 – 88. Amsterdam; Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publishing Company. Pustejovsky, James. 1995. Linguistic Constraints on Type Coercion. In P. Saint-Dizier and E. Viegas (eds.), Computational Lexical Semantics, 71-97. Cambridge; New York; Melbourne: Cambridge University Press. Yoon, Soyeon. 2012. Constructions, Semantic Compatibility, and Coercion: An Empirical Usage-based Approach. Ph. D. Dissertation, Rice University.

Away as a solution to a mismatch between two incompatible constructions

Yongtaek Kim Georgia Institute of Technology [email protected]; [email protected]

A large number of theoretical frameworks have been applied to what verb sets can or cannot occur in a given construction (Pinker 1989, Levin 1993, Goldberg 1995, and Dixon 2005, among others). This study investigates constructional alternation among the English verb-at, verb-away-at, and verb-away constructions. Jackendoff (1997, 540) mentions that all the verb-at constructions seem acceptable with the aspectual away, and that some verbs such as carve are acceptable in the verb-at construction only if away is present: (1a) *Simmy was carving at the roast. (1b) Simmy was carving away at the roast. Interestingly, a verb-at construction is also acceptable with out as in (2b), while out cannot occur in a transitive construction as in (2a) below: (2a) *I was hurting, so I hit out you. (2b) I was hurting, so I hit out at you. (British National Corpus: JXV) This study will explore why (1b) and (2b) are acceptable, while (1a) and (2a) are not, by suggesting an Extended Semantic Map (ESM hereafter, Kim 2009). Furthermore, the ultimate goal of this study is to lay a fundamental conceptual framework on the interrelation between how we perceive a situation in an external world and how we construe it as an event structure in a conceptualized world to encode it linguistically. Construal is closely related to distribution of attention, which has two main patterns: focus of attention and windowing of attention (Talmy 2000). Focus of attention is mainly based on perceptual prominence. It is placed on participants and is typically encoded in the selection and arrangement of nominals. Windowing of attention operates on cognitive prominence. It is a cognitive process to segment some relation(s) out of an event structure. It is typically encoded in predicate or adverbial expressions. Windowing and focus of attention will be used to define the X- and Y-axes of the ESM. An event structure can be categorized typically as either an [Activity]-windowing or a [Change]- windowing construction, and [Activity]-windowing constructions are less likely to occur with [Change]-windowing constructions. That is why a [Change]-windowing carve construction cannot occur in [Activity]-windowing constructions, such as verb-at construction, as in (1a) above. However, windowing of attention has been shifted from [Change] to [Activity] by adding away to carve construction where away indicates a repetitive activity, whereby (1b) has become acceptable. Likewise, the shift of windowing attention could also explain why (2b) is acceptable, while (2a) is not. A mismatch between a [Change]-windowing carve construction and an [Activity]-windowing verb-at can be solved by replacing a [Change]-windowing carve construction with an [Activity]- windowing carve-away construction, which perfectly fits with another [Activity]-windowing verb- at construction. The process of this solution to a mismatch between the two constructions can be visually shown by mapping the three constructions onto an ESM. It is also supported by an in- depth analysis of British National Corpus analysis. The ESM approach offers a complete explanation for the problem of what verb types can and cannot be coerced in a construction. Furthermore, it lays a fundamental conceptual framework for the syntax-semantics interface of language-internal and cross-linguistic constructions.

Reference

Dixon, R.M.W. 2005. A Semantic Approach to English Grammar. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Goldberg, Adele. 1995. Constructions: A Construction Grammar Approach to Argument Structure. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Jackendoff, Ray. 1997. Twistin‘ the night away. Language 73: 534-59. Kim, Yong-Taek. 2009. Event Construal and Its Linguistic Encoding: Towards an Extended Semantic Map Model. Ph.D. dissertation. University of Oregon. Levin, Beth. 1993. English Verb Classes and Alternations: A Preliminary Investigation. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Pinker, Steven. 1989. Learnability and Cognition: The Acquisition of Argument Structure. Cambridge, Massachusetts: MIT Press. Talmy, Leonard. 2000. Toward a Cognitive Semantics. Volume I: Concept Structuring System. Cambridge, Massachusetts: The MIT Press.

Hearer-proximal demonstratives as fictive-motion expressions: Korean geu- and Japanese so-

Yongtaek Kim and Katsunobu Izutsu Georgia Institute of Technology and Hokkaido University of Education [email protected], [email protected]

Previous studies on fictive motion have mainly focused on motion verbs and/or prepositions (Talmy 1983, Langacker 1987, Matsumoto 1996, Matlock 2004, Stosic et al. 2015, among others). This paper argues that hearer-proximal demonstratives in Korean and Japanese are another instance of fictive motion. Unlike English, Korean and Japanese demonstrative have three-way distinctions: i-, geu-, and jeo- (Korean) and ko-, so- and a- (Japanese). The i- and ko- (proximal) series refers to things closer to the speaker than the hearer, the geu- and so-(medial) series for things closer to the hearer, and the jeo- and a- (distal) series for things distant from both the speaker and the hearer as in (1). However, geu-/so- can be used to indicate an object far from both the speaker and the hearer as in (2), which is supposed to be referred to with the distal demonstratives, jeo-/aso-.

(1K) i/geu/jeo chaeg eoddae-yo? this/that/that over there book how-POL (1J) ko/so/a-no hon doo-desu-ka? this/that/that.over.there book how-COP.POL-Q ‘How is this/that book/the book over there?’

(2K) jeogi eunhaeng-i boi-ji-yo? geogi-eseo oreunjjog-euro over.there bank-NOM visible-NMLZ-POL there-LOC right-toward dol-myeon haggyo-ga iss-eoyo turn-if school-NOM exist-POL (2J) asoko-ni ginkoo-ga mieru-desyo. soko-de migi-ni over.there-at bank-NOM visible-innit there-LOC right-toward magaru-to gakkoo-ga ari-masu turn-if school-NOM exist-POL ‘You can see a bank over there, right? If you make a right there, you will see a school.’

This study argues that the speaker can use geu-/so- in contexts like (2) because s/he conceives herself/himself as (i) sending the hearer to the bank (Korean) or (ii) bringing the object to the hearer (Japanese), both of which are considered as fictive motion. Now the bank is hearer-proximal. That is why the geu- and so- demonstratives are employed respectively rather than the jeo- and a-. The understanding behind (i), for example, can be drawn as below: ‘If you make a Fictive right, you will ‘there see a school.’ (=at the motion ‘You can see a bank over there, right?’ bank)’ speak

Considering the relevant meaning of the demonstratives geu-/so- as fictive motion can explain cognitive motivation for the language use. It would also be very useful to explain the usages of the demonstratives, geu-/so- in Second Language Teaching.

References

Langacker, R.W. 1986. ‘Abstract motion.’ BLS 12: 455-471. Matlock,T. 2004. ‘The conceptual motivation of fictive motion.’ in G Radden & K-U Panther (eds) Studies in Linguistic Motivation. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. pp. 221-248. Matsumoto, Y. 1996. ‘Subjective motion and English and Japanese verbs.’ Cognitive Linguistics 7: 183-226. Stosic, D., Fagard, B., Sarda, L., Colin, C. 2015. Does the road go up the mountain? Fictive motion between linguistic conventions and cognitive motivations. Cognitive Processing, Springer Verlag. Talmy L 1983 ‘How language structures space’ in HL Pick Jr & LP Acredolo (eds) Spatial Orientation: theory, research, and application. New York: Plenum Press. pp. 225-282.

The Nature of Spaces Built by -e/a kaciko and -e/ase in Modern Spoken Korean

Boo Kyung Jung University of Hawai‘i at Mānoa [email protected]

Two clausal connectives -e/ase and -e/a kaciko in Korean look identical in that they are freely interchangeable expressing both causality and sequential relations. The study on kaciko, though, has been mostly skewed on the grammaticalization of the verb kaci(ta) itself rather than on the phrase as a clausal connective, lacking examination of the differences it has with the -e/ase clause. The present study adopts the Mental Space Theory (Fauconnier, 1985) to investigate their unique functions in modern spoken Korean.

Data: This paper sets out to consider the common usage of -e/a kaciko in a colloquial setting so ten hours of telephone conversation (40 different calls) from a corpus were analyzed. The data shows that -e/a kaciko is used to express content-level causality (Sweetser, 1990) like -e/ase as in (1). However, they exhibit a subtle difference in the omission of the main clause, Q. 15.3% of -e/a kaciko clause is realized without Q, while the ratio is 3.4% in -e/ase clause among 229 and 207 tokens respectively. The Q omitted tokens were analyzed qualitatively.

Analysis: Analysis shows that 85 % of Q-omitted tokens in -e/a kaciko construction belong to one of the two patterns. The first is to generate the speaker’s assessment space about the context space as in (2). The newly proposed assessment reveals how the speaker views the context, such as his/her emotions or attitude. The second is to introduce a speaker’s account space as in (3). Right before this introduction, the anti-context space, which was contrary to the previous context space, is explicitly (e.g., through -(n)untey) or implicitly shared by the hearer and the speaker. The role of -e/a kaciko here is to provide a justification why the anti-context space occurred, often implying the speaker’s regret or excuse. On the other hand, the role of -e/ase clause in the most Q-unrealized constructions is to modify the hearer’s belief space on the context space as in (4). The discrepancy found in the hearer’s understanding on the shared context calls for the necessity for the speaker to fix it and restore their sharedness.

Discussion: I propose that the use of -e/a kaciko to show one’s assessment or account is motivated by expansion of the prototypical meaning of the verb kaci(ta) ‘to possess/have’ to abstract or innate entity (Yi, 2006). Despite undergoing grammaticalization as a clausal connective, the cognitive perception of the verb still seems to be at play. The use of -e/ase to regress to the premise seems appropriate as well considering the morpheme -se in Korean is cognitively representing a starting point as in the source proposition -eyse ‘from’. Second, the purpose of presenting spaces is to acquire intersubjectivity between interlocutors. While -e/a kaciko clause achieves its goal by showing the speaker’s stance and inviting the hearer to the assessment or account space, -e/ase clause tries to fix the mismatched domain to harmonize mutual understanding. The ellipsis of Q seems to reduce the pragmatic burden by not calling the effect into recognition. The limited number of tokens, however, require further investigation from diverse discourse.

Examples (1) ku hay hongswu-ka na KACIKO tosi -ka mwul-ey camki -ess -tay. that year flood NOM occur KACIKO city-NOM water-by submerge-PST-HEARSAY. That year, because (KACIKO) flood occurred, the city was submerged, (I heard).

(2) (the speaker talks about her friend’s wearing a weird t-shirt) kulen t i-syechu-lul ip -ko iss-nun -ke -ya. nemwu wuskye KACIKO that kind of T-shirt -ACC wear-PRG-ADN thing-be. too funny KACIKO The thing is that (he was) wearing that kind of T-shirt. Because (KACIKO) it was so funny

(3) (the speaker talks about her colleague’s visit to her town and didn’t meet him/her yet) wass-umyen manna-ya toy-canha, kuntey yenlak-i an-, yenlakhaki himtul-e KACIKO came -then meet have to-you know, but contact-NOM not, contacting hard KACIKO (since s/he) came, so we have to meet you know, but contact is not-, because (KACIKO) contacting is hard

(4) (after the hearer says that she thought their parents should’ve reserved the bus ticket in advance) kunte, ince cwu cwung-i -ko macim ches cha-la-SE but, you-know week middle-be-and just first bus-be-SE but you know it was a weekday and because (SE) it happened to be the first bus

References Fauconnier, G. (1985). Mental spaces: Aspects of meaning construction in natural language. Cambridge, Massachusetts: MIT Press. Sweetser, E. (1990). From etymology to pragmatics. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Yi, S-r. (2006). Inci enehakuy kwancemeyse pon hankwuke soyu pyohyen yeonkwu [Study on possession expressions in Korean from cognitive linguistics perspective]. Seoul, Korea: Pakijeng.

Time deixis in authoritarian period: a case from Taiwan

Jennifer M. Wei English Department, Soochow University, Taiwan [email protected]

Political speeches may be viewed as interactional contributions to identity politics, accomplish political purposes of inclusion and exclusion as well as mobilize collective efforts (cf. Reisigl 2008, p. 251). They contain conceptualized time deixis expressions like today, nowadays, and now, which may be analyzed based on Space, Time and Axiological Model (STA) from Cap (2006) and the concept of proximization (Chilton 2004; Cap 2006). Cap (2006) proposes that legitimization is the principal goal of the political speaker seeking justification and support of actions which the speaker manifestly intends to perform in the vital interest of the addressee (Cap 2006:6). In this presentation we use commemorative speeches by Chiang Kai-Shek (CKS, 1887 to 1975) found in the Taiwan Presidential Corpus (Huang and Ahrens 2008) to study how these expressions are used to facilitate issues related to legitimization in testing times in the authoritarian period (1950s to 1970s) in Taiwan. Combining both discourse analysis and corpus-assisted method, we have found time deixis used to depict TIME IS SPACE, MOVING OBJECT as well as SEQUENCE IN A RELATIVE POSITION ON A PATH (Lakoff and Johnson 1980; Moore 2014). In addition, time deixis can alert real and imaginary adversary to heighten tension as well as contrast past and now to depict positive US and negative THEM. Time summons, timing represented as being imposed through an authoritative summons (Leeuwen 2008, p. 77) further helps make events and actions seem inescapable. Lastly, difference between chronos and kairos is distinguished where the former can be conceived both by its location along a real/imaginary timeline as well as by its physical situatedness in a particular location, and the latter expresses the significance of a certain moment within a synchronized historical flow symbolizing opportune moment for collective military actions in testing times (cf. Prash 2016, p. 173). The material, the method and results should help us better understand TIME through time deixis in political speeches. The different meanings and perspectives constructed not only reveal how the speaker privileging certain people, place and time for collective actions but also offer objective and systematic ways to relate time deixis beyond immediate conversational exchanges.

References Cap, Piotr. 2006. Legitimization in Political Discourse: A Cross-Disciplinary Perspective on the Modern US War Rhetoric. Cambridge: Cambridge Scholars Press. Chilton, Paul. 2004. Analyzing Political Discourse: Theory and Practice. New York: Routledge. Lakoff, George and Johnson, Mark. 1980. Metaphors We Live By. Chicago: Chicago University Press. Moore, Kevin Ezra. 2014. The Spatial Language of Time: Metaphor, metonymy, and frames of reference. Philadelphia: John Benjamin Publishing Company. Prasch, Allison M. 2016. “Toward a Rhetorical Theory of Deixis,” Quarterly Journal of Speech, 2016 Vol. 102, No. 2, 166-193. Leeuwen, Theo Van. 2008. Discourse and Practice: New Tools for Critical Discourse Analysis. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Reisigl, Martin. 2008a. Rhetoric of political speeches. In Handbook of Communication in the Public Sphere, ed. Ruth Wodak, and Veronika Koller, 243-267. Berlin: Mouton de Guyer. Reisigl, Martin. 2008b. Analyzing political rhetoric. In Qualitative Discourse Analysis in Social Science, ed. Ruth Wodak, and Michael Krzyzanowsk, 96-119. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. Venschueren, J. (1999) Understanding Pragmatics. London: Arnold.

Cognitive Modelling for Space and Time

In-Young Jhee Korea National Sport University

[email protected]

This paper deals with the conceptualization of time and space and their linguistic expressions. The ways to conceptualize time and space differ in various languages and the ways of representing time and space with languages are different, too. The purpose of this paper is to analyze the ways of perceiving and understanding or conceptualizing ‘time’ and ‘space’ and to look for the ways of representing time and space in languages in the framework of Cognitive Linguistics. I suppose that there are different cognitive models for conceptualization of time and space utilized in different languages and I’d like to define and categorize them. Conceptualizing in human mind can be considered as the process of cognitive modelling. This paper begins with discussions of the concept of ‘time’ compared to its counterpart, the concept ‘space’. The understanding or conceptualizing the abstract concept ‘time’ is closely interrelated with, or based on the understanding of the concrete concept ‘space’. Both of the concepts, ‘time’ and ‘space’ are human basic primitives of recognizing and understanding objects and events in the environment. These two concepts have been considered as the important fundamentals in linguistic researches. Langacker(1991) introduced ‘time’ and ‘space’ as the set of ‘basic domains’ in his theoretical framework. Wierzbicka(1996) also suggest them as the ‘semantic primitives’. If only the values of two domains are given, then things and events are accommodated in the world. In other words, to represent things and events of the world in language, these two values of ‘time’ and ‘space’ need to be involved. On the other side, when we understand and construe the situations of the world including things and events more properly and correctly, we also need with ‘time’ and ‘space’ (or ‘place’) value. Therefore, in both interpreting and representing the world situations, the concept ‘time’ functions as a very important factor with the concepts ‘space’. Moreover, these two concepts are different in accessibility. ‘Space’ is more physical and concrete, whereas ‘time’ is more abstract. Hence, the more abstract ‘time’ is usually understood and represented in terms of ‘space’ which is much easier to access based on metaphor and metonymy relation. In this paper, time and space expressions in Korean, English and Japanese are analyzed and categorized. In addition, different cultural influences and connotations affected in the relation will be considered.

References Akhundov, M. D. 1986. Conceptions of Space and Time. Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press. Fauconnier, Gilles. 1997. Mappings in Thought and Language. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Fauconnier, Gilles and Sweetser, Eve E.(eds.) 1996. Spaces, Worlds and Grammar. Chicago: Chicago University Press. Langacker, Ronald W. 1991. Concept, Image, and Symbol. The Cognitive Basis of Grammar. Mouton de Gruyter. Talmy, L. 1983. How language structures space. In H. Pick and L. Acredolo(eds.), Spatial Orientation: Theory, Research and Application. 225-82. New York: Plenum Press. Traugott, E. C. 1978. On the expression of spatio-temporal relations in language. In J. H. Greenburg(ed.), Universals of human language: Vol. 3. Word structure. pp. 369- 400. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press. Wierzbicka, A. 1996. Semantics: Primes and Universals. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Future event reference: where evidentiality, modality, and mirativity intersect

Katsunobu Izutsu, Yongtaek Kim, and Takeshi Koguma Hokkaido University of Education, Georgia Institute of Technology, and University of Shiga Prefecture [email protected]

This study argues that English, Japanese, and Korean grammatical devices treated as evidential and/or modal expressions can be better accounted for with regard to different pragmatic functions of future reference. In English, various expressions can be recruited to refer to future snowfall: modals (It will[can/may/must] snow, etc.) and/or evidentials (I think[hear] or They say it’ll snow; It’s going [supposed] to snow; It looks[feels] like snow, etc.) (Chafe 1986). Similarly, a repertoire of comparable expressions can be found in Japanese (-kamo(sirenai), -daroo, -nitigainai; -to-omou, -tte, -mitai(da), -rasii, -yooda, - sooda, etc.) and Korean (-ljidomolla, -geoya, -gesseo, - lgeosimeteullimeobseo; -lgeogata, -ryeogohae, -lgeorae, -lgeongaboa, -ryeoneungaboa, etc.) (Aoki 1986; Song 2010). In spoken Japanese and Korean, some expressions cannot be felicitously used in contexts where others can. In (1a), for instance, -kamo(sirenai), -to-omou, -tte, -mitai, and -rasii can but the others cannot be employed in the parenthesized position. Likewise, in (1b), -gesseo, - lgeosimeteullimeobseo, and -ryeoneungaboa are awkward, while the others are natural. To add a final particle (Japanese -yo/ne or Korean -ji/ne) can improve the unnatural expressions. We demonstrate that utterances of future event reference, centered around “pragmatic markers” (Fraser 1996) or particles, serve four major functions: to verbalize a prediction, to express his or her surprise, to alert the addressee to a future event, or to invite the addressee to a certain decision/action. Extending our analysis to English expressions, we propose an account of why the three languages have so many expressions for future event reference.

(1) a. konya-wa dekakeru-no yame-yoo. yuki huru-( ). JAPANESE tonight-TOP go.out-NMLZ stop-let’s snow fall b. oneul bam wechulha-ji mal-ja. nun-i o-( ). KOREAN today night go.out-NMLZ stop-let’s snow-NOM come ‘Let’s not go out tonight. It may[’s supposed to] snow.’

Unlike other languages with “grammatical evidentiality” (Aikhenvald 2004) such as Tibeto- Burman (Anderson 1986) or Ainu (Nakagawa 1995), the three languages do not sufficiently distinguish kinds of evidence such as visual, auditory, olfactory, hearsay, inference, etc. This fact might imply that the relevant expressions “can acquire an additional evidential-like meaning as a ‘side effect’ without having ‘source of information’ as their primary meaning” (Aikhenvald 2003: 18). It is also the fact, however, that some of those expressions are certainly of evidential origins. We will go one step further to maintain that the expressions, somehow usable for future event reference, come to serve one or some of the four pragmatic functions and thereby group themselves into a few different classes.

References Aikhenvald, Alexandra Y. 2003. Evidentiality in typological perspective. Alexandra Y. Aikhenvald and R. M. W. Dixon (eds.), Studies in Evidentiality, 1-31. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Aikhenvald, Alexandra Y. 2004. Evidentiality. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Anderson, Lloyd B. 1986. Evidentials, paths of change, and mental maps: typologically regular asymmetries. Chafe and Nichols (eds.), 273-312. Aoki, Haruo. 1986. Evidentiality in Japanese. Chafe and Nichols (eds.), 223-238. Chafe, Wallace and Johanna Nichols (eds.). 1986. Evidentiality: The Linguistic Coding of Epistemology. Norwood, NJ: Ablex. Fraser, Bruce. 1996. Pragmatic markers. Pragmatics 6: 167-190. Nakagawa, Hiroshi. 1995. Ainugo Chitose Hogen Jiten [A dictionary of the Chitose dialect of Ainu]. Tokyo: Sofukan. Song, Kyung-An. 2010. Various evidentials in Korean. PACLIC 24 Proceedings, 895-905.

Seoul National University International Conference on Linguistics: KASELL Theme Session - English Linguistics and Its Application to English Learning and Teaching

 Date: 15-16 June 2018  Location: [Bldg. 14 - Room 204] Seoul National University

Day 1

Speaker #6 Vanessa H K Pang (The Chinese University of Hong Kong) 16:00-16:10 Break

Day 2

12:25-13:30 Lunch

Speaker #11 Gui-sun Moon (Hansung University) 16:00-16:10 Break

18: 00 - Reception at Hoam Faculty Hotel

Alternate for regular presentation: Structural priming effects at the ellipsis site - Sunjoo Choi & Jeong-Ah Shin (Dongguk University)

The Phonology of International English: a Communicative Course in Advanced English

Luis Guerra (University of Evora)

This paper aims at proposing a course on advanced English which focuses on the development of communicative and linguistic competences based on the recognition (receptive skills) and production (productive skills) of pronunciation features of international English. The topics to be covered during the course include two of the "core" areas of linguistic theory (phonetics and phonology) as well as updated applied linguistics theories on English as an International Language (EIL) and World Englishes. On the one hand, the phonological competences to be developed by the students involve the knowledge of, and skill in the perception and production of: (1) the sound units (phonemes) of the language and their realization in particular contexts (allophones); (2) the phonetic features which distinguish phonemes (distinctive features, e.g. voicing, rounding, nasality, plosion); and (3) the phonetic composition of words (syllable structure; the sequence of phonemes, word stress, word tones). On the other hand, it introduces new advances and far-reaching research results and implications for English language learning and teaching based on the linguistic and cultural phenomenon of the global spread of the English language. Inevitably, the leading role of English as a language of international communication calls for significant pedagogical changes in the approaches, mindsets and procedures, which have so far been dominant in the language classroom. Aiming at ultimately providing learners with the necessary tools to help them adequately use English in a global context, researchers have put forward theoretical and practical frameworks establishing a new set of knowledge which advocate an innovative way of perceiving the English language. Moving away from a teaching English as a Foreign Language approach, teaching English as an International Language attempts to incorporate the necessary changes in perceptions and practices in the English classroom. Consequently, exposing students to international varieties of English (World Englishes) has become an indispensable and crucial practice in the language classroom. Basically, this course establishes three main objectives: (1) to enable students to express themselves spontaneously, very fluently and precisely, differentiating finer shades of meaning even in more complex situations; (2) to equip students with some tools and techniques for linguistic analysis and the identification of organizing principles of the English language; (3) to provide advanced training in various areas of language analysis and to develop a multidisciplinary approach within which to seek appropriate solutions to linguistic problems. Furthermore, and most importantly, it pursues six specific objectives: (1) to demonstrate the theoretical and practical bases of English descriptive linguistics in the areas of phonetics and phonology; (2) to describe speech sounds, to know what an individual sound is and how each sound differs from all others; (3) to identify, describe and produce the sounds of standard English (Received Pronunciation/RP and General American/GA) and how they may be strung together to form meaningful units; (4) to recognize the social dimension of Standard English, namely the phonological markers of regional and social class variation; (5) to identify the phonological markers of native and non-native English varieties/EIL; and (6) to perceive the phonological variation and social relevance of performance varieties. Consequently, the syllabus of the course is devised around four main themes: (1) introduction to phonetics; (2) the phonology of Standard English; (3) geographical varieties of Standard English; and (4) international varieties of English (endonormative, nativized/standardizing and performance varieties). In the first section, learners will become familiar with some basic concepts of articulatory phonetics, the places and manners of articulation of English consonants, the articulation and description of English vowels, and the phonetic alphabet. In section two, learners will explore core phonological notions such as phones, phonemes, allophones, minimal pairs/sets, distinctive and redundant features, complementary and contrastive distribution, homonyms, homophones, and contrastive stress. Next, in section three, building on the practical knowledge acquired in the previous sections, learners will recognize some main phonological characteristics of accents of British English/RP and American English/GA. Lastly, learners will get acquainted with an array of phonological features of international varieties of English, such as endonormative varieties (Scotland, Ireland and Wales; Australia, Canada, New Zealand and South Africa); standardizing varieties (South Asia, West Africa/East Africa/Southern Africa, South-East Asia, South Pacific and the Caribbean); and performance/EFL varieties. Finally, this paper also examines some fundamental practical implications of the study of the phonological features of international varieties of English/World Englishes to language curriculum development, teaching methodology, teacher education and learners’ intercultural competence.

Main bibliography: AKMAJIAN, A., R. A. Demers, A. K. Farmer & R. M. Harnish. (1995). Linguistics: An Introduction to Language and Communication. Cambridge: The MIT Press. BOLTON, W. F. & D. Crystal. (eds.) (1993). The English Language. London: Penguin Book. CRYSTAL, D. (1995). The Cambridge Encyclopedia of the English Language. Cambridge: CUP. FARMER, A. K. & R. A. Demers. (1996). A Linguistics Workbook. Cambridge: The MIT Press. FROMKIN, V. & R. Rodman. (1988). An Introduction to Language. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, Inc. KACHRU, B. B., Y. Kachru & C. L. Nelson. (2006). The Handbook of World Englishes. Oxford: Wiley-Blackwell. MALMKJAER, K. (ed.) (1996). The Linguistics Encyclopedia. London: Routledge. McARTHUR, T. (ed.) (1992). The Oxford Companion to the English Language. Oxford: OUP. McARTHUR, T. (2003). Oxford Guide to World English. Oxford: OUP. MELCHERS, G. & P. Straw. (2003). World Englishes. London: Arnold. PLATT, J., H. Weber & M. L. Ho. (1984). The New Englishes. London: Routledge and Keagan Paul. TRUDGILL, P. & J. Hannah (2002). International English: a Guide to the Varieties of Standard English. London: Arnold. Appositive attachment in L2 sentence comprehension

Junhyeok Kwon, Phillip Yoongoo Jung, Myung-Kwan Park

(Dongguk University)

This study aims to examine how Korean learners of English comprehend appositive relative clauses and nominal appositives. Appositive structures have been investigated by syntacticians and semanticists, but the consensus on the grammatical organization of this structure has not been made. In spite of the attention from the perspective of syntax and semantics, appositive structures have not been explored in psycholinguistics. In this research, we take up the debates where linguistic analyses on appositive structures and questions over how Korean learners of English interact appositive structures with their host clause in L2 sentence comprehension. There have been different approaches to capture the relation between the appositive relative clause and its host clause. We suggest two competing views on the structure: one is the Main Clause Hypothesis (MCH), and the other is the Subordinate Clause Hypothesis (SCH). While SCH assumes that appositive structure makes a local syntactic relation with its host clause, MCH claims that the appositive structure is generated as its own clause without the relation with its host clause. Based on these two analyses, we conduct 3 experiments (replication of Dillon, Brian et al. 2018) to examine whether Korean learners of English syntactically locate the appositive structure related to its host clause or put the structure separately on its own. In experiment 1, by comparing appositive relative clauses and nominal appositives with restrictive relative clauses triggering ambiguous syntactic structures, it is examined whether Korean learners of English comprehend the appositive like restrictive relative clauses. Experiment 2 examines whether a nominal appositive placed at the end of a sentence can refer a distant syntactic head across an intervening appositive relative clause as the nominal appositive across a restrictive relative clause. In consideration of experiment 2 with a nominal appositive, experiment 3 is to test whether syntactic reanalysis is possible across appositive relative clauses as it is across restrictive relative clause. The results from experiments taken together, we suggest that Korean learners of English make a local syntactic relation between appositive relative clauses (and nominal appositives) and their host clauses as comparable to restrictive relative clauses. This comparability indicates that appositive relative clauses do not vitiate availability of the syntactic dependency in host clauses preceding the appositive structures. As might have been expected, these results of L2 processing can be taken to support for a local syntactic relation of appositive structures with their host clauses, but against the analysis of appositive structures constituting their own clauses.

Simultaneous processing of grammar and world-knowledge in second language

Hyunah Ahn ([email protected])–Seoul National University

This study investigates how grammar and real-world knowledge are integrated by second language (L2) learners in real-time sentence processing and discusses its implications for the variability of L2 learning outcomes. Integrating multiple sources of information in sentence processing has been studied by many[1]-[3] but few considered the integration of linguistic and non-linguistic information. As the age of onset for L2 learning increases, the learner has more knowledge about the world, which makes the general meaning-making of a sentence easier but decreases the attention paid to parts of a sentence that contributes relatively little to meaning–inflectional morphology. This study operationalized linguistic and non-linguistic information with learners’ grammatical knowledge (GK) on English articles and world Figure 1 knowledge (WK) on relationships between occupations and objects, respectively. The results show that L1- English speakers (L1ers) show sensitivity to the (un)grammaticality of English articles in the presence of WK but L1-Korean L2-English learners (L2ers) Figure 2 could react to the (un)grammaticality of English articles only in the absence of WK. Experiment 1 tested whether both L1ers and L2ers had the same GK on the English articles as markers of definiteness as uniqueness. Participants were presented with visual stimuli as in Figure 1 followed by incomplete sentences (Example 1). Both L1 and advanced L2 speakers predicted the unique referent significantly more at the cue of a definite article than an indefinite article (Figure 2), which confirmed that L1 and advanced-L2 speakers had the same GK. Figure 3 Example 1 “The woman wants to buy the/a…”

Experiment 2 (norming) tested whether both L1ers and L2ers had the same WK on the relationships between occupations and objects. Participants were presented only with visual stimuli (Figures 3 & 4) and were asked to choose the object they believed was most closely related to the person in the center. Out of 40 items, 28 that elicited the highest agreement (> 85%) on the Figure 4 relationships between people and objects were selected for Experiment 3. Experiment 3 tested how WK and GK are incrementally processed. Visual stimuli as in Figures 3 & 4 were followed by auditory stimuli as in Examples 2 &3. Participants were asked to press the button as fast as possible for the object that they believe corresponds to the final word of the auditory stimuli. Reaction time (RT) was log-transformed and analyzed for residuals. Figures 5 & 6 show the results.

Example 2 a. The man will want to use the [+G] basketball [+W]. [+G, +W] b. The man will want to use a [–G] basketball [+W]. [–G, +W] c. The man will want to use a [+G] computer [–W]. [+G, –W] d. The man will want to use the [–G] computer [–W]. [–G, –W]

Example 3 a. The woman will want to buy a [+G] microscope [+W]. [+G, +W] b. The woman will want to buy the [–G] microscope [+W]. [–G, +W] c. The woman will want to buy the [+G] sweater [–W]. [+G, –W] d. The woman will want to buy a [–G] sweater [–W]. [–G, –W]

L1 (Figure 5): Main effect of WK (p = .01) and interaction of GK and WK (p = .03) were significant. RT was the fastest in [+G, +W]. Even when the final word of the sentence matched their WK-based prediction [+W] (e.g., basketball player–basketball and scientist–microscope), L1 speakers sensitively reacted to [–G] articles. In [–W] where WK did not help process the sentence, [±G] did not make a significant difference in RT. L2 (Figure 6): However, advanced-L2 speakers, who were confirmed to have the same GK on English articles in Experiment 2, could not make a GK-based [±G] distinction in [+W]; they could do so only in [–W]. Main effects of GK (p = .02) and WK (p = .00) were significant but their interaction was not (p=.36). The results imply that, when non-linguistic information [+W] can help process sentences, L2ers might not pay close attention to grammatical subtleties.

Figure 5–L1 Figure 6–L2

Discussion: The different behavior observed in the two groups are discussed in terms of reaction time difference in processing grammatical knowledge. Future research directions will be presented so as to examine whether the pattern shown is attributable to any qualitative difference in the two groups.

References [1] Clahsen & Felser (2006). Grammatical processing in language learners. Applied Psycholinguistics, 27(1), 3-42. [2] Phillips & Ehrenhofer (2015). The role of language processing in language acquisition. Linguistic Approaches to Bilingualism, 5(4), 409–453. [3] Sorace & Filliaci (2006). Anaphora resolution in near-native speakers of Italian. Second Language Research, 22(3), 339-368. Learnability and Pedagogical Implications: A Processability Perspective of Textbook Evaluation in EFL Settings

Xiaofei Tang (Wuhan University of Technology)

L2 acquisition cannot occur without input, and textbooks serve as the primary form of input for learners, especially in the FL context. In Mainland China, ESL learners have little or no natural exposure to the target language. Textbooks are the main source of L2 exposure for learners. Therefore, it is essential to write textbooks based on language acquisition principles. Currently, the majority of evaluation studies on textbooks address the potential value of textbooks (McDonough & Shaw, 1993; Mukundan, Hajimohammadi, & Nimehchisalem, 2011), the actual effects of textbooks on users (Shi & Ji, 2011), and the pragmatic information and the authenticity of textbook contexts (Petraki & Bayes, 2013). Only a few studies adopt the SLA theories to evaluate textbooks (Lenzing, 2008; Zipser, 2012).

This presentation reports on a study designed to fill this gap by examining whether the sequencing of grammatical structures in four sets of primary-school EFL textbooks widely used in China is compatible with the natural sequence of L2 development given these textbooks. Motivated by a psycholinguistically-based SLA theory—Processability Theory (PT; Bettoni & Di Biase, 2015; Pienemann, 1998, 2005), which describes, explains and predicts the obligatory staged development that L2 learners follow, this study conducted an analysis of the grammatical foci in the textbooks and an ‘emergence analysis’ of oral speech production by two 11-year-old pupils of L1 Mandarin Chinese who had been using the selected textbooks over 2 years.

Major findings revealed a partial agreement between the sequencing of grammatical structures in the four textbook series and the natural sequence of ESL development. The pupils were not able to produce those structures that located at a high developmental stage, due to that the underlying processing procedures were not available to those learners at the early level of their ESL acquisition process. The deviant grading of some structures is possibly associated with the theme-based guidelines adopted in the textbook compilation. It appears that concerns with the utility of structures in a given context takes precedence over concerns for the natural L2 development. This presentation concludes with a number of pedagogical suggestions for grammar instruction in instructed SLA and textbook development, focusing on the role of input, the learners’ developmental readiness, and the issue of heterogeneity in L2 classrooms.

References Bettoni, C. & Di Biase, B. (2015). Grammatical Development in Second Languages: Exploring the Boundaries of Processability Theory. European Second Language Acquisition. Lenzing, A. (2008). Teachability and learnability: An analysis of primary school textbooks. In J.-U. Kessler (Ed.), Processability Approaches to Second Language Development and Second Language Learning (pp. 221-241). Newcastle, UK: Cambridge Scholars Publishing. McDonough, J., & Shaw, C. (1993). Materials and Methods in ELT: A Teacher's Guide. Oxford: Blackwell. Mukundan, J., Hajimohammadi, R., & Nimehchisalem, V. (2011). Developing an English Language Textbook Evaluation Checklist: A Focus Group Study. International Journal of Humanities and Social Science, 1(12), 100-106. Petraki, E., & Bayes, S. (2013). Teaching oral requests: an evaluation of five English as a second language coursebooks. Pragmatics, 23(3), 499-517. Pienemann, M. (1998). Language Processing and Second Language Development: Processability Theory. Philadelphia: J. Benjamins. Pienemann, M. (2005). Cross-Linguistic Aspects of Processability Theory. Amsterdam: Benjamins. Shi, J., & Ji, R. (2011). (The construction and application of evaluation system for English visual and verbal teaching materials). Education Research Monthly, (05), 68-74. Zipser, K. (2012). Processability theory and pedagogical progression in an Italian textbook. Linguistica, 52(1), 55-68.

Approaches and Challenges to World Englishes for ESP in the Capstone Design Course: Tourism and Convention English

Kyong-Sook Song (Dongeui University)

The major reason that English has gained the global predominance is not only because of the fact that today non-native speakers of English outnumber its native speakers, but also because of the fact that speakers of English have gained and exercised economic, political, and sociocultural powers (Crystal 2003, Graddol 1997, McKay 2002, etc.). In the era of globalization, new forms of English, born of new countries with new communicative needs, should be accepted into the marvelously flexible and adaptable galaxy of “Englishes” (Strevens 1980: 90). In Outer and Expanding Circle countries (Kachru 1992), the model of English (native-speaker, nativized, or lingua franca) that should be used in classrooms has been a subject of debate, and the choice is often made on political and ideological grounds rather than educational ones (Crystal 2003, etc.). An approach to language teaching in which all decisions as to contents and methods are based on the learner’s reason for learning is ESP (Hutchinson & Waters 1987: 19). ESP(English for specific purposes) is first nicely defined by Strevens (1988), whose ESP may be, but is not necessarily, restricted as to the language skills to be learned, and not taught according to any pre-ordained methodology. The difference between the ESP and the General English approach is “in theory nothing, in practice a great deal” (Hutchinson & Walters 1987: 53). Three types of ESP identified by Carter (1983) are (1) English as a restricted language, (2) English for Academic and Occupational Purposes, and (3) English with specific topics. Carter (1983) states three features common to ESP courses as (1) authentic material, (2) purpose- related orientation, and (3) self-direction. Areas of ESP which have gained popularity in Korea are Tourism English and Convention English. Capstone Design is a culminating course designed to give students the chance to apply the knowledge they have acquired throughout their education to real-world situations, and to encapsulate all the learning objectives of a student's major. In the Capstone Design course, students practice authentic learning, collaborative learning, and problem/project-based learning; they explore the opportunity to work in teams with real-world, open-ended, and interdisciplinary challenges. Korean university students consider their proficiency in English as the key to their career success. They encounter a wide variety of global citizens from different sociocultural backgrounds, and they need to communicate in a wide variety of Englishes. Korean university students demonstrate distinctive language awareness and attitudes toward Standard English and different varieties of English. This paper explores the approaches and challenges to World Englishes for ESP in the Capstone Design course with a focus on Tourism and Convention English. This paper explores how to expand the horizons of World Englishes for Tourism and Convention English by utilizing various multimedia resources, and how to implement the Capstone Design project for the tourism and convention sectors by employing various learning and teaching methods. This paper confirms the functional approaches to World Englishes and the empirical challenges to the Capstone Design for ESP, Tourism and Convention English.

References Crystal, David. (2003). English as a Global Language. 2nd Ed. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Hutchinson, Tom and Alan Waters. (1987). English for Specific Purposes: A Learner Centered Approach. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. McKay, Sandra Lee. (2002). Teaching English as an International Language: Rethinking Goals and Perspectives. New York: Oxford University Press. Song, Kyong-Sook. (2007). Understanding Global Society English: World Englishes (in Korean). Hankookmunhwasa. Strevens, Peter. (1980). Teaching English as an International Language: From Practice To Principle. New York/Oxford: Pergamon Press.

Applying Cognitive Linguistics to Teaching English Tense and Aspect in the Foreign Language Classroom

Vanessa Pang (The Chinese University of Hong Kong)

The acquisition of tense and aspect is an important component of second language acquisition. Due to the complexity of the English tense-aspect system and L1 interference, tense and aspect constitute a major source of error for EFL learners, in fact, it is a ubiquitous problem facing language teachers. However, most EFL textbooks lack meaningful explanations of tense and aspect. A Cognitive Grammar (CG)-based approach (e.g. Langacker, 1987b, 2008; Niemeier and Reif, 2008 and Radden & Dirven, 2007) to teaching tense and aspect could potentially benefit language learners by helping them develop a more meaningful understanding of the concepts underlying the grammatical constructions due to its usage-based nature and its focus on conceptual meaning.

In this quasi-experimental study, 64 participants were from three S.4 intact classes at a secondary school in Hong Kong. The three classes were randomly assigned to one of these conditions: cognitive and task-supported, task-supported, and control. The three groups took a pretest, an immediate post-test and a delayed post-test one month after the immediate post-test. The task- supported group was provided with explanations of the English tense-aspect system informed by grammar books for English language teachers (e.g. Larsen-Freeman & Celce-Murcia, 2016) and EFL textbooks, while the cognitive and task-supported group worked with CG-informed explanations and materials. Both treatment groups received usage-based input and structure-based production tasks, which served as communicative practices.

The aim of this empirical study was to investigate the possible effects of CG-inspired grammar instruction on the development of learners’ grammatical knowledge, both explicit and implicit knowledge. In particular, it examined the effects of the integration of CG-based explicit instruction and focused tasks and compared its effects with task-supported instruction based on conventional grammar descriptions on the tense-aspect development of EFL learners, particularly on the prototypical and the non-prototypical uses of aspect, as measured by both controlled production task: cloze passage and free production task: written picture retell task.

Preliminary findings indicate that participants from the cognitive and task-supported group outperformed the participants from the task-supported and control groups and demonstrated a more advanced and flexible use of tense-aspect morphology. Combining theoretical insights with methodologies informed by SLA research, this study may pave the way towards a rethinking of grammar instruction in the direction of CG-based approach and provide insights into the unresolved questions in second language acquisition, for example, how learners’ restricted semantic representation can be extended by CG-informed grammar instruction.

Keywords: cognitive grammar; lexical aspect; grammatical aspect; tense; mental spaces; relevance time; (un)boundedness; EFL teaching; task-supported language teaching; Chinese

Gender feature as a cue in L2 learners’ reflexive resolution

Sanghee Kim (Seoul National University) Jonghyeon Lee (Seoul National University) Jeong-ah Shin (Dongguk University) Kiel Christianson (University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign)

Second language (L2) learners would wrongly identify she as the antecedent of herself in “She read that the wrestler had trained herself to run longer.” Such erroneous resolution was attributed to L2ers’ high sensitivity to the discourse prominent entity (e.g., subjecthood, c- commanding) [1]. However, given that a singular pronoun has a gender feature specified within its lexical entry while a proper noun does not [2], what is claimed to be the discourse prominence effect may be confounded by the influence of gender feature. We conducted four self-paced reading tasks with natives (Experiment 1, n=32; Experiment 2, n=32) and Korean L2ers (Experiment 3, n=29; Experiment 4, n=34). An item had a context sentence and a target sentence (1). The discourse prominent entity was manipulated by its grammatical gender feature: a pronoun (Experiment 1 & 3) and a proper noun (Experiment 2 & 4). We varied the embedded subject by stereotypical gender. The conditions differed by gender (mis)match with the embedded subject: (a) discourse prominent entity (match/mismatch), and (b) reflexive pronoun (match/mismatch). For the native group, a main effect was found in the reflexive pronoun but not in the discourse prominent entity in both Experiment 1 and 2. The results show that the natives mainly abide by the structural constraint [3, 4]. However, the L2 group was different. In Experiment 3, the main effect of the discourse prominent entity was observed along with the late main effect for the reflexive pronoun; in Experiment 4, on the other hand, a main effect was found in the reflexive pronoun but not in the discourse prominent entity. The mitigated sensitivity to the discourse prominent entity can be taken as the influence of gender feature [5]. These findings suggest that gender feature is influential in L2ers’ reflexive resolution on top of the learners’ high awareness of discourse prominent information. The present study suggests that L2ers’ reflexive resolution can be understood under the framework of cue-based memory retrieval [6]. To resolve reflexives, L2 parsers should search for items in memory that match the reflexive pronoun in a number of features [7] at the retrieval site—the position of the reflexive pronoun—and retrieve the plausible antecedent [8]. Partly feature-matching entities are retrieved at the retrieval site [9], and with regard to L2ers’ reflexive resolution in the current study, entities that match in gender were retrieved. This shows that memory retrieval accounts for L2 learners' reflexive resolution [10].

1a. HeM/SheMM read that the wrestler had trained / himselfM/herselfMM / to / run / longer.

1b. JamesM/HelenMM read that the wrestler had trained / himselfM/herselfMM / to / run / longer.

References [1] Felser, C., & Cunnings, I. (2012). Processing reflexives in a second language: The timing of structural and discourse-level constraints. Applied Psycholinguistics, 33(03), 571-603. [2] Sag, I. A., T. Wasow, & Bender, E. M. (2003). Syntactic theory: A formal introduction (Second edition). Stanford, CA: CSLI. [3] Sturt, P. (2003). The time-course of the application of binding constraints in reference resolution. Journal of Memory and Language, 48(3), 542-562. [4] Dillon, B., Mishler, A., Sloggett, S., & Phillips, C. (2013). Contrasting intrusion profiles for agreement and anaphora: Experimental and modeling evidence. Journal of Memory and Language, 69(2), 85-103. [5] Badecker, W., & Straub, K. (2002). The processing role of structural constraints on interpretation of pronouns and anaphors. Journal of Experimental Psychology: Learning, Memory, and Cognition, 28(4), 748. [6] Lewis, R. L., & Vasishth, S. (2005). An activation-based model of sentence processing as skilled memory retrieval. Cognitive Science, 29(3), 375-419. [10] Cunnings, I. (2017). Parsing and working memory in bilingual sentence processing. Bilingualism: Language and Cognition, 20(4), 659-678. [7] Cunnings, I., Fotiadou, G., & Tsimpli, I. (2017). Anaphora resolution and reanalysis during L2 sentence processing: Evidence from the visual world paradigm. Studies in Second Language Acquisition, 39(4), 621-652. [8] Nicol, J. L., & Swinney, D. (2003). The psycholinguistics of anaphora. Anaphora: A reference guide, 72-104. [9] Van Dyke, J. A., & McElree, B. (2006). Retrieval interference in sentence comprehension. Journal of Memory and Language, 55(2), 157-166. Reproducibility in phraseology and ornithonym component

Roza Ayupova Kazan Federal University

Abstract. Phraseological units (PU) in any language are characterized as stable reproducible units. The importance of giving special attention to them in classes of English as a second language (ESL) is related to their role in mastering the language. Being very closely related to each other, stability and reproducibility give birth to the idea of their interdependence, which is clearly expressed by A.V. Kunin in the definition given by him to phraseological stability, which runs: “It’s a set of invariantness, typical of different aspects of PUs enabling their reproducibility in the ready-made form” (Kunin 1996, p.24). Reproducibility is the ability to be a permanent, fixed linguistic unit, “to be retrieved from the language arsenal as a-ready-to-use item”. This feature is closely related to the stable cognitive image fixed linguistic units are endowed with. There are some PUs in any language the stable cognitive image of which is based on some special component parts, such as ornithonym, coloronym, zoonym, etc. “Though being not deducible from the meanings of the component parts, phraseological meaning has peculiar bonds with their meaning” (Ayupova 2014, p.290). If PU component parts can be of 4 various statuses: 1) real words (components in their direct meaning); 2) former words – components partially abstracted from their semantic and grammatical meaning; 3) potential words – components fully abstracted from their semantic meaning; 4) ghost words – components not existing in the language as independent words (Kunin 1996, p.40), according to the results of the previous stages of our research ornithonyms are former words (63,3%) and potential words (36,7%) as components of idiophraseomatisms and real words (100%) as components of phraseomatisms. Therefore ornithonym components play a crucial role in reproducibility of P&PUs. In our classes of ESL we expose our students not only to the phraseological and paremiological units (P&PU), but also to the most common models of their occasional or contextual use, thus making their knowledge of the language more flexible. Applying Google Ngram Viewer and the possibilities it provides we tried to detect variants of models of contextual use of P&PUs under analysis for further use in our ESL classes. We suggested possible models of transformation P&PUs to the system which manifested various types of their transformation available in Google Books. For example, looking for the models of the PU the cock of the walk we suggested the following models: the cock of the x and x of the walk, presupposing to find some samples of contextual use of this PU applying substitution. The first model helped us to retrieve a number of contextual variants of the PU under analysis: the cock of the club, the cock of the school, the cock of the village, the cock of the company, etc., while suggesting the second model did not prove to find any matches. Here is one of the examples to demonstrate that the work of the system is reliable enough to prove that we are dealing with a contextual variant of the PU mentioned above: The End of Glory: War & Peace in HMS Hood 1916-1941 - Page 11 https://books.google.ru/books?isbn=1848321392 Bruce Taylor - 2012 - Preview - More editions ... beginning of a new era of naval diplomacy which, while it lasted, found no greater emissary than HMS Hood, the velvet fist of British sea power. Nearing Denmark on the evening of 31 May, Capt Wilfred Tomkinson held a memorial service on the Hood's quarterdeck for the dead of Jutland over whose graves they were then passing. It was four years since an earlier generation of battlecruisers had met disaster under German gunfire. But the guns were now still, 11 2 Cock of the Fleet. (https://www.google.ru/search?q=%22cock+of+the%22&lr=lang_en&newwindow=1&dcr=0 &tbs=lr:lang_1en&tbm=bks&ei=OBDLWtnhDIXU6AScrbf4DQ&start=40&sa=N&biw=136 6&bih=662&dpr=1). Finding the given extract not sufficient to qualify the linguistic unit, one is interested in, as a contextual variant of a PU, one can open the extended sample, which in this case exposes the book itself. Within the book the cock of the fleet highlighted with yellow colour can be found in three places at least: in the Contents, at page 11 as the title of Chapter 2 and in the text itself. So we find N-gram a useful and convenient tool to study contextual variants of P&PUs, though it can provide examples only from literary works and dictionaries, published not later than 2000. Overwhelming majority of examples of contextual variants retrieved from the system do not include omission or substitution of ornithonym components, which confirms the conclusion made at the previous stage of our research about the role of ornithonym component in stability and reproducibility of P&PUs. References Kunin, A., 1996. Phraseology of the English Language. Moscow: Vysshaya Shkola, 380p. Ayupova, R., Bashirova, M., Bezuglova, O., Kuznetsova, A. Ornythonym Component and Phraseological Meaning. Life Science Journal. 2014; V. 11(11), pp. 290-293. Surprising Tag Questions with Fragments in English

Jaejun Kim, Jonghak Hur and Philip Yoongoo Jung (Dongguk University)

It is well known that there are two types of arguments regarding the source for the clausal ellipsis, the first idea being full wh-question for its source (Ross (1969); Merchant (2011)) and the other idea being the short-cleft (Erteschik-Shir (1977); Pollmann (1975)). The main issue concerns whether the ellipsis site is isomorphic to its antecedent.

(1) John saw someone, but I don't know who John saw. Full wh-question (2) John saw someone, but I don't know who it was. Short-cleft

Dependent tag questions (DTQs) are yes/no questions following the host clause that contain the content of the assertion (Barros & Craenenbroeck (2013)). According to Sailor (2011), the elided DTQ-clause are constrained by stringent identity requirements as (3) and (4).

(3) A. Jack is sleeping, isn’t he? (4) A. *It is Jack, isn’t he? B. *Jack is sleeping, isn’t it? B. It is Jack, isn’t it?

It is also discussed that the cleft-DTQ is preferred in isomorphic ellipsis site in English.

(5) A: Bill met a member of the Linguistics Department. B: Yes, he met Ken Safir, {wasn’t it/??didn’t he}? (6) A: Who can Bill talk to? B: He can talk to Ken Safir, {isn’t it/??can’t he}?

In support of this argument, in Brazilian Portuguese (BP), it disallows P-stranding but it strands prepositions in clausal ellipsis (Almeida and Yoshida (2007); Nevins et al. (2007); Vicente (2008)). Whether P-stranding is possible or not, non-isomophic (cleft-based) DTQ occurs next to fragment answers, as follows.

(7) A:Maria falou com quem? Maria spoke with who B: (Com) Mateus, {não foi / *não falou}? (with) Matthew not was / not spoke A’: Who did Maria speak with? B’: (With) Matthew, {wasn’t it / didn’t she}?’

For the analysis, Barros and Craenenbroeck propose Default Non-Isomorphism (DNI). (8) Default Non-Isomorphism (DNI) Clausal ellipsis defaults to a non-isomorphic ellipsis site containing a short cleft rather than to one that is isomorphic to the ellipsis antecedent.

According to Sailor (2011), cleft-DTQs can be attached to non-cleft host clauses when focus takes place in the host clause as in (9). Non-cleft-DTQs can be attached to both cleft and non-cleft-DTQs. As can be seen, cleft-DTQs are only compatible with cleft- DTQs.

(9) a. Mark wasn't arrested that MONDAY, {was it /was he}? b. Mr. Nelson usually smokes opium BEFORE class, {isn’t it/ doesn't he}? c. Doug went home with that girl BAMBI, {wasn't it / didn't he}? (10) a. It wasn't one MONDAY that Mark was arrested, {was it/*was he}? b. It’s BEFORE class that Mr. Nelson smokes opium, {isn’t it/*doesn't he}? c. It wasn't that girl BAMBI that Doug went home with, {was it/*did he}?

However, the possibility of non-cleft DTQ in (6), (9), (10) are not always compatible with DNI. We have several reasons for the possibility of non-cleft-DTQs that are possible in certain contexts, by connecting with exhaustivity. Thus, the judgement on the cleft-DTQs and non-cleft-DTQs can be distinct and more detailed explanation is needed in explaining this phenomenon. VP-Preposing in English: Topicalization vs. Left-Dislocation Gui-Sun Moon (Hansung University)

It is well known that English has the following two major fronting constructions. The sentences in (1) are called Left-Dislocation(henceforth, LD) constructions and those in (2) Topicalization(henceforth, TOP) constructions.

(1) a. THIS book1, I READ it1.

b. THESE lobsters1, I bought them1 RIGHT at the shore.

c. The SATURNS1, you can get AIR bags in them1.

d. And heavy METAL1, it1’s NOISY.

(2) a. THAT kind1, I kind of ENJOY e1.

b. MOST rap1, I don’t LIKE e1.

LD and TOP differ in their syntactic constructions: TOP contains a gap in the argument position where the preclausal DP can be construed, whereas LD contains a pronoun in the argument position which is coreferential with the preclausal DP. On top of DP-fronting, English also allows VP to be preposed to the preclausal position, as can be seen in the following examples (Horn 1991).

(3) a. I DON'T KNOW WHY I LOVE YOU, but love you I do. b. RASKOLNIKOV REGRETTED KILLING THE OLD WOMAN, but kill her he had. c. Of all Maria's children, ONLY JOHN JOINED THE NAZI PARTY, but join it he did.

Unlike the two types of DP-preposing in (1) and (2), in the case of VP-preposing examples like (3) it would be a very hasty conclusion if they are classified as a group of TOP from the surface form having no overt anaphoric element correlated to the preposed VP. In the literature many ways of deriving VP-preposing in terms of movement analysis are proposed and they are distinctive in the detailed views of operation. However they can be counted as the same approach in that they all assume the movement of VP or vP (Huang 1993, Funakoshi 2011) to the sentence initial position. For instance, Baltin (2006) proposes that the internal argument, namely, the object of the verb moves to the front position first and then the remnant movement of the original VP follows. Laura Dorfman, Thomas Leu & Erez Levon (2003), besides Baltin’s remnant movement, propose the whole VP movement in one chunk to account for the subject wide-scope reading in such an example as (4b).

(4) a. Every girl is fond of some boy. b. Fond of some boy every girl is.

Contrary to the traditional analysis of VP-preposing as VP-topicalization, an instance of A'- movement (Huang 1993, Muller 1998, Baltin 2006, Dorfman, L, Thomas Leu & Levon, Erez 2003., and others) Ott (2017) proposes that VP-fronting is an instance of VP-dislocation rather than a result derived by A'-movement, basically addressing an approach quite similar to Thoms and Walkden’s (2015) where they claim that A'-movement is not involved in the derivation of the VP-fronting construction. Ott claims that the cross-linguistically common VP-dislocation construction underlies English VP-preposing, and argues, against the traditional movement assumptions, that preposed VPs in English are in fact extra-clausal constituents resumed by a clause-internal correlate, roughly corresponding to a silent version of that, which moves to the CP edge. This is shown in (6a) for (5), and schematically in (6b) (where ∅ stands for ‘correlate,’ operating as a linker which can make connection between the host clause and the parallel one).

(5) John promised to read the book, and [VP read the book], he did.

(6) a. . . . [VP read the book]i . . . [CP (thati) he did ti] (= (20))

b. . . . [VP . . . ]i . . . [CP ∅i . . . ti]

In the paper, being confined with English VP-preposing (henceforth, VPP) constructions, I first attempts to compare the two approaches by investigating how they can account for tense-doubling, auxiliary doubling, adverb stranding, connectivity, island effect, reconstruction, scope ambiguity, etc. and then I am going to determine which approach is superior to the other, and to propose a new analysis of the VPP as a more advanced solution to the VPP construction.

Selected References Baltin, Mark R. 2006. The nonunity of VP-preposing. Language 82:734–766. Dorfman, L, Thomas Leu & Levon, Erez 2003. English VP-preposing and relative scope, presented at the NYU Syntax/Semantics Lecture Series. Horn, Laurence R, 1991, Given as new: When redundant affirmation isn't. Journal of Pragmatics, Huang, C.-T. James. 1993. Reconstruction and the structure of VP. Linguistic Inquiry 24:103– 138. Müller, Gereon. 1998. Incomplete-category fronting. Dordrecht: Kluwer. Ott, Dennis. 2017. VP-fronting:Movement vs. dislocation, TLR Thoms, Gary, and George Walkden. 2015. vP-fronting with and without remnant movement. URL:https://sites.google.com/site/garythoms/home/papers-and-presentations/vp fronting, ms. University of Glasgow and University of Manchester. A Shift to Another EIL: From English as an International Language to English as an Intercultural Language

Kang-Young Lee (Chungbuk National Univeristy)

English as an intercultural language (EIcL) has been theoretically discussed in the applied linguistics profession (Corbett, 2003; K.-Y. Lee, 2013; K.-Y. Lee & Green, 2016; Sifakis, 2004). It posits that today’s English beyond the general description of post-colonial and institutionalized varieties, is being defined as the linguistic diversity realized by all global users. This establishes an indispensable reality of ‘multidialectical English speakers/listeners’ with intercultural insight and knowledge by supporting linguistic and cultural diversity with cultural tolerance. This presentation will provide learners/teachers of the contemporary English with what EIcL is and it consists of and how it has to be realized in ELT classrooms. This might help the contemporary English teachers/learners understand the main issues gravitating around EIcL and create a better/safe way to mutual communication in English.

Locative PP extraction out of VP-ellipsis

Kim, Sun-Woong & Kim, Jinhee (Kwangwoon University)

This paper is an attempt to explain the extraction of locative PP out of VP-ellipsis site in contrast to other extractions. Although there has been much debated on whether locative inversion construction (LIC) and presentational there construction (PTC) really are the same or separate constructions (Postal 2003), this paper assumes that LIC and PTC are parallel in various respects (Bruëning 2010) and discusses that there exist much syntactic evidence which supports the idea that LIC goes in tandem with the PTC with its PP fronted. If they are the same, then it is reasonable to assume that a covert or null expletive is postulated in LIC in the same way as PTC has an overt counterpart. This is shown below:

(1) a. In the garden will Øthere be a dragon. (LIC) b. In the garden will there be a dragon (from India). (PTC) Now consider extraction of locative PP out of VP(-ellipsis). (2) a. *From the back of the hall will appear a large purple dragon, and from backstage will too.

b. From the back of the hall will appear a large purple dragon, and [PP from backstage] there will , too. (cf. Bruëning 2010) As is shown in (2a), locative PP extraction is not allowed out of VP-ellipsis if the clause does not have (a presentational) there as in (2b). Assuming LIC and PTC are the same, this contrast runs afoul of the simple prediction that PTC version (2b) would be the same as (2a) with respect to grammaticality. Locative PP extraction out of non-finite VP is also bad if not with an overt there. (3) a. For this perverted cause are likely to be slaughtered thousands of innocents. b. *For that one are likely to be, too. c. For that one there are likely to be, too. How can we explain the difference about the extraction out of VP-ellipsis under the assumption that LIC and PTC are the same? To answer the question, this paper adopts the following theoretical apparatuses: Dynamic definition of phases and Elidability Condition. Contrary to the original definition of phases (Chomsky 2008), many linguists claim that the original notion is too rigid to cover empirical data (den Dikken 2007 and Bošković 2014, in particular). Although they are different in theoretical details, what they argue in common is that phases must be defined contextually. Without reviewing the details of their claims, let us assume the following. (4) Disjunctive application of phase transfer a. Phases are a complete maximal projection (no segment), and b OR c holds. b. If head moves, phase is extended. c. The highest projection of the extended domain of a lexical category is a phase. In a nut shell, this paper argues that a phase is transferred to a higher XP either by head movement or by being the highest phrase in a disjunctive order. Along with those notions, the following also holds: (5) Elidability Condition (EC) (cf, Bošković 2014, Wurmbrand 2017) a. A phase and the complement of its head is elidable. b. The complement of the complement of a phase head is not elidible. With this much discussion, let us turn to the proposal of this paper. Look at the representation of the VP-ellipsis version of (1):

(1') a. [FocP [PP In the garden] will [TP Øthere ]]. (LIC) (FocP is a phase; VP is the complement of a complement)

b. [FocP [PP In the garden] [TP there ]]. (PTC) (TP is a phase; VP is a complement) For (1'a), locative PP first moves out of VP to Spec-Foc. The strong T-feature of Foc attracts T will to Foc. This makes FocP a phase. And then VP is elided under identity with the antecedent VP. But VP is not elidable since it is not the complement of FocP (phase) but the complement of its complement. This ellipsis is banned due to a violation of EC, which is taken for granted in recent studies (Bošković 2014, Wurmbrand 2017). For (1'b), as in the derivation of (1'a) locative PP first moves out of VP to Spec-Foc. Here will deos not move to Foc, differently from (1'a); TP keeps its phasehood so that vP is its complement. Being the complement of a phase head (T) it can be elided, resulting in the licit (1'b). A question arises about raising of will. What if will moves up to Foc as in (1'a)? If it is the case, the prediction is that FocP becomes a phase, then VP cannot be elided. But this does not actually happen due to prosody reasons. A sentence cannot end with there with no stress since it is an expletive which cannot bear stress. (1'a) is possible since the sentence final will can bear stress. Consequences of the present proposal involves VP-preposing in the least. Differently from VP-ellipsis examples, VP-preposing is not allowed at all when the loctive PP is extracted. This does not care much about the presence of there. Look at the following (Bruëning 2010):

(6) *I said there would be a man in the garden, and be a man in the garden there/ϕthere certainly will. (7) To this argument (there) can be added numerous others, * ... and added numerous others,

to this argument there/ϕthere certainly can be. This lack of contrast is explained under the present analysis. This is because there is a PIC violation involved in both derivations. If VP is fronted, its landing site would be the Spec of an XP (Call this Foc2P) which is higher than FocP, the Spec of which would be occupied by the fronted PP. This makes phasehood transferred to the Spec-Foc2P. If this is the case, FocP is the complement of the phase head. The prediction is that TP is not elidable. This is a good result. One more prediction is that FocP is elidable, for it is the complement. This prediction is also borne out. (8) A: To this argument (there) can be added numerous others, and what else?

B: [Add numerous others], . References Bošković, Željko. Now I’m a phase, now I’m not a phase: On the variability of phases with extraction and ellipsis. Linguistic Inquiry 45:1, 27-89. Bruëning, Benjamin. 2010. Language-particular syntactic rules and constraints: English locative inversion and do-support. Language 86: 43-84. Chomsky, Noam. 2008. On Phases. In Foundational issues in linguistic theory: Essays in honor of Jean-Roger Vergnaud, ed. by Robert Freidin et al., 133-166. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. den Dikken, Marcel. 2007. Phase extension: Contours of a theory of the role of head movement in phrasal extraction. Theoretical Linguistics 33:1-41. Postal, Paul. 2003. Skeptical linguistic essays. Oxford: OUP. Wurmbrand, Susi. 2017. Stripping and topless complements. Linguistic Inquiry 48:2, 341–366.

Teaching Google search techniques in an L2 academic writing context

Sumi Han (Hallym University) Jeong-ah Shin (Dongguk University)

The use of these linguistic resources has made data-driven learning (DDL) possible in second language (L2) instruction. Boulton (2010) explains the potential benefit of DDL as “encouraging noticing and consciousness-raising, leading to greater autonomy and better language learning skills in the long term” (p. 535). More specifically, the implementation of Google in L2 writing instruction is a teaching practice for training L2 learners to search for language use on Google for their own real-time electronic writing purposes (Geluso, 2013). The success of such Google-informed L2 writing instruction lies in how successfully L2 writers are taught to use Google as a language reference tool. Because such online data (not solely from Google) include erroneous or unnatural expressions, self-driven discovery learning of language usage is not optimal without a certain amount of teacher guidance. With appropriate intervention, Google as a quick and dirty corpus tool has the potential to be useful in L2 writing (Boulton, 2013; Robb, 2003). This mixed-method study examines the effectiveness of teaching Google search techniques (GSTs) to Korean EFL college students in an intermediate-level academic English writing course. A total of 18 students participated in a 4-day GST workshop consisting of an overview session of the web as corpus and Google as a concordancer, and three training sessions targeting the use of quotation marks (“”) and a wildcard (*). Each session contained a pre-test, a 30-minute training, and a post-test, and each training session focused on one of the three key writing points: articles, collocations, and paraphrasing. Two questionnaires for demographic information and GST learning experiences were conducted. The results showed a statistically significant effect for the overall gain score. In particular, participants’ use of articles greatly improved after the training—in contrast to their use of collocations and paraphrasing. Lack of grammar and vocabulary knowledge seemed to hinder their data- driven learning, especially for collocation use and paraphrasing. The questionnaire data showed that all students found the GSTs beneficial, mostly because they were easy to use for confirmation and correction. Overall, both quantitative and qualitative data suggest that teachers’ meticulous guidance and vigilant individualized feedback are necessary to facilitate L2 self-directed Google-informed writing. Plus, more research is needed to deepen our knowledge of the role of Google consultation in L2 writing. Two noteworthy venues for future research, which are also limitations of the present study, can be suggested. First, longitudinal studies are needed to examine if and how long the effectiveness of Google-informed L2 writing instruction lasts. It will be interesting to see if learners, as they become more familiar with GSTs, use them for other types of language learning. Second, as advocated in previous research, it would be worth examining any differential effectiveness of Google-informed L2 writing instruction in terms of varying proficiency levels, types of tasks (receptive, productive, or both), or learning styles (Boulton, 2015; Yoon & Jo, 2014).

References Boulton, A. (2010). Data- driven learning: Taking the computer out of the equation. Language Learning, 60(3), 534−572. Boulton, A. (2013). Wanted: Large corpus, simple software. No timewasters. In A. Leńko- Szymańska (Ed.), TaLC10: 10th International Conference on Teaching and Language Corpora. July 2012. Warsaw, Poland: Warsaw University Press. Boulton, A. (2015). Applying data-driven learning to the web. In A. Leńko-Szymańska & A. Boulton (Eds.), Multiple affordances of language corpora for data-driven learning (pp. 267−295). Amsterdam, Netherlands: John Benjamins. Geluso, J. (2013). Phraseology and frequency of occurrence on the web: Native speakers’ perceptions of Google-informed second language writing. Computer Assisted Language Learning, 26(2), 144−157. Robb, T. (2003). Google as a corpus tool? TESL-EJ, 7(2), 1–4. Retrieved from http://www.teslej.org/wordpress/issues/volume7/ej26/ej26int/ Pedagogical Implications of the UNESCO’s Theoretical and Operational Framework on Intercultural Competence on ESL/EFL Curriculum Design

Teri An Joy G. Magpale-Jang (Wonkwang University)

Globalization results to the creation of cultural fabrics of different societies. It has shifted cultural boundaries to global interconnectedness. Accordingly, this presentation reviews the theoretical and operational underpinnings of the United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO)’s framework on building intercultural competence amongst learners. This study aims to analyze the different pedagogical implications of this framework to the cultural component of an ESL/EFL curriculum. Primarily, the operational framework uses Deardoff’s (2011) Process Model of Intercultural Competence, which focuses on respect, self-awareness/identity, seeing from other perspective/world views, listening, adaptation, relationship building and cultural humility. Building on Deardoff’s intercultural model, this presentation provides examples of practical cultural classroom tasks which are appropriate for ESL/EFL classes and resources for teachers who wish to broaden the students’ multicultural awareness. Lastly, it presents different possible problems with proposed solutions which teachers might encounter in implementing the intercultural approach in an ESL/EFL classroom.

Analysis of Readability and Text Features that Support Beginning L2 Reading Development

Dennis Murphy Odo (Pusan National University)

Researchers have used text analysis software to raise concerns about English textbook continuity within and between various textbook series with respect to key text features such as their readability, vocabulary, syntax and cohesion. However, these text analysis tools have not been used to examine beginning reading textbooks to establish their readability for L2 learners. Similarly, they do not identify whether beginning L2 reading texts take into account text features that support beginning L2 reading. To address these questions, grade five texts were selected because these are the first intact texts that L2 learners are exposed to in the public school curriculum. The Coh-Metrix linguistic analysis software compared results from a traditional readability formula and an updated readability formula for L2 readers. An additional analysis of text features deemed to be essential dimensions of text cohesion and processability was performed. Results revealed that texts were generally readable according to a traditional and L2 readability analyses. However, discrepancies surfaced in text readability depending on the textbook or readability formula used. Easability results showed that theses texts were generally high on traditional indicators like narrativity and syntactic simplicity but low on other important indicators of text ease such as word concreteness and cohesion.

L2 Processing of Filled-Gap Effects in English: An ERP study

Jaejun Kim & Wonil Chung

Dongguk University

In L2 processing, Clahsen and Felser (2006) claim that the processing of L1 and L2 are basically similar but the processing in L2 is limited to some extent, unlike L1. Thus, they note that L2 speakers use shallow structural information. Generally, there are debates on the role of the working memory in L2 speakers in terms of their individual capacity differences (Juffs, 2004; Juffs and Harrington, 2011; Harrington and Sawyer, 1992; Linck, Osthus, Koeth and Bunting, 2014; Sagarra, 2013; Wen, Mota and McNeill, 2015). In relation to this, recent studies focus more on the role of the working memory in sentence processing (Lewis, Vasishth and Van Dyke, 2006; Lewis and Vasishth, 2005; McElree, 2000, McElree, Foraker and Dyer, 2003). In the previous proposed models, it is argued that the processing differences come from the different capacities of individuals’ working memory (Van Dyke and Johns, 2012; Van Dyke, Johns and Kukona, 2014). Cunnings (2016), in particular, claim that the difference between L1 and L2 in processing syntactic dependency-involving sentences come from the ability to retrieve information formed during the processing of those sentences. In other words, Cunnings argue that in processing sentences which require the access to the working memory, L2 speakers are more susceptible to the similarity-based interference effects. Opposite to this, Tanner, Nicol, Herschenshon and Osterhout (2012) argue that in case of agreement structures, similar attraction effects occur in both L1 and L2. However, both L1 and L2 groups are reported to show qualitatively similar profiles in processing syntactic structures in working memory. The main objective of this study is to find out whether Korean learners of English use as L1 native speakers do when they start retrieving their memories, while processing syntactic structures.

In the filler-gap dependency, when L2 speakers process the sentences containing the movement and island constraints as L1 speakers do, L2 speakers are not expected to retrieve their memories in the island containing structures. Filler-gap Dependency will be likely to be processed based on the syntactic information, but if it is not the case, interference effects will occur as the result of the memory retrieval.

Regarding recent experiment in filler-gap dependency, researches of Johnson et al. (2016) and Covey et al. (2017) show direct connection to the present research. In terms of Johnson et al.’s (2016) reading span study, both L1 and L2 speakers are tested regarding the island constructions in filler-gap dependency sentences, including working memory task. As a result, both L1 and L2 speakers posit gaps in its proper position, but not in the case of the island conditions. There was no relation between working memory and filled-gap effects in islands. However, significant relationships between working memory and the wh-dependency processing occurred. For participants with higher working memory capacity, the reduced filled- gap effect was observed. This leads to the fact that they were able to handle licit wh-dependency constructions. Covey et al.’s (2017) study conducted filler-gap dependency resolution for L1 speakers by ERP tools along with attention task and working memory task. In Covey et al. (2017), the parsers make predictions prior to the gap and posit gaps only in the licit contexts. There is no direct relationship between the working memory and the filler-gap dependency, but the higher stroop scores in subject filled gap and object filled gap indicate that there is a significant relationship between attention task and prediction of the gap position.

In terms of ERP response, in order to investigate whether L2 speakers show similar distribution to L1 speakers as in Johnson et al (2016)’s RT research, the present study is modified depending on the existence of island and wh-extraction, based on the materials of Johnson et al.’s (2016) research as in (1).

(1) (a) Non-island, No extraction My father asked if the teacher had found Mary beside his friend at the graduation. (b) Non-island, Wh-extraction My father asked who the teacher had found Mary beside at the graduation. (c) Island, No extraction My father asked if the teacher that had found Mary at the graduation had invited his friend to the weekend party. (d) Island, Wh-extraction My father asked who the teacher that had found Mary at the graduation had invited to the weekend party.

The Korean learners of English students tested will derive two possible outcomes. If they process the sentence similar to the L1 speakers just as Covey et al. (2017), they will display N400 effects both in subject-filled gap in wh-extraction constructions and in wh-extraction in non-island of object filled-gap sites. However, if they process differently to that of the L1 speakers, the brain waves would vary depending on each constructions. The attention task and the working memory tasks are included as well, following Covey et al. (2017) for the possible relationships among them. 15 Korean adult learners of English in Dongguk University volunteered to participate this study. All of the participants did not lived in another English speaking country but they had high proficiency in English: above 850 in TOEIC (M: 903, SD: 59). Other than the TOEIC scores, English Placement Test was used to assess each participant’s proficiency. As a result, the L2 participants display different ERP components to that of the L1 speakers in subject filled gap site in each construction: P600 effect in subject filled gap site, anterior P600 effect in object filled gap site in non-island, and RAN in object filled gap site in island, respectively. It is reasonable to believe that in island construction which requires heavy processing, L2 speakers show more difficulty while processing. Thus, in the three target regions, L1 and L2 speakers show qualitatively different processing method in terms of ERP. In the participants’ working memory task, there is a correlation in stroop task, but not in reading span and counting span.

Near Synonyms Discrimination and Beyond: A Comparative Study of Gambling and Gaming via Sketch Engine

Longxing Li (University of Macau, Hong Kong Polytechnic University) Chu-Ren Huang (Hong Kong Polytechnic University)

Several large-scale Chinese-English dictionaries list only ‘gambling’ as an explanation of the Chinese words du3bo1 or bo2cai3, while ignoring the commonly used alternative ‘gaming’. However, ‘gaming’ does share similar meaning with ‘gambling’ according to English dictionaries and thesauruses. The corpus query tool Sketch Engine also evidences that ‘gambling’ and ‘gaming’ are most similar to each other. This paper therefore tries to explore similarities and differences between the two words using Sketch Engine, which has been fruitfully adopted for studying near synonyms in different languages, especially in English and Chinese (Zhang 2008, Wang & Huang 2013, Hu & Yang 2015, Wu & Wang 2016, Wang & Huang 2017). Utilizing the 19-billion-words corpus of English Web 2013 (enTenTen13) and making use of functions provided by Sketch Engine, including word sketch, sketch difference, thesaurus, and concordance, etc. (cf. Kilgarriff et al. 2014), this study attempts a comprehensive investigation of the two words in terms of their respective grammatical and collocational features so as to reveal their lexical and grammatical similarities and differences. Meanwhile, to reflect social attitude and recognition towards gambling and gaming as social activities, semantic prosody of both words is examined. In brief, gambling has more negative connotation, notably related to crime and unhealthy lifestyle, which is usually represented as a/an “addiction”, “behavior”, “disorder” and/or “activity” that needs to be “regulated” and “controlled” for its “unlawful”, “sinful”, “illegal”, and “pathological” nature; while gaming tends to be regarded as an entertaining activity or an industry which is to be experienced and developed for its recreational, technological and popular features. The study is hoped to provide implication for English language learners and instructors in distinguishing near synonyms in depth and to equip lexicographers a powerful and reliable tool to compile dictionaries more efficiently and objectively.

Keywords: sketch engine, corpus, near synonyms, gaming, gambling

References Hu, C., & Yang, B. (2015). Using Sketch Engine to investigate synonymous verbs. International Journal of English Linguistics, 5(4), 29-41. Kilgarriff, A., Baisa, V., Bušta, J., Jakubíček, M., Kovář, V., Michelfeit, J., & Suchomel, V. (2014). The Sketch Engine: Ten years on. Lexicography, 1(1), 7-36. Wang S, Huang C. R (2013). Apply Chinese word sketch engine to facilitate lexicography. In Deny A, Nur W, Lilla M, eds. Lexicography and Dictionaries in the Information Age: Selected Papers from the 8th ASIALEX International Conference, 285-292. Wang S, Huang, C. R. (2017). Word sketch lexicography: new perspectives on lexicographic studies of Chinese near synonyms. Lingua Sinica, 3(1): 1-22.

Wu, Y., & Wang, S. (2016). Applying Chinese word sketch engine to distinguish commonly confused words. In Workshop on Chinese Lexical Semantics (pp. 600-619). Springer: Cham. . (2008). Sketch Engine . , (2), 75-78. (Zhang L. (2008). The Application of Sketch Engine in Teaching Collocations and Synonyms. Computer-Assisted Foreign Language Education, 2: 75-78.) The Debate Instruction for Beginner-Level EFL Learner’s Class: Towards the Introduction of “Simplified Debate”

Shimpie Hashio (Doshisha University Graduate School)

1. Introduction One of the targets of English teaching is to foster the learner’s communicative competence in terms of grammar and discourse competence. It is also essential to give learners, at all levels, the opportunity to logically express themselves with grammatically correct sentences. The author proposes that English-language debate can be one of the most effective methods for learners to improve these communicative skills. It also states how one should integrate debate into English classes, focusing especially on novice or beginner-level learners.

2. Theoretical Background Before attempting to introduce English debate in novice learners, we should consider the profile of the learner’s grammar and discourse competence. Novice learners whose L1 is Japanese, Korean, and Chinese tend to make mistakes caused by transfer from the structure of topic-prominent language (Schachter & Rutherford 1979). Sasaki (1990) found that Japanese learners often omit using a subject in English, because a subject is not necessarily present in topic-prominent language. They also tend to automatically translate the first nominal phrase in each sentence into the subject in each English sentence. Moreover, since they are likely to regard ‘is’, ‘am’, and ‘are’ as ‘ha’ in Japanese (i.e., the marker indicating topic,) they tend to excessively produce be-verbs as well. Also, debate is a language activity that requires learners to agree or disagree with certain propositions. But only some students had gone through by stating their views using sentences. Some students had never been given the opportunity to debate matters even in their L1.

3. Proposal for “Simplified Debate” When we have learners express their idea in sentences under a particular context, we need to make them conscious of the difference between their L1 and English, thus enabling them to correctly use a subject in English. Also, when using English, we need to set propositions that are similar to learners, and design lessons to teach them the foundation of logical structure, which will then help them have a debate in English which is their foreign language. The author proposes “simplified debate” as a kind of English debate that simplifies the content and minimizes the format used in original debate for beginner-level learners to have debate easily. In simplified debate, according to the format shown in Fig. 1 below, learners are expected to agree or disagree with an idea familiar to them. The group that agrees with the given idea is called the affirmative side (AFF) and the group that disagrees is called the negative side (NEG). Both sides first make a statement to say why they agree or disagree and this statement should be no longer than one minute. After both groups have stated their side, they then get another minute to ‘counter-argue’ using an opposing statement against their opposite group.

AFF makes NEG makes NEG AFF a statement a statement counter-argues counter-argues (1 minute) (1 minute) (1 minute) (1 minute)

Figure 1. The format of simplified debate

When they participate in the debate, we prepare a worksheet, shown in Fig. 2 below, and learners are expected to make their speeches of 50 to 100 words by filling their own ideas in the given blanks. Before starting to make their own speech, we clearly teach them how to produce sentences focusing on the subject in English. This is demonstrated by using sentences with structures that are similar to those expected to be used in propositions of simplified debate. For example, to enable the learners to translate “Intanetto ha takusan no zyouhou ga erareru” into “We can get a lot of information through the Internet,” we have them learn that ‘ha’ in Japanese doesn’t always correspond to ‘is’ in English.

I think that using the Internet is [ good / bad ] for the following two reasons: First, ______. For example, ______. Second, ______. For instance, ______. In conclusion, the Internet has many [ advantages / disadvantages ]. Figure 2. An example of a worksheet

4. Final Thoughts We maintain that the use of simplified debate in teaching English should give learners the opportunity to express their own ideas. This holds true even for novice EFL learners. Simplified debate is introduced not only to improve the learner’s discourse competence but, also to foster their grammar competence while addressing English communicative activities. Though this workshop only takes the example that they learn to correctly use subjects in English through simplified debate, it is believed that this form of instruction can be helpful for them to learn various kinds of grammatical items as well. In addition to that, it will also develop their critical thinking, as the methodology based on focus-on-form approach is recommended.

Reference Schachter, J. & W. Rutherford. 1979. “Discourse Function and Language Transfer.” Working Papers on Bilingualism. 19, pp.3-12. Sasaki, M. 1990. “Topic Prominence in Japanese EFL Students’ existential Constructions.” Language Learning, 40, pp.369-385.

College-level Sheltered Instruction: EAP Classes at Harvard University

Sun-Hee Bae (American University of Sharjah)

With the proliferation of (young) adult learners of English, many resort to going abroad to an English-speaking country for language studies. Naturally, the language classrooms are filled with students from different parts of the world with various educational and cultural background. While the current scholarly activity in the field of English for Academic Purposes (EAP) has focused on different types of approaches involving corpus studies and genre analysis, it is yet important to return to one of the rudimentary questions: What should be taught in EAP classrooms? Of course, the answer is language–but can language be equally (or better) acquired while learning about other subject matters?

Traditionally, a language learner was put into a language classroom to learn the language while native speakers of the language learned the content in a mainstream classroom. Or, the content was offered to the language learners at a lower level in order to facilitate the understanding of the content. However, lowering the level of the content has spread the academic gap between native speakers of the language and the language learners, hindering the language learners from achieving high academic goals. In order to eliminate the academic gap occurring from differential linguistic competence, the Sheltered Instruction Observation Protocol (SIOP) Model (Echevarria et al., 2007) has provided a way of presenting to the language learners grade- or age-appropriate materials that native speakers of the language use. The idea behind this model is that it helps language learners blend into mainstream classrooms without lowering the level of the content they learn.

Similarly, content-based instruction (Brinton, Snow, & Wesche, 1989), which integrates the learning of a language with frequently found academic subject matter, such as geography, has been practiced in some ESL programs for decades. While there is some initial cost, as learning a language is difficult when the main focus is on learning the content, longitudinal studies suggest eventual attainment of a very high level of competence in children attending schools which adopt such an approach (i.e. immersion schools) (Baker, 2006).

In this talk, I will examine EAP classes offered by the Harvard University Institute for English Language (IEL) Programs. An analysis of each level of classes (A to D) reveals the Institute’s teaching philosophy, with a content-based (Sheltered Instruction) and participatory approach (Triangular Feedback) using a cooperative learning method (Discussions).

Sheltered Instruction: Each class is dedicated to illustrating the term’s theme and to attaining better language proficiency at the same time. Sharing much in common with the content- based instruction approach and the SIOP Model, the IEL Programs’ method uses academic communication for language learning and vice versa. Their EAP classes offer general education in addition to language education. Accordingly, content objectives and language objectives are provided for each class, enabling the students and the instructor to remind themselves of the dual goals throughout the class.

Triangular Feedback: Following Johnson’s (2004) Dialogically-based Theory, the classes involve multi-directional empowerment of the three parties involved in SLA—theoreticians, practitioners, and students. Feedback plays an integral role in the instruction: the teacher invariably adjusts his/her instruction with constant feedback from the students; the students regularly receive the instructor’s feedback regarding language use; and the students pay careful attention to and monitor the language use of peers.

Discussions: Encouraging self-learning (with reading and research assignments), the classes adopt various types of discussions: student-led class discussions, Harkness discussions, fishbowl discussions, roundtable discussions, panel discussions, Socratic Seminars, debates, and town meetings, each of which prove to be suitable for different topics at hand.

In conclusion, an analysis of the EAP classes at Harvard University demonstrates the use of sheltered instruction, with an extensive use of feedback from all participants in the class and of diversified discussion sessions. The above observation and practice advocate for adoption of context-based, or sheltered, instruction in language classes with adult learners of the language, especially in preparation for higher education.

Selected References Baker, C. (2006). Foundations of bilingual education and bilingualism (4th ed.) Clevedon, UK: Multilingual Matters. Brinton, D. M., Snow, M. A., & Wesche, M. B. (1989). Content-based second language instruction. New York: Newbury House. Echevarria, Jana, Mary Ellen Vogt, Deborah J. Short (2007). Making content compreensible for English learners: The SIOP Model (3rd Ed). Pearson: New York, USA. Johnson, Marysia. (2004). A Philosophy of Second Language Acquisition. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.

TEMPORAL INTERPRETATION OF IMMEDIATELY AND ITS CONTEXT

Seong Eun Park Ewha Womans University

Immediately indicates that the interval between the events before and after it is quite short. According to Altshuler’s (2014) nuanced taxonomy of temporal adverbials, immediately is an anaphoric temporal adverbial in the sense that it makes reference to already existing times in the context.

However, unlike typical anaphoric adverbials such as that day, which refer to a previously mentioned time, immediately denotes a time that follows its antecedent time in such a way that the interval between the relevant events is considerably brief. Besides, the size of the interval, which is part of the denotation of immediately in the context, changes flexibly in accordance with the size of the times in the context, and with common knowledge. Compare A and B below. Possibly, A is preceded by a sentence like They heard a meow. In this case, it may be that the time at which they heard a meow and the time at which they noticed their cat from its particular meow almost completely coincide. However, in B, though the speaker went immediately, it must have taken nearly one day. A: Immediately, they noticed their cat. B: I heard what happened, and I immediately went to Boston the next day.

This paper proposes that immediately picks out the most salient time in the context and connects it with the time denoted by the tense in the sentence in which it occurs. It specifies relationships between these two times; the length of the gap between the two times changes according to contextual factors. As the meaning of immediately suggests, such context dependence must be included in the denotation of such lexical items, which is well-represented in this analysis.

Reference

Altshuler, D. (2014). Discourse transparency and the meaning of temporal locating adverbs. Natural Language Semantics, 22(1), 55-88.

Can’t You See the Big Picture?: The Importance of Teaching Theme, New and Grammatical Metaphor in a Consecutive Interpreting classroom

Gyung Hee Choi (Pyeongtaek University)

This paper suggests a method of text analysis as a means to assist interpreting students with prioritising information in consecutive interpreting. Trainee interpreters’ tendency to attend to minor details over the main gist of a text is widely known and well documented in interpreting research (e.g. Ilg& Lambert 1996: 79-80). However, research devoted to elaborating on how to approach this issue, in particular, targeting new trainees, seems rare. This paper attempts to help the trainees identify and convey the essential meaning of the message by explicating how to analyse interpreting texts. In doing so, it uses as the theoretical framework Systemic Functional Linguistics (SFL) and its three concepts involved in how information flows in a text - the Theme, the New and grammatical metaphor (Martin 1993). The outcome of the paper reports that the students’ interpreting fails to grasp how the Theme and the New are organised through grammatical metaphor, more specifically through nominalisation, which needs to be explicitly taught during interpreting class. The main data include two source texts and 11 target texts and the notes taken by postgraduate students during the final examination of one of their interpreting courses in a translation and interpreting program in Australia

Key words: consecutive interpreting, interpreting students, text analysis, the Theme and the New, grammatical metaphor English Language Policy and Modernization of Korea: A Peace Corps-led TEFL program, 1966-1981

Chee Hye Lee (University of Seoul)

The purpose of this study is to examine the dynamics of English language policy by the Peace Corps in Korea from 1966 to 1981. In order to analyze the interrelationships among the language planning and policy (LPP) of Korea as a nation state, the Peace Corps as a social institution, and the Peace Corps Volunteers (PCVs) as an individual agency, this study explores the following research questions: (1) How was the LPP interplayed at the national level (Korean government), institutional level (Peace Corps), and individual level (PCVs)? (2) How and to what extent did the language teachers interpret, negotiate, and implement the LPP? Both fields of language planning and language policy coalesced into one due to the interrelationships affecting the status, structure, function, and/or acquisition of languages. LPP is multi-layered since any linguistic decisions are influenced by the macro-linguistic (national level), meso-linguistic (community level), and micro-linguistic (individual level) policies. Thus it attempts to modify either the languages and linguistic variables or the contexts in which they are practiced (Hornberger, 2006; McCarty, 2011). The former, or corpus planning, concerns with the codification and elaboration of languages or linguistic variables, whereas the latter, or status planning, focuses on societal decision on language selection and implementation. Any attempt to distribute languages is categorized as a form of acquisition planning. Based on the understanding that any decisions on language(s) are attributed to people’s views of language(s), LPP cannot be examined in vacuo, but rather should be considered in relation to socio-historical, political, and cultural contexts of a community. This critical approach unveils the role that LPP plays in creating the status of language(s) and users by legitimatizing a particular linguistic form while invalidating others (Tollefson, 1991). As one of social institutions, education is highlighted as it is the site in which language policy is interpreted and practiced. In this sense, language education policy, whether overt or covert, should be paid close attention to as it decides which language to be taught, who are perceived to be legitimate teachers, and/or how it should be taught. Employing a mixed method (Cresswell & Clark, 2011), written documents, an online survey, and in-depth interviews were collected for data triangulation. First of all, written documents include Peace Corps annual reports, treaty text to invite Peace Corps, teachers’ training books and so on. Secondly, an online survey was conducted in which 131 PCVs who served as English teachers in Korea participated. Lastly, fifteen PCVs participated in in-depth interviews. By examining historical documents, the study examines macro-level sociopolitical contexts, in which the English policy was, both explicitly and implicitly, implemented. In addition to the historical-textual analysis, a thematic analysis, which is to identify the recurring themes among various data, was used to capture the macro-level of analysis (Johnson, 2013). As one of the developing countries, Korea underwent an intensive modernization process during the 1960s and 1970s. The Park Jung Hee administration accepted the then fully fledged modernization theory. As a way to establish its self-sufficient economy and modernization, the administration requested the U.S. Peace Corps to be sent to Korea. From 1966 to 1981, approximately 2,000 Peace Corps Volunteers (PCVs) came to Korea, many of whom, it is reported, served as English teachers in the TEFL program. While not all but many PCVs were assigned to high schools in the 1960s, they were chiefly allocated to middle schools during the 70s. In addition, teaching model also altered from solo-teaching to co- teaching with Korean English teachers. While teaching English to Korean students, they also conducted intensive in-service training programs for Korean English teachers (Lee, 2016). The Korean government pinpointed American English instead of any other varieties of English by specifically requesting PCVs to teach English as a major foreign language. Considering the fact that English was already chosen as a required subject in secondary education prior to the TEFL program by PCVs, this LPP resulted in solidifying the higher status of English in general and American English in particular. Fully aligned with the national macro-level LPP of the Korean government, this non-governmental meso- and micro- level LPP of the Peace Corps came to (re)produce the language ideology that English is indispensable for modernization and economic development of a nation and also for success and prosperity of an individual. PCVs focused on fixing the problem of English deficiency of Korean students by employing their newly-developed audio-lingual method, particularly emphasizing English speaking competency (Lee, 2016). Training programs for Korean English teachers were also conducted, accordingly. It is of interest to note that the micro-level LPP by the PCVs, in an attempt to shift from a traditional grammar-oriented teaching method to a newly-introduced audio-lingual teaching method with a focus on aural/oral English, was extensively implemented and practiced in the secondary education system of Korea. Whether or not this Peace Corps-led micro-level LPP was successful, however, remains questionable since their teaching method did not change any of English teaching and learning environments in Korea despite their fifteen- year-long efforts (Kailian, 1980). The Peace Corps’ TEFL program in Korea was enthusiastically initiated based on the LPPs of both the Korean government and the Peace Corps. Though there were negotiations on specifics between the two, their primary goal of micro-level LPP by PCVs remained unchanged, highly emphasizing English speaking competency. The case of TEFL program in Korea was the site of LPP, intersecting several dimensions at the same time: status, acquisition, and corpus planning at macro-, meso-, and micro-levels. Despite their efforts to improve English speaking competency of Koreans, the LPP was effective only in proliferation of the ideological construct of English as the international language, and ideologies of anglocentricity and professionalism (Phillipson, 1992), which had bestrewed in English education since the globalization era of Korea. The solidification of the higher status of American English, which is the corollary of the U.S. Peace Corps’ LPP in Korea, has to some extent formed and maintained the asymmetrical relationship between those who have access to the legitimatized American English and its newly spread teaching method and those who do not have access to them. References

Cresswell, J. W. & Clark, V. L. P. (2011). Designing and conducting mixed methods research (2nd ed.). California: Sage Publication. Hornberger, N. H. (2006). Frameworks and models in language policy and planning. In T. Ricento (Eds.), Introduction to language policy: Theory and method (pp. 24-41). MA: Blackwell Publishing. Johnson, D. C. (2013). Language policy. NY: Palgrave Macmillan. Kailian, G. S. (1980). English test and attitude measure among Korean students of United States Peace Corps Volunteers (Doctoral dissertation). University of Southern California. Lee, C. H. (2016). Language ideological approaches to English education in Korea: A sociolinguistic perspective (Doctoral dissertation). Retrieved from ProQuest. (10103668) McCarty, T. L. (2011). Ethnography and language policy. Routledge. Phillipson, R. (1992). Linguistic imperialism. NY: Oxford University Press. Tollefson, J. W. (1991). Planning language, planning inequality. NY: Longman Inc. Seoul National University International Conference on Linguistics: Theme Session – Language Learning and Teaching in Segmental and Suprasegmental Features

 Date: 15-16 June 2018  Location: [Bldg. 14 - Room 207] Seoul National University

Day 1

Day 2

Session 7 - Moderator | Yungdo Yun (Dongguk University) 14:50-15:25 Presentation #12 | Prosodic marking of second occurrence focus in Korean

Session 8 - Moderator | Gayeon Son (Kwangwoon University) 16:10-16:40 Presentation #14 | Detecting of Syllabic Consonants in the Spontaneous Speech Corpus

Speaker #16 | 18: 00 - Reception at Hoam Faculty Hotel

Shifting Boundaries

Chiung-Yao Wang Chang Jung Christian University

Despite the popular perspective of using English as a Lingua Franca nowadays, and that native- speaker pronunciation is no longer pursued as the ultimate goal (Björkman 2011, Hülmbauer et al. 2008, Jenkins 2005, Kirkpatrick 2011, Seidlhofer 2001, Soler 2008), issues on language learners’ comprehensibility and intelligibility remain. Sardegna (2011) studies the long-term effects of students receiving instructions on linking and other strategies in a pronunciation course. This study departs from a course specifically designed for pronunciation improvement; it focuses on incorporating suprasegmental features (including stress, linking, and intonation) in regular Freshman and Sophomore English courses. To enhance comprehension of native speakers’ speech in various contexts (e.g. daily conversations, news, movies), instruction of how sounds are connected in natural speech through authentic materials raises students’ awareness in this regard. Connected speech involves linking at cross-word boundaries. Deletions/reduction of a segment may occur as we see in “best time” where the t in “best” and the t in “time” are merged, and only one t is pronounced. A common linking, less noticeable by language learners, is the linking of the final consonant of a word to the initial vowel of the following word as in (1):

(1) She would never scold us again. (Great Expectations by Charles Dickens, p.31)

In (1), d in “scold” and u in “us” are linked across word boundaries, and so are s in “us” and a in “again” are linked across boundaries. Visually perceived, words are separated by spaces in a sentence; however, in a string of sounds, the spaces do not translate to either audible sounds or silences. Segments that are audibly produced and perceived sequentially are realized as if there were no boundaries between words. That is, one syllable after another. The sentence in (1), when separated by syllables, appears to be the sequence of sounds as in (2), illustrated with slashes indicating the boundaries of syllables.

(2) She/would/ne/ver/scol/du/sa/gain.

Language learners may acquire more effectively through explicit teaching rather than implicit teaching or exposing learners to a large amount of native speakers’ production. Three words in (2) “scold us again” spread across four syllables, and not one of the four syllables is a whole word itself. Such mismatch is a challenge mainly because the boundaries of some words (as in print) now have shifted their boundaries when produced in speech.

Connected speech occurs naturally, so forced realization of linking in slow speech would sound odd. Students are to produce natural connected speech only if they desire to. Regardless of whether or not leaners begin to have connected speech in their own production, the awareness facilitates in comprehension of unedited and unaltered speech happening in everyday life. Learners, when engaging in conversations or reading of pieces of articles or novels, are encouraged to “look ahead” at the word boundaries (for possible linking opportunities) before their speaking production for the purpose of practice. Understanding of distinctive features such as linking in native speaker’s speech is crucial for language learners’ comprehensibility, and the attainment of suprasegmental futures enhances intelligibility.

References: Björkman, B. (2011). English as a lingua franca in higher education: Implications for EAP. Ibérica: Revista de la Asociación Europea de Lenguas para Fines Específicos (AELFE), (22), 79-100. Derwing, T. M., Munro, M. J., & Wiebe, G. (1998). Evidence in favor of a broad framework for pronunciation instruction. Language Leanrning, 48, 393-410. Dickens, C. (2008) (A Simplified edition of) Great Expectations, Bookworm Series, Level 5, Oxford University Press. Jenkins, J. (2005). Teaching pronunciation for English as a lingua franca: a sociopolitical perspective. The globalisation of English and the English language classroom, 145-158. Kirkpatrick, A. (2011). English as an Asian lingua franca and the multilingual model of ELT. Language Teaching, 44(02), 212-224. Liddicoat, A. J. (2009). Communication as culturally contexted practice: A view from intercultural communication. Australian Journal of Linguistics, 29(1), 115-133. Hülmbauer, C., Böhringer, H., & Seidlhofer, B. (2008). Introducing English as a lingua franca (ELF): Precursor and partner in intercultural communication. Synergies Europe, 3, 25-36. Sardegna, V. G. (2011). Pronunciation learning strategies that improve ESL learner’s linking. In J. Levis & K. LeVelle (Eds.). Proceedings of the 2nd Pronunciation in Second Language Learning and Teaching Conference, Sept. 2010, pp. 105-121), Ames, IA: Iowa State University. Seidlhofer, B. (2001). Closing a conceptual gap: The case for a description of English as a lingua franca. International Journal of Applied Linguistics, 11(2), 133-158. Soler, E. A. (2008). Linguistic unity and cultural diversity in Europe: Implications for research on English language and learning. In Intercultural language use and language learning (pp. 23-39). Springer Netherlands. Murphy, J. M. (2014). Intelligible, comprehensible, non-native models in ESL/EFL pronunciation teaching. System, 42, 258-269. Sifakis, N. C. (2014). Teaching pronunciation in the post-EFL era: Lessons from ELF and implications for teacher education. English as a Foreign Language Teacher Education: Current perspectives and challenges. Amsterdam and New York: Rodopi, 127-146. Tergujeff, E. (2013). English pronunciation teaching in Finland. Jyväskylä studies in humanities, 207. Thomson, R. I., & Derwing, T. M. (2015). The Effectiveness of L2 Pronunciation Instruction: A Narrative Review. Applied Linguistics, 36(3), 326-344. Yazan, B. (2015). Intelligibility. ELT Journal, 69(2), 202-204.

Ongoing pronunciation change - between needs assessment and progress testing: the case of Polish students of English Department

Marta Nowacka The University of Rzeszów

A plethora of phoneticians (Celce-Murcia et al., 1996; Derwing and Munro, 2015; Reed and Levis, 2015) agree that classroom-based research provides evidence on whether a pronunciation instruction is effective. They also advise pronunciation testing in the form of needs-, formative- and summative assessment. The aim of this study is to provide some evidence about the first year English Department students’ pronunciation change, which is observed after the first semester of their phonetic education. The comparison of data comprises the period between initial phonetic needs analysis and the formative assessment. In other words we make observations on our respondents’ ongoing pronunciation after the completion of segmental phonetics before the explicit focus on suprasegmentals and other aspects, e.g. the relation between sounds and letters. A self-designed diagnostic pronunciation test, was administered to over 100 freshly admitted students in their first week of study at the university. The data selected for the presentation is based on a sample of 30 randomly chosen recordings. The test consists of two speech elicitation tasks, i.e. a sample of each learner’s extemporaneous speech (a description of each respondent’ interests) and reading aloud tasks. The word-reading exercise encompasses 35 lexemes which present a variety of phonetically difficulties, including orthography and lack of transparent letter-to-sound correspondence, i.e. silent letters in gnaw or comb, problematic letters and letter combinations, e.g. ‘o’ in oven versus protein, or ‘ch’ in charlatan versus archives and ‘words commonly mispronounced’ (ancient, word) together with examples exhibiting frequent word-stress misplacement (area, purchase). The 20 sentence-reading task comprises among other things such phonetic aspects as weak forms, contractions (won’t, mustn’t), ‘trap’ words (dough, leopard), words with difficult word stress (determined, develop), rendition of verb forms, (risen) as well as place names (Niagara Falls). This evidence based testing method makes it possible to obtain findings on which aspects of English phonetics were acquired by the students implicitly during their study of English segments. On the other hand it also reveals which phonetic elements require a direct focus on form without which an array of mispronunciations cannot be eradicated. References:

Celce-Murcia, M., Brinton, D. & Goodwin, J. (1996), Teaching Pronunciation: a Reference Book for Teachers of English to Speakers of Other Languages, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Derwing, T. M. and M. J. Munro (2015) Pronunciation Fundamentals: Evidence-based Perspective for L2 Teaching and Research, Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Company.

Reed M. and J. M. Levis (2015) The handbook of English Pronunciation, Chichester: John Wiley.

Korean speaking toddler speakers’ articulatory development with multi-parameter control

Gayeon Son Kwangwoon University

The present study aims to show a clear trajectory of how F0 develops and operates for phonetic distinction between Korean laryngeal contrasts in toddler speech. This study uses a quantitative acoustic model to examine the word-initial stop productions of 58 Korean monolingual children aged 20 to 47 months. The production experiment confirmed that VOT is useful for distinguishing fortis stops, showing that fortis stops still have significantly short VOT compared to lenis or aspirated stops. It also revealed that F0 is required for distinguishing between lenis and aspirated stops, and this tendency is significantly related to age. Additionally, the analysis indicates that VOT is acquired and operates earlier than F0 by toddler speakers, but once F0 is acquired, VOT differentiation diminishes for distinction between lenis and aspirated stops. This trade-off between VOT and F0 would occur around the age of 3 years (Figure 1). It has been found that the acquisition of VOT is ahead of F0 acquisition and it makes VOT significantly operate for articulatory distinction between lenis and aspirated stops until F0 is acquired. As F0 develops enough to properly function for the phonetic distinction around the age of 3 years, VOT does not play any significant role for articulatory distinction between the non-fortis stops. These findings suggest that during the process of the acquisition of Korean stop categories with two different acoustic cues, toddlers prefer to use F0 over VOT for certain phonetic distinction and this cue weighting process recapitulates Korean tonogenetic sound change, which has been observed in young adults’ speech. In addition, the phonemic categorization in the F0 dimension is directly linked to significant development of tonal contrasts in Korean stop system. This study provides experimental evidence for understanding of a developmental trajectory of F0 for native phonological contrasts.

Table1. Children’s information for a production test.

Age group Male Female 1;8-2;6 7 8 2;7-3;0 5 8 3;1-3;6 8 8 3;7-3;11 3 11

Figure 1. Probabilities for /ph/ (y-axis) by F0 and VOT difference (x-axis) in productions by four child age groups. (Top row: 1;8-2;6, second row: 2;7-3;0, third row: 3;1-3;6, bottom row: 3;7-3;11)

The acquisition of a natural and an unnatural stress patterns

Soohyun Kwon University of Pennsylvania

Introduction It has been argued that there is an asymmetry between initial and final extrametricality, with initial extrametricality regarded as unnatural or impossible (Kager 2005, Hyde 2011). This study uses an artificial language learning paradigm to examine whether a common stress pattern with final extrametricality is learned better than a rare but attested pattern with initial extrametricality. The common pattern used in this study is that of Latin, in which stress falls on heavy penult, otherwise the antepenult: a trochee with final syllable extrametricality (Hayes 1995). The uncommon pattern is Kashaya, in which stress falls on a heavy second syllable, otherwise on the third: an iamb with initial syllable extrametricality (Buckley 1994). These two patterns are formally equivalent mirror-images. This study examines whether adult speakers learn the Latin stress pattern with final extrametricality more easily than the Kashaya pattern with initial extrametricality.

Methodology Participants were exposed to artificial words for a short period of time and then tested on new test words. The stimulus set consisted of three-, four- and five- syllable nonce words made up of 12 different syllables: four different consonants, [p t k s], combined with three different vowels, [i, a, u]. 54 training words and 18 novel words were constructed. Subjects were twenty native speakers of Seoul Korean aged between 25 and 35 years. Seoul Korean speakers were chosen because that language has no extrametricality. Subjects were randomly assigned to learn either final extrametricality (Latin) or initial extrametricality (Kashaya). The experiment consisted of three parts: 1) In the learning session, subjects listened to nonce words and looked at a picture corresponding to each word. 2) In training session, subjects listened to nonce words and were tested on the words they had just learned. Subjects were presented with two choices of the stimuli, a correct and an incorrect version, and had to choose which version matched the stress pattern. Feedback was provided to improve learnability. 3) Immediately following the training session, subjects were tested on 18 novel words. The new test words repeated the stress pattern they were trained on, so participants demonstrated their understanding of the underlying pattern by scoring well on the novel words.

Results & Discussion The Latin group scored 83.14% correct while the Kashaya group 83.33% correct. An ANOVA showed that there is no significant difference between the Latin and Kashaya groups (F(1,33)=0.000, p=1) and this indicates that the Latin and Kashaya stress patterns are equivalently learnable patterns. Despite the fact that patterns with right-edge extrametricality are much more widely attested than those with left-edge extrametricality, the results of this experiment suggest that the two patterns are equally ‘cognitively accessible’ to listeners. The findings of this study lend support to Buckley’s (2009) standpoint that the formal system of extrametricality is symmetrical, and there is no penalty to the uncommon rule in synchronic grammar. (477 words)

Variation in Voice Onset Time of Korean stops: Korean monolinguals vs. Korean-English bilinguals

Hye Jeong Yu Hanshin University

Abstract Many studies that examined Korean stops recently reported that VOT is no longer crucial to distinguish between the aspirated and lax stops in contemporary Korean. As the VOT ranges of the aspirated and lax stops became merged, F0s is crucial to distinguish them in both production and perception (Kim, M.-R., 2014). However, this acoustic change of Korean stops was not found in early Korean-English bilinguals. The early Korean-English bilinguals in Kang and Guion (2006) and Oh and Daland (2011) produced significantly different VOTs between the aspirated and lax stops. Thus, the purpose of this study is to replicate previous studies, which explored stop systems of Korean-English bilinguals, in order to see whether the recent sound change of Korean stops is found or not and how the stops of Korean and English are distributed. Six early Korean-English bilingual adults participated in this study: three males and three females in the average age of 21.5 years. They were born in New York, USA and heard only Korean at home until they went to school, such as daycare or preschool, between 3 and 4 years (De Houwer, 2009). Seven Korean monolingual adults also participated: three males and four females in the average age of 26.5 years. A set of target words that contain word-initial stops was conducted for English and Korean for the picture-naming task. The participants were asked to say targets in the specific phrase; ‘this is a/an ___’ or ‘they are ___’ in English and /ikǝt-ɨn ___- ieyo/ in Korean. VOT, F0 at the vowel onset and H1-H2 at the vowel onset were measured. In Korean, the bilinguals produced significantly different VOTs between the three stops (p<0.05); aspirated > lax> tense stops. The monolinguals produced significantly shorter VOTs in the tense stops than in the aspirated and lax stops (p<0.001), but they produced no different VOTs between the aspirated and lax stops. The bilinguals and monolinguals produced significantly different F0s between the three stops (p<0.05); aspirated > tense > lax stops. While the bilinguals produced significantly lower H1-H2s for the tense stops than for the others (p<0.001); the monolinguals produced significantly different H1-H2s between the three stops (p<0.05); aspirated > lax > tense. In a comparison of Korean and English stops of the bilinguals, the aspirated stops were significantly different from the voiceless stops by VOT and F0 (p<0.001); and were significantly different from the voiced stops by VOT, closure duration, F0, and H1-H2 (p<0.05). The lax stops were significantly different from the voiceless stops only by F0 (p<0.001); and were significantly different from the voiced stops by VOT and H1-H2 (p<0.001). The tense stops were significantly different from the voiceless stops by VOT, closure duration, F0, and H1-H2 (p<0.001); and were significantly different from the voiced stops by closure duration and F0 (p<0.001). While the monolinguals produced merged VOT ranges of the aspirated and lax stops, the bilinguals produced significantly different VOTs for them. In order to have five distinct stops of Korean and English, it is likely that the bilinguals kept significant VOT difference between the aspirated and lax stops. In perception, VOT may play an important role in distinguishing the aspirated and lax stops in early Korean-English bilinguals compared to in Korean monolinguals.

Reference De Houwer, A. (2009). Bilingual First Language Acquisition. Multilingual Matters. Kang, K.-H., and Guion, S. (2006). Phonological systems in bilinguals: Age of learning effects on the stop consonant systems of Korean-English bilinguals. The Journal of the Acoustical · Society of America, 119(3), 1672–1683. Kim, M.-R. (2014). Ongoing sound change in the stop system of Korean: A three- to two-way categorization. Studies in Phonetics, Phonology, and Morphology, 20, 51-82 Kim, M.-R., Beddor, P.S., and Horrocks, J. 2002. The contribution of consonantal and vocalic information to the perception of Korean initial stops. Journal of Phonetics, 30, 77–100 Oh, M. & Daland, R. (2011). Word-initial stops in Korean and English monolinguals and bilinguals. Linguistic Research 28(3), 625-634

A corpus-study of voicing and gender effects on American English Fricatives

Tae-Jin Yoon Sungshin Women's University

The paper investigates the acoustic characteristics of English fricatives in the TIMIT corpus, with a special focus on the role of voicing in rendering fricatives in American English. The TIMIT database includes 630 talkers and 2342 different sentences, comprising over five hours of speech. Acoustic analyses are conducted in the domain of spectral and temporal properties by treating gender, voicing and place of articulation as independent factors. The results of acoustic analyses revealed that acoustic signals are interacting in a complex way for signaling gender, places, and voicing of fricatives. Classification experiments using multiclass support vector machine (SVM) revealed that 78.7% of fricatives are correctly classified. As seen in Table 1, the majority of errors are from the misclassification of /θ/ as [f] and /ʒ/ as [z]. The average accuracy of gender classification is 78.7%. Most errors result from the classification of female speakers as being male speakers. The paper contributes to the understanding of effects of voicing and gender on fricatives in a large-scale speech corpus.

Table 1. Classification results of phones reported in percentage True classes Pred. /f/ /v/ /θ/ /ð/ /s/ /z/ /ʃ/ /ʒ/ /f/ 91.1 2.0 22.2 0.0 1.4 0.0 0.7 8.3 /v/ 5.6 96.9 8.3 4.8 0.0 1.3 0.0 0.0 /θ/ 0.8 0.0 47.2 0.4 0.0 0.6 0.0 0.0 /ð/ 0.0 1.03 16.6 93.8 0.0 1.3 0.0 0.0 /s/ 0.8 0.0 0.0 0.0 93.7 13.6 13.1 8.3 /z/ 1.6 0.0 2.7 0.8 4.0 82.8 0.0 50.5 /ʃ/ 0.0 0.0 2.7 0.0 0.7 0.0 86.1 25.0 /ʒ/ 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 8.3

Perception of English words ear and year by Japanese listeners

YUN Jihyeon and ARAI Takayuki Chungnam National University, Korea Graduate School of Science and Technology, Sophia University, Japan

The present research is a preliminary study on the perception of English homorganic glide-vowel (GV) sequence /ji/. Kang (2014) reported that Korean learners of English have difficulty in production of /yi/ and /wu/ from /u/ and /i/ respectively, and /yi/ can be more problematic than /wu/ for acquisition. In line with Korean, these homorganic glide-vowel (GV) sequences are not distinctive from /i/ and /u/ in Tokyo Japanese. Sasa (2016) analyzed the production of English /wu/ sequence by Japanese speakers and reported that the speakers tended to drop the onset /w/ or replace the onset to a glottal stop. In the current study, 51 university students participated in the word identification test. The participants had knowledge in the ear-year distinction of English. The stimuli consisted of English words ear, weir, year, east, yeast uttered in isolation by a native speaker of American English. Additionally, only the words ear, weir, year were uttered in the form of “two ____s” by the same speaker. The experiment session comprised an instruction block, a short practice block, and 3 main experiment blocks which differed in the type of stimuli. The listeners could distinguish the two words with varying accuracy. In average, the ratio of correct responses were higher than chance level, and were higher for ear and east than for year and yeast when they were spoken isolated. The identification of the word weir was near 100 % correct. The accuracy rate was higher when the words were presented in isolation than when they were presented within the phrase of “two ____s”. Unlike the isolated condition, when the target words were following the word two, the ratio of correct responses for ear was lower than that for year. The ratio of correct responses for year and weir decreased in the phrase condition as well, yet not as drastically as the case of ear. The better accuracy on the ear and east over year and yeast in isolated condition cannot be explained by word familiarity. We need to further investigate the acoustic cues the listeners have used to perceive the glide.

References Kang, S. K. (2014). The acquisition of English glides by native speakers of Korean. The University of Iowa. Sasa, T. (2016). English, Japanese L2 Production of English Homorganic G-V Sequences: A Preliminary Study. Liberal arts, 10, 71-83.

Neurocognitive evidence for the internal complexity of Korean vowels

Haeil Park Kyung Hee University

We can easily argue that <ɨy> is the most marked diphthong regardless of its phonetic nature, i.e., onglide or offglide. As for the other onglide diphthongs, however, it is difficult to judge since we observe four w-onglides and five y-onglides. i.e., similar number in distribution. So, we need to find out if there is any complexity difference between these two types of onglides. Recently, Park et al. (2011) conducted an overt production functional Magnetic Resonance Imaging (fMRI) experiment to distinguish differences in complexity based on phonological organization. Complex vowel (i.e., /ɯi/) elicited more of speech production areas than less complex vowel (i.e., /ye/), which in turn activated less degree of the regions than simple vowel (i.e., /i/). Based on this finding, we concluded that /ɰi/ is articulatorily more complex than /ye/ which is in turn more complex than /we/. However, we did not attempt to investigate whether there are any differences in neural activity between two different types of onglides, thereby not completing the phonological complexity scale among Korean vowels.

Here, I aimed to explore where there is any complexity scale in different types of onglides using fMRI, and if so, how it is manifested in the brain. 15 subjects were asked to repeat acoustically presented nonlexical bisyllabic speech sounds of different complexity. Subjects were asked to repeat acoustically presented nonlexical bisyllabic speech sounds of different complexity and to perform oral movements without vocalization. Instructions were “say tɨ.ye”, “say tɨ.we”, and “say tɨ.i.” Under the assumption that the production of phonologically complex syllables requires more planning and more motor execution (Sörös et al. 2006), our hypothesis was that producing phonologically complex syllables will generate activation in Broca’s area, a region known to be responsible for speech production planning, as well as motor-related areas to a greater extent than phonologically simple syllables. The production of /tɨ.ye/ (COMPLEX 1) respective to that of /tɨ.we/ (COMPLEX 2) activated a significant increase in BOLD signal in the inferior frontal gyrus (IFG) or Broca’s area (BA 47), a region known to be involved with articulatory planning (Hickok and Poeppel 2000; Wise et al. 1999) and conscious regulation of gestural sequences from memory (Petrides 2006). This suggests that the y-diphthong is harder to produce than the w-diphthong. The production of COMPLEX 2 (/tɨ.we/) as compared with SIMPLE (/tɨ.i/) also induces a significantly greater activation in BA 47, which indicates that w-diphthong is more difficult to articulate than a monophthong. Thus, this suggests that the former is harder to produce and more unstable than the latter. Overall, consistent with the findings of Park et al. (2011), these fMRI results provide neural support for the existence of phonological complexity scale in Korean vowels: y-onglide is more complex than w-onglide, which is in turn more diffcult to produce than a monophthong.

Selected References

Park, H., Park, H.-J., & Iverson, G. K. (2011). Neural correlates in the processing of phoneme-l evel complexity in vowel production. Brain and Language, 119, 158-166. Petrides, M. (2006). Broca’s area in the human and the nonhuman primate brain. In Y. Grodzinsky & K. Amunts (Eds.), Broca’s region (pp. 31–46). New York: Oxford University Press Hickok, G., & Poeppel, D. (2000). Towards a functional neuroanatomy of speech perception. Trends in Cognitive Sciences, 4(4), 131–138. Sörös, P., Sokoloff, L. G., Bose, A., McIntosh, A. R., Graham, S. J., & Stuss, D. T. (2006). Clustered functional MRI of overt speech production. Neuroimage, 32(1), 376–387. Wise, R. J., Greene, J., Buchel, C., & Scott, S. K. (1999). Brain regions involved in articulation. Lancet, 353(9158), 1057–1061.

Acoustic Correlates of English Word Stress Produced by Cantonese Speakers

Wai-Sum Lee Department of Linguistics and Translation, City University of Hong Kong

Abstract The acoustic correlates of stress are known to be fundamental frequency (F0), intensity and duration as demonstrated in the classic works of Fry (1955), Lieberman (1959), and Morton and Jassem (1965). Zhang, Nissen and Francis (2008) investigates the acoustic characteristics of English lexical stress produced by native Mandarin speakers. Results show that Mandarin speakers use the acoustic correlates to distinguish stressed from unstressed syllables. The present study investigates the acoustic correlates, F0 and intensity, of English word stress in the speech of Cantonese speakers. The test materials for investigation were English bisyllabic and polysyllabic words associated with the nine stress patterns of S-w, w-S; S-w-w, w-S-w, w-w-S; S-w-w- w, w-S-w-w, w-w-S-w, and w-w-w-S, where S = strong and w = weak in stress level. Speech samples were elicited from ten male Cantonese speakers who were university students majoring in a subject other than English or Linguistics. The stress patterns of all the English test words produced by the Cantonese speakers were judged to be correct. Corresponding speech samples from male British English speakers were obtained from the online English dictionaries and analyzed acoustically for comparison purposes. The findings of the differences and similarities in the acoustic correlates associated with the stress patterns between Cantonese and English speakers are summarized as follows. (1) S-w, S-w-w, and S-w-w-w. Both Cantonese and English speakers produce the initial S-syllable with higher F0 and higher intensity than all the other w-syllables. (2) w-S. For English speakers, the final S-syllable has higher F0 and intensity than the preceding w-syllable. For Cantonese speakers, the final S-syllable has higher intensity, but not necessarily higher F0, than the preceding w-syllable. (3) w-w-S and w-w-w-S. Both Cantonese and English speakers tend to produce the final S- syllable with a high-falling F0 contour, with the peak F0 not necessarily higher than that of the preceding w-syllables. For speakers of both languages, the difference in intensity between the final S- syllable and the non-adjacent preceding w-syllables is small, but there is a large increase in intensity from the adjacent preceding w-syllable to the final S-syllable. (4) w-S-w. For both Cantonese and English speakers, the medial S-syllable has higher F0 and higher intensity than the following w-syllable. Between the medial S-syllable and the initial w-syllable, the differences in F0 and intensity are reduced for speakers of both languages, where the medial S- syllable has higher F0, but not necessarily higher intensity, than the initial w-syllable. (5) w-S-w-w and w-w-S-w. English speakers produce the medial S-syllable with higher F0, but not higher intensity, than all the neighboring w-syllables. For Cantonese speakers, in most cases the medial-S syllable has higher F0 and higher intensity than all the neighboring w-syllables. To sum up, (i) both Cantonese and English speakers produce the main word stress by increasing F0, intensity, or both, and (ii) the levels of the two acoustic correlates, F0 and intensity, vary according to the main stress position and the number of syllables in the words. In general, the patterns of the F0 and intensity of the lexical stress on English words uttered by Cantonese and English are similar. The paper will present the measured acoustic correlates associated with different patterns of word stress in English produced by Cantonese and English speakers.

References. [1] Fry, D.B. (1955). Duration and intensity as physical correlates of linguistics stress. JASA, 27.765-768. [2] Lieberman, P. (1959). Some acoustic correlates of word stress in American English. JASA, 32.4.451-454. [3] Morton, J. and W. Jassem (1965). Acoustic correlates of stress. Language and Speech, 8.3.159-181. [4] Zhang, Y., S.L. Nissen and A.L. Francis (2008). Acoustic characteristics of English lexical stress produced by native Mandarin speakers. JASA, 123.6.4498-4513.

[Acknowledgement: This research is supported by UGC Funding Scheme for Teaching & Learning Related Proposals 2016-19 Triennium (CityU15/T&L/16-19).]

The comparative study of L2 fluency acquisition to English and Korean prosody

SeokHan Kang Konkuk University Glocal Campus

This study investigated cross-directional development of L2 fluency on the production of suprasegmental features. L2 learners of native Koreans learning English and native English speakers learning Korean with various length of immersion were compared and analyzed. It was expected that the longer immersed L2 learners would have suprasegmental features more similar to native L1 speakers compared with the shorter immersed learners, while the variation in L2 acquisition could be extended by the effect of background language. The experiments for both groups were carried out to check the hypothesis. The results showed that

L2 longer-immersed groups exerted the similar features of L1 native speakers. The direction of L2 development, however, was different. As a result, both groups have features with similar and different patterns at the same time. The similar features are realized in durational cues such as the speech rate and pauses, while the contrastive features are found in the spectral cues like F0. The result suggests that L2 development is determined by both factors: L1 background language and universal L2 developmental features.

Keywords: second language acquisition, immersion, cross-direction, F0, speech rate, spectral cues, prosody, phonetics

The Pronunciation Patterns of L2 Learners of Filipino: An Exploratory Study

Leticia C. Pagkalinawan University of Hawaii at Manoa

The Filipino language is one of the foreign languages being offered at the University of Hawaii at Manoa. Students of Filipino language courses are mostly heritage learners but born and raised in Hawaii. They take the Filipino language to communicate with their parents and other Filipinos who speak Filipino (a Tagalog-based language) and to understand their native culture. Students with no background in the Filipino language are required to take four semesters of Filipino language courses. During the first two semesters of Beginning Filipino, students learn the basic knowledge of simple Filipino, which includes the production of correct Filipino phonemes, accents, pitch and intonation. With the basic understanding of simple Filipino acquired at the elementary level, students gain confidence in continuing to the Intermediate Filipino. Student Learning Outcomes (SLO) of this level focus on the mastery of correct pronunciation of Filipino words and phrases in both oral reading and speaking activities.

This paper investigates the pronunciation patterns of L2 Filipino students, particularly, at the beginning and intermediate levels of Filipino courses at the University of Hawaii. It seeks to answer the following: 1. What are the pronunciation patterns of L2 Filipino learners? 2. What are the prominent pronunciation errors by the beginning and intermediate L2 Filipino learners? 3. What are factors that cause these pronunciation errors? 4. How do L2 learners perceive the pronunciation system of Filipino?

This study is a mixed method of qualitative and quantitative research. It utilizes an eclectic approach in the gathering of data. Eclectic is a system of collecting data from various sources. Students’ oral presentations on VoiceThread (VT) and survey comprise the main source of data collection. A voice thread is a web-based platform that allows a person to post collections of media like images, videos, documents, and presentations. The survey consists of 5-scaled Likert items concerning participants’ perceptions of the pronunciation system of Filipino. The last question is an open-ended that talks about why the participants make mistakes in the production of Filipino phonemes, accents, pitch and intonation. Interviews, observation, and field notes also provide very significant data. All the data collected were transcribed, analyzed, and interpreted. Numerical figures were computed. Findings reveal the pronunciation patterns of L2 Filipino learners at the University of Hawaii, the typical pronunciation errors and the reasons why they make those errors, and the L2 learners’ perceptions on the Filipino pronunciation system.

Key words: Filipino language, second/foreign language learning and teaching, pronunciation, Voice Thread, mixed methods research PROSODIC MARKING OF SECOND OCCURRENCE FOCUS IN KOREAN

Seong Eun Park Ewha Womans University

This paper investigates the intonational expression of second occurrence (SO) focus in Korean and its implications on the semantics-phonology interface. SO focus “is an expression [...] in the scope of a focus-sensitive operator, […], and a repeat of an earlier focused occurrence” (Beaver and Clark 2008: 119). An example of SO focus is shown in (1), from Partee (1999: 215). In A, vegetables is in the scope of a focus-sensitive operator only and it is repeated in B, and thus a SO focus word; the SO focus is preceded by another primary focused item Paul which is in the scope of a focus-sensitive operator even. (1) A: Everyone already knew that Mary only eats [vegetables]F. B: If even [Paul]F knew that Mary only eats [vegetables]SOF, then he should have suggested a different restaurant. Strong theorists claim that interpretational effects for focus are exclusively from pragmatics, independent of phonological focus marking (Kadmon 2001, Schwarzschild 1997, Roberts 1996). They take SO focus as their evidence arguing that SO focus is an example of accentless focus. On the contrary, a weak theory of focus assumes syntactic mediation between semantics and phonology (Beaver and Clark 2008, Beaver et al. 2007, Selkirk 2002b). Studies of acoustic correlates of SO focus in Englsh and German have supported the weak theory, showing that SO focus is prosodically marked: in English, SO focus is marked by longer duration and intensity, but F0 prominence is suppressed (Beaver et al. 2007). However, this is not a typologically justifiable claim. To address this issue, a production experiment was conducted for SO focus marking in Korean. Among the 240 primary focus, 240 SO focus, and 240 nonfocus items produced from 10 native Korean speakers (five male, five female), 120 items for each focus type from 5 participants out of 10 were measured for duration. The results show that SO focus in Korean is not marked by duration although primary focus in Korean is significantly marked by duration, in which case Korean data in this study support the strong theory. If later analysis shows that SO focus in Korean is marked by significantly prominent pitch accents, this will support the weak theory. Also, the way SO focus is marked in Korean will provide insights on the interaction between prosodic features and the interaction between intonational phonology and interpretation.

References Beaver, D. and Clark, B. Z. (2008). Sense and sensitivity: How focus determines meaning. Malden, MA: Wiley-Blackwell. Beaver, D., Clark, B. Z., Flemming, E., Jaeger, T. F., and Wolters, M. (2007). When semantics meets phonetics: acoustical studies of second-occurrence focus. Language, 83(2), 245-276. Kadmon, N. (2001). Formal pragmatics: Semantics, pragmatics, presupposition and focus. Oxford: Blackwell. Partee, B. (1999). Focus, quantification, and semantics-pragmatics issues. In P. Bosch and R. van der Sandt (Eds.), Focus: Linguistic, Cognitive, and Computational Perspectives, (pp. 213-231). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Roberts, C. (1996). Information structure in discourse: Towards an integrated formal theory of pragmatics. In J.-H. Yoon and A. Kathol (Eds.), Ohio State University working papers in Linguistics: Papers in semantics 49, (pp. 91-136). Columbus, OH: Ohio State University. Schwarzschild, R. (1997). Why some foci must associate. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University, ms. Selkirk. (2002). The syntax-phonology interface. In International encyclopedia of the social and behavioral sciences, Section 3.9, Article 23. Elsevier.

Asymmetry in Phonemic Categorization of English Stops on the VOT and F0 Dimensions

Gayeon Son Kwangwoon University

Korean and English utilize the same set of acoustic cues, Voice Onset Time (VOT) and fundamental frequency (F0), to distinguish between stop contrasts (Lisker & Abramson, 1964), but the use of these multiple acoustic cues differs depending on which cue plays a more crucial role. Korean stop contrasts (lenis, fortis, aspirated) have historically been phonetically differentiated by a single phonetic cue, VOT. However, as Korean stop contrasts are undergoing tonogenesis, in which Korean is acquiring tonal contrasts, the role of F0 has been enhanced (Silva, 2006; Wright, 2007; Kang, 2014). Under the circumstance in which the two different languages’ stop contrasts require the same acoustic cues for phonetic distinction while the relative importance of the phonetic cues is reversed, this study attempts to show how acoustic cue- weighting in a native language can affect the production and perception of contrasts in L2. The current study investigates how English stop categories can be mapped onto Korean stop categories in a two-dimensional acoustic space conducting a production and a perception experiment with 23 Korean speakers. The productions of Korean speakers showed that VOT/F0 differentiation was consistently observed when distinguishing the two English voicing contrasts in spite of a VOT merger in native stop categories. The quantitative acoustic model for the comparison between Korean stop categories and English counterparts reported that English voiced stops are assimilated to lenis stops only in the F0 dimension (p > .10) showing that English voiced stops have lowered F0s. In the VOT dimension, the two stop categories showed significant difference in VOT (p < .001) with a long-lag VOT for lenis stops. The perceptual identification of English stops revealed that Korean listeners meaningfully relied on the VOT differences for the distinction between English stop categories, showing that some stimuli of English voiced stops with the lowered F0s and long-lag VOTs tended to be identified as English voiceless stops. This suggests that VOT is a contrasting cue for the feature [voice] in English stop contrasts while F0 difference would not be a main cue to perceptually distinguish English stop contrasts. These findings indicate that there is asymmetrical utilization of acoustic cues in the production and perception of English stop contrasts by Korean speakers. The F0 dispersion in Korean stop phonemes is reflected mainly in L2 production, while VOT is used in a language- specific way in L2 perception. Therefore, English phonemic categorization is VOT-biased in perceptual space, alongside articulatory assimilation to the primary phonetic cue (F0) in the native language, suggesting a discrepancy in language competence between L2 production and perception.

References Kang, Y. (2014). Voice Onset Time merger and development of tonal contrast in Seoul Korean stops: a corpus study. Journal of Phonetics, 45, 76-90. Lisker, L. & Abramson, A. S. (1964). Cross-language study of voicing in initial stops: Acoustical measurements. Word, 20, 384-422. Silva, D. J. (2006). Acoustic evidence for the emergence of tonal contrast in contemporary Korean. Phonology, 23, 287-308. Wright, J. D. (2007). Laryngeal Contrast in Seoul Korean. Ph.D. dissertation, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, PA.

Detecting of Syllabic Consonants in the Spontaneous Speech Corpus

Weonhee Yu n Keimyung University

This study investigates acoustic differences between syllabic and non-syllabic consonants in the speech corpus and introduces a method to detect syllabic ones in semi-automatic way in a corpus which does not have labels for syllabic consonants. In order to establish the acoustic differences between the two, we compare syllabic consonants to non-syllabic preceded by a vowel with respect to their formant changes. The formants of syllabic consonants are assumed to have little change whereas the formants of a vowel followed by a sonorant have more changes.

The phonological and phonetic gap of the expletive and the non-expletive there Hohyeuk Won and Hyoungyoub Kim

Korea University

When we are dealing with the clausal structure including the adverb there at the beginning of a sentence, like the passive voice, the word there provides the writer a way of changing the sentence focus on the way of altering the word sequence. While enforcing a nominal subject to yield its own position toward there, the sentence will be reorganized with the unstressed there (known as an expletive) at the original subject slot though the actual subject has to follow the verb be.

There is a car in the garage. There is an alarm upon his desk.

Generally most languages tend to the serial repetition of up-and-down patterns: a fairly regular diagram with unstressed and stressed syllables. As long as we face several sentences in English, we come to notice that a sentence usually begins with an unstressed rock bottom. Also, at the initial area it is natural to expect the subject to be located at the first site. But on the way of inserting there and changing the usual order in a sentence the unstressed feature will be assigned to there. Subsequently the original subject will be shifted after the verb be, and it will finally delays the subject until the first stressed position.

<3> TONE PATTER: [ <1> <1> ] [A car]Subject [is]Verb [in the garage]Place [There] [is] [a car]Subject [in the garage]

We have to know that the insertion of there at the subject slot applies when the original subject of the sentence is indefinite: ‘a car’ or ‘an alarm clock’ rather than ‘the car’ or ‘the alarm clock.’ It means that the indefinite article ‘a/an’ is a sort of signal that the targeted subject is new information. If it is necessary to make the subject as an old one, we have to replace the indefinite article with the definite article ‘the’ in order to refer to a particular car under discussion.

<3> [There] is [the car]Subject I showed you last time. [There] is [the alarm] again.

However, clearly the car has been known; there at the beginning position at the sentence above is no longer the unstressed one. Actually the stress carried by there makes it as an adverb providing information of place. In other words, it has to be regarded as the ‘locative’ adverb – in other words, the non-expletive there. The expletive there is always unstressed while the locative adverb there, when it opens a sentence, is mostly stressed. Moreover, the locative adverb not only provides information of place, but also behaves as a kind of pointer. For example, we can recognize the different stress phenomenon at there when we read the following pair of sentences aloud. Most native speakers of English see their fingers pointing in the case of the second there.

[There]Expletive is a piece of chocolate cake displayed. [There]Adverb it is, in the drawer.

In this paper we will think over the different phonological behaviors between the expletive there and the locative adverb from the three-pronged approaches. First, in order to clarify the phonetic difference between the expletive there and the locative adverb, we will try to find relevant examples through searching for the widely acknowledged corpus data and attempt to model the questionnaires for the statistical examination. Second, we will account for the phonological and phonetic gap between the expletive there and the locative adverb on the basis of the syntactic analysis with small vp suggested by Larson (2014) following Minimalist Program. Third, we can also face the same results of sentential arrangement even in the following sentences without a form of the verb be like ‘There appears an angel upon the hill.’ with unaccusative verbs. All the efforts for the analysis of both the sentences with the verb be and those other than be will surely allow us to find a method that can be utilized in the classroom education related with English grammatical information and output techniques like composition and speech.

Seoul National University International Conference on Linguistics: KGGC Theme Session -Crosslinguistic Variation in the Left Periphery at the Syntax-Discourse Interface

 Date: 15-16 June 2018  Location: [Bldg. 14 - Room B101] Seoul National University

Day 1

Day 2

THE LEFT PERIPHERY AND THE SYNTAX- PRAGMATICS INTERFACE OF (NEGATIVE) POLAR QUESTIONS MYRIAM URIBE-ETXEBARRIA (U. OF THE BASQUE COUNTRY, UPV/EHU)

● POLAR QUESTIONS (PQs): a PQ is a question (Q) that expects two possible answers: a) an affirmative answer, or b) a negative one. All the questions in (1-3) are PQs. (1) Did Lu steal the cake? a. Yes , he did b. No, he didn’t (2) Did Lu not steal the cake? a. Yes, he did b. No, he didn’t c. Yes, he didn’t d. No, he did. (3) Didn’t Lu steal the cake? a. Yes, he did. b. No, he didn’t c.*Yes, he didn’t d. *No, he did ● THE PROBLEM: (I) Although all the PQs in (1) raise the same issue (choosing between p and ¬p) and thus have the same resolution conditions, their pragmatic conditions are different (see a.o. Domaneschi, Romero & Braun 2017, Büring & Gunlogson 2000). (II) Not all PQs admit the same set of answers (Krifka 2013,2015; Holmberg 2015, a.o.). There is variation regarding: a) the interpretation of yes (and no) in each of these Qs [Yes is interpreted as he did in (1a-2a-3a), but as he didn’t in (2c)]; b) the possibility of answering with bare Yes/no (some questions require a clause after the answer). Part of these differences come from the choice of a truth-based vs. a polarity based answering system (Holmberg op.cit), but others follow from the interaction between syntactic structure and pragmatics. ► GOAL OR THE TALK: to present a new approach to the internal structure of the left periphery of PQs which derives their syntax-pragmatics interface. ● EARLIER APPROACHES TO PQS. Contrary to Krifka, who analyzes particles like yes and no as anaphoric elements that pick up propositional discourse referents (DRs) introduced by preceding sentences, and assert them or assert their negation, Holmberg (2016) defends that answers to PQs (Yes/No), are derived by ellipsis from full sentential expressions, as in (4) (with deletion under identity with the base clause in the question). The syntax of an answer thus depends on the syntax of the preceding Q. (4) a. Is John coming? b. Yes [John is coming]

PQs introduce a question variable in IP, inherently restricted to 2 values: positive/negative polarity. This polar variable [+/-pol] inside the propositional structure (p-structure) is analyzed as the head of a Pol(arity)P, located between CP and TP. The [+/-Pol] feature moves to C to assign sentential scope to the disjunction and be the Center of Attention, targeted by the Q-force, as in (5a).The Q force feature contributes a request to the addressee to assign a value to the variable: what is the value of [+/-pol] such that ‘you fed [+/-pol] the dog’ is true? The contribution of the Polar Particle (PolPrt) Yes/No is to bind the polar variable in the embedded p- structure. It does so from the Spec/FocP, as in (21).

(5) a. [COMP [+/-Pol] [POLP you [+/-pol] feed the dog] Did you feed the dog? b. [FOCP [YES ] [POLP you [+pol] feed the dog] Yes , (I [+pol] fed the dog) Holmberg distinguishes 3 types of negative PQs: (i) PQs like (2) involve low negation (L-Neg); PQs like (3) are ambiguous between: (ii) a negatively biased interpretation (like didn’t John steal the cookies either?), involving middle negation (M-Neg), and (iii) a positively biased interpretation (like didn’t John steal the cookies too?), involving high negation (H-Neg). (6) and (7) below illustrate his system with L- Neg (6) and M-Neg (7). In (6) movement of [+/-Pol] to Comp precludes the assignment of a value to the polarity head by NegLOW, so there is no clash when Yes sets the value of Pol as [+Pol]. “The answer confirms rather than affirms one of the alternatives”: Yes conveys agreement with the expectation of the person posing the Q; no disagrees with his/her expectation. A positive answer indicates agreement with the

respondee: both responder and respondee believe in the negative proposition)” (truth-based answer system)

(6) L-Neg a.[Q-Force [CP [is,T,+/Pol] C [POLP Lu [TP [NEGP NegL-NEG [VP coming]]]]]]]

b. [FOCP [Yes, +Pol] Foc [POLP Lu [TP [VP [VP notLOW NEG [VP coming]]]]]]] (7), Is Lu not coming? No, he is, involves M-Neg and 2 collocated sentences, with PolP and VP ellipsis, respectively. It contains 2 interpretable neg-features (the 1st one spelled out NO), which cancel each other out: “not [ Lu is not coming]”),). The answer thus disconfirms the negative Hamblin alternative, the primary, unmarked alternative of this negative Q. (It means “Your supposition is wrong”). The 2nd part adds further confirmation that the positive Hamblin alternative is true. The answer means: “Not John is not coming; he is coming”. (Same reading as under L-Neg in (6)). (Polarity-based answer).

(7) M-Neg a. [FOCP [No, iNeg] [POLP John [-Pol] [ [VP [VP coming]]]]]]] b. [CP C [POLP he [is, +Pol] [VP [VP coming ]] ● ALTERNATIVE APPROACH. a) From Wiltschko (2016) I adopt the hypothesis that there is a SpeechActP (SA-P) above p-structure, encoding how the base sentence is integrated into the conversation. SA-P is composed of the Gr(ound)P, which expresses the commitment towards the utterance and can be S(peaker) or A(dressee) oriented. ResponseP, on top of GrP, encodes what S wants A to do with the proposition (Call on Adressee). It can also be S-oriented, asserting that S’s utterance is a response.

(8) [RESPP A [ S [GROUNDP A [ S [CP ] ]]]] (Speech Act layer in bold) [Wiltschko 2016]

In (8), Ground takes CP as its complement. b) I depart from this view and propose that in PQs the (interrogative) role performed by CP is distributed over the Speech Act layer, and assume that in PQs the complement of Ground is TP. I adopt from Holmberg: c) the hypothesis that PQs involve a polarity variable [+/-Pol], d) the ellipsis analysis of answers to PQs, and e) the analysis of Resp(onse)Part(icles) are elements that value [+/-Pol] in PQs (answering function). f) But I follow WIltschko (& Holmberg) and assume that they have a 2nd function: in cases where there is no [+/-Pol] to value (as in assertions) or no proposition denoted (as in wh-Qs/imperatives/exclamatives), they express (dis)agreement with preceding utterances no matter what their speech act type. When used as (dis)agreement markers RespPrts value an unvalued feature in the SA-structure. Agreement is conceived as a [+/- coincidence] relation between a Figure (the Ground layer in the SA-Structure, encoding the commitment of S towards p) and a Ground (CP).

(9) [GRP S [GR’ Ground[U COINCIDENCE] CP]] a.Yes: [GRP S [G’ [+coinc] CP]] b. No: [GRP S [G’ [-coinc] CP]]

(10) [GRP S [GR’ Ground[U COINC] RespP]] a.Yes: [GRP S [G’ [+coinc] RespP]] b. No: [GRP S [G’ [-coinc] RespP]] I will adopt Wiltschko’s view. However, g) I propose that in these cases, the complement of Ground is not CP, as in (8), but rather RespP (=Speech Act), or whatever subpart of RespP involved (see (11-13) below). h) Further, contrary to Wiltschko, I argue that this 2nd function is also found in PQs: [+/-coinc] is crucial to encode the points of views of S/A, the biases expressed by the Q, and its answers. (II) THE ANALYSIS. I illustrate my system with neutral positive PQs & the cases in (6/L-neg) & (7/M-neg). ■ Neutral positive PQ. In a neutral Q, S does not project in GroundP. Interpretation of (11): A is asked what the value of [+/-pol] is such that ‘you fed [+/-pol] the dog’ is true (from A’s perspective) (that is, A is asked to provide the value [+/-Pol] has under A’s set of beliefs, reflected in (11b/c) by the relation of [+/-coin] between A in the Spec/GroundP and TP. The answer No, I didn’t would involve (11b) and (11c), with TP and VP ellipsis. (11a) RESPP (11b) RESPP (11C) RESPP A RESP’ A RESP’ A RESP’ RESP (Q-FORCE] GROUNDP RESP GROUNDP RESP GROUNDP [+/-POL] A GROUND` (DECL-FORCE] A GROUND` (DECL-FORCE] A GROUND | [+/- POL] TP [-CC] TP [+CC] TP DID NO LU FED THE DOG LU FED THE DOG J DID NOT [VP FED THE DOG] ■ Negative PQ with L-neg (truth-based system): Did Lu not feed the dog? [compare with derivation (6)] (12a) RESPP (12b) RESPP (12C) RESPP A RESP’ A RESP’ A RESP’ RESP (Q-FORCE] GROUNDP RESP GROUNDP RESP GROUNDP [+/-POL] A GROUND` (DECL-FORCE] A GROUND` (DECL-FORCE] A GR` | [+/- POL] GROUNDP [-CC] GROUNDP [ +CC] GROUNDP DID S GROUND’ NO S GROUND’ YES S GR’ GROUND TP GROUND TP GROUND TP [+CC] [+CC] [+CC] LU NOT FEDTHE DOG LU NOT FEDTHE DOG LU NOT FEDTHE DOG In (12) S projects in GroundP: S [+cc] TP. This captures Holmberg’s (2016) analysis:“The answer confirms rather than affirms one of the alternatives. Yes conveys agreement with the expectation of the person posing the Q, while no disagrees with the expectation of the person posing the Q (That is, a positive answer to a negative PQ indicates agreement with the respondee: both responder and respondee believe in the negative proposition)”. ■ Negative PQ with M-neg: Is John not coming? NO, he is [compare with the derivation in (7)]. (13a) RESPP (13b) RESPP (13C) RESPP A RESP’ A RESP’ A RESP’ RESP (Q-FORCE] GROUNDP RESP GROUNDP RESP GROUNDP [+/-POL] A GROUND` (DECL-FORCE] A GROUND` (DECL-FORCE] A GROUND` | [+/- POL] GROUNDP [-CC] GROUNDP [ +CC] TP IS S GROUND’ NO S GROUND’ GROUND TP GROUND TP HE IS [VP COMING ] [-CC] JOHN COMING [-CC] JOHN COMING (13a) involves a negative bias: S [-cc] TP. The answer involves 2 collocated sentences (13b-c). No in (13b)

expresses disagreement on the part of A w.r.t. the negative bias of S. The 2 neg-features in Holmberg's account in (7a) correspond in (13b) to: i) A NO[-cc] S, and ii) S [-cc] TP. Summary: (i) PQs can ask not only for the value of [+/-Pol], but also for the value of the [+/-coincidence] relations between A's and S's commitments towards the utterance (biases) via a complex left periphery;(ii) RespParts serve to assign a value to these [+/-coin] in PQs. Obligatorily “focused” expressions in Hungarian Fl´ora Lili Don´ati Paris 8 University, SFL

Introduction In Hungarian, wh-phrases, ‘only’-phrases and downward entailing (DE) quantifiers and adverbs must move to the preverbal focus position. Although many aspects of this position were thoroughly investigated in the literature, a detailed analysis of the above constituents and their relation to this position seems to be lacking. At least to my knowledge, only E. Kiss (2002) presented a brief explanation for their behaviour: she argued that these constituents move to the focus position because they all have an inherent [+focus] feature assigned to them in the lexicon. She also pointed out that this feature follows from their relation to exhaustive identification (at least for wh- and ‘only’-phrases), which has been said to be closely linked to the focus position, being part of its truth-conditional semantics (Szabolcsi, 1981, 1994; Kenesei, 1986; E. Kiss, 1998, 2010, etc.). Analysis I argue that this approach is erroneus in more than one aspect: (i) exhaustivity being merely an implicature of Hungarian focus constructions, cannot be the trigger of the movement for the above constituents; (ii) the dierent distributional behaviours of these expressions suggest that they do not all have the same motivation for movement and possibly even do not land in the same position. (i) I will first present data from Hungarian showing that the exhaustive interpretation is not a semantic characteristic of this position, and argue that it is merely a conversational implicature, as has been also suggested in the literature (Wedgwood et al., 2006; Onea and Beaver, 2009; Ger˝ocs et al., 2014, etc.). Even if the above mentioned constituents do indeed have a connection to exhaustivity, this cannot be the reason why they have to move to this position. (ii) Then, I will show that these constituents do not all have the same motivation for movement. When we look at the relative ordering between more than one of these constituents, we see clearly that they do not have exactly the same distributional and interpretational properties. If there is a wh-phrase and an ‘only’-phrase or a DE expression in the same sentence, it is always the wh-phrase that has to be immediately preverbal; other constituents can either precede the wh-phrase or stay in-situ in the VP.

(1) a. Ki hozott csak salátát? (2) a. Ki hozott legfeljebb 4 könyvet? who brought only salad.acc who brought at-most 4 book.acc “Who brought only salad?” “Who brought at most 4 books?” b. Csak salátát ki hozott? b. Legfeljebb 4 könyvet ki hozott? c. *Csak salátát hozott ki? c. *Legfeljebb 4 könyvet hozott ki? d. *Ki csak salátat hozott? d. *Ki legfeljebb 4 könyvet hozott?

(3) shows that wh-phrases can only stay inside the VP if there is another preverbal wh-phrase in the sentence (note that two or more wh-phrase can raise to a preverbal position and their scope relation is visible in overt syntax). Among an ‘only’-phrase and a DE expression it is the ‘only’-phrase that occupies the immediate preverbal position, as can be seen in (4).

1 (3) a. Ki hozott mit? (4) a. Csak Lajos hozott legfeljebb 4 könyvet. who brought what.acc only Lajos brought at-most 4 book.acc “Who brought what?” “Only Lajos brought at most 4 books.” b. Ki mit hozott? b. Legfeljebb 4 könyvet csak Lajos hozott. c. *Hozott ki mit? c. *Csak Lajos legfeljebb 4 könyvet hozott.

Two (or more) ‘only’-phrases can be both preverbal or one of them can stay in-situ (both of them can actually stay in-situ if the preverbal position is already occupied by a wh-phrase or some other focused constituent).

(5) a. Csak Zita hozott csak c. [HANNA]F hozott csak Zitának only Zita brought only Hanna brought only Zita.dat labdát. csak labdát. ball.acc only ball.acc ‘Only Zita brought only a ball.’ “Hanna brought only to Zita only a b. Csak Zita csak labdát hozott. ball.”

When there is more than one DE operator in a sentence, only one of them can raise to the preverbal position, the other one has to stay inside the VP.

(6) a. Ritkán jött el kevés lány. c. *Ritkán kevés lány jött el. rarely came away few girls d. *Jött el kevés lány ritkán. “It was rare that few girls came.”

Proposal These distributional patterns suggest that there is a hierarchy with respect to the “strength” of their need to raise to a higher preverbal position.

(7) WH ONLY DE ∫ ∫ Furthermore (1) suggests that there is no single position for all these constituents : the focus position is said to be non-iterative, meaning that it can only host one element. The fact that only-phrases and DE expression can precede a wh-phrase, contradicts this claim. The above data suggest that these three types of expressions do not have the same motivation for movement and possibly even do not occupy the same position. I argue that wh-words move overtly to a preverbal position due to the Wh-Criterion (Rizzi, 1996), which is the strongest trigger for movement. ‘Only’, being a focus sensitive operator, has to associate with focus: an ‘only-phrase’ indeed moves to the focus position. DE expressions have an inherent negativity which suggests that they are in fact not in the focus position but in some Neg-position. I propose the following internal structure for what has been refered to as a single focus position in Hungarian:

(8) [ WhP [ FocP [ NegP ] ] ]

2 Selected references E. Kiss, K. (1998). Identiﬁcational focus versus information focus. Language, pages 245–273.

E. Kiss, K. (2002). The syntax of Hungarian. Cambridge University Press.

E. Kiss, K. (2010). Structural focus and exhaustivity. Information structure, theoretical, typological and experimental perspectives, pages 64–88.

Ger˝ocs, M., Babarczy, A., and Sur´anyi, B. (2014). Exhaustivity in focus: experimental evidence from Hungarian. Language Use and Linguistic Structure.

Kenesei, I. (1986). On the logic of word order in Hungarian. Topic, focus, and conﬁgurationality, pages 143–159.

Onea, E. and Beaver, D. (2009). Hungarian focus is not exhausted. In Semantics and Linguistic Theory, volume 19, pages 342–359.

Rizzi, L. (1996). Residual verb second and the wh-criterion. In Belletti, A. and Rizzi, L., editors, Parameters and functional heads. Oxford University Press.

Szabolcsi, A. (1981). The semantics of topic-focus articulation.

Szabolcsi, A. (1994). All quantiﬁers are not equal: The case or focus. Acta Linguistica Hungarian, 42(3- 4):171–187.

Wedgwood, D., Petho, G., and Cann, R. (2006). Hungarian ‘focus position’and English it-clefts: the semantic underspeciﬁcation of ‘focus’ readings. Edinburgo: University of Edinburgh.

Feature-relativized Criterial Freezing: Evidence from Overt-Covert Movement Asymmetries and Multi-Criterial Movement

Masako Maeda Kyushu Institute of Technology

Rizzi (2006, 2010, 2015) observes that an XP which has entered into a criterial relation with a discourse/scope-related functional head in the left periphery such as question, topic and focus cannot undergo further movement – Criterial Freezing/CF. Example (1) illustrates this observation.

(1) *Which book does Bill wonder [Q CQ she read ]?

Rizzi (2015) recently argued that CF, in turn, is deduced from the interaction of Chomsky’s (2013) Labeling Algorithm/LA with the Maximality Principle. In (1), the wh-phrase moves to the criterial Q-position in the embedded CP and becomes non-maximal in the sense of Bare Phrase Structure (Chomsky 1995) due to the feature-sharing strategy of LA to fix the label of [whQ, CPQ] as Q, as indicated. Further movement of the wh-phrase then is blocked because non-maximal projections cannot move. This paper has two interrelated goals. First, we show that Rizzi’s LA-based definition of CF is only partially successful based on our novel observation that movement from a criterial position is actually possible in Japanese under a limited range of structurally circumscribed conditions. Second, in reaction to this new discovery, we put forth a hybrid interface-oriented theory of CF in (2), sensitive to either labeling or the exhaustive satisfaction of multiple criterial features.

(2) Hybrid Theory of Criterial Freezing (where α, β = criterial features) LA-based Freezing Feature-relativized Criterial Freezing a. [α XPα Yα … ] b. [α Yα ... XPα] c. [α Yα …XPα] * ☺ * ☺ ☺ ☺ (Overt Mvt) (Covert Mvt) (Covert Mvt)

It is standardly assumed, at least tacitly, that only overt movement, or the pronounced copy with phonological features in the Single Cycle Model (Bobaljik 1995; Pesetsky 1998), is visible for the purposes of the application of the LA (Chomsky 2013, 2015; see also Moro 2000). Based on this assumption, we hypothesize that the LA-based freezing only circumscribes further movement of an XP who has reached a criterial position by overt movement, as depicted in (2a). Our central proposal here builds on the notion of Feature-relativized Criterial Freezing, whereby an XP that has multiple criterial features may undergo movement from one criterial position to another for exhaustive satisfaction of all the criterial features. This scenario is depicted in (2b) and (2c), depending on the number of criterial features the XP has. Our hybrid system makes correct predictions regarding the presence/absence of the CF effects as precisely conditioned by the overt vs. covert movement distinction and the number of criterial features associated with a single XP. First, the system predicts that no movement of any XP, be it overt or covert, should be possible from a criterial position that it has reached through overt movement – Scenario (2a). This prediction is borne out in (1), (3b), (4) and (5). (1) and (3b) involve overt movement of an XP with the Q-feature checked in the embedded clause, followed by further wh-/focus movement of the XP, respectively. (4) and (5), on the other hand, involve overt movement of an XP with the Top/Quantificational features (Obenauer 1976, 1994; Laenzlinger 1998) checked within the left periphery of the embedded clause, respectively, followed by further covert wh-movement of the XP.

(3) a. Mi domandavo quale RAGAZZA avessero scelto, non quale ragazzo. ‘I wondered which GIRL they had chosen, not which boy.’ b. *Quale RAGAZZA mi domandavo ___ avessero scelto, non quale ragazzo. ‘Which GIRL I wondered they had chosen, not which boy.’ (Rizzi 2006) (4) * Who thinks that which problem, Mary hates ? (Bošković 2008) (5) * Il a combine mange de gateaux? ‘He has how much eaten of cakes?’ (Rizzi 2010)

Second, our theory predicts that an XP that has reached a criterial position by covert movement should be able to undergo further movement to another position if the XP has another feature to satisfy – Scenario (2c). This prediction is also confirmed. Kusumoto (2001) shows that sae ‘at least’ undergoes covert movement to the specifier of the conditional C (re)ba/tara ‘if’. This analysis is supported by the fact that sae-licensing is island-sensitive, as in (6) from Kusumoto (2001). We assume that sae undergoes covert focus movement to CP.

(6) ??Taroo-ga Hanako-ni [[medamasyoohin-sae nakunatta] zizitu]-o hanase ba, Taro-NOM Hanako-DAT bargain-at.least sold.out fact-ACC tell if moo sono mise-ni iku koto-wa naidaroo. anymore the store-DAT go fact-TOP never ‘If Taro tells Hanako that the bargain item is sold out, she will never go to the store.’

We also adopt Saito’s (2017) theory that wh-elements in Japanese undergo covert movement to have their unvalued operator valued through the criterial agreement with the interrogative –ka. With these analyses in mind, the grammaticality of (7a) is telling. Here, nani-sae ‘what at least’ undergoes movement into the focus position in the embedded clause before it further moves to the matrix Q-position, a combination of movements that would be erroneously blocked by the definition of CF à la Rizzi. Our analysis, by contrast, predicts precisely this result; the expression, endowed with the two features [Foc, uQ], undergo covert movement from the focus-criterial position in the embedded clause to the Q-criterial position in the matrix clause. The same analysis holds true for the example in (7b) where the order of the two heads is reversed.

(7) a. [Taroo-wa [nani-sae tabere ba] yorokobu no]? ‘What is it that Taro is Taro-TOP what-at.least eat if glad Q glad if he at least eats?’ b. Hanako-wa [[Taroo-ga nani-sae tabeta ka] wakare ba] manzoku desu. Hanako-TOP Taro-NOM what-at.least eat Q know if satisfied COP ‘Hanako is satisfied if she knows what he at least ate.’

Note that our analysis still blocks further movement of an XP from one criterial position to another if the XP has only one criterial feature – Scenario (2b). This point is evidenced by the impossibility of the matrix scope reading of dare-ga ‘who’ in (8). Our analysis correctly predicts this outcome since the wh-phrase is endowed with only one criterial Q-feature so that once it has its feature valued in the embedded CP, it has no motivation to undergo further movement for the purposes of LF-convergence.

(8) Hanako-ga sono toki [[dare-ga kuru ka] tazuneta ka] osiete kudasai. Hanako-NOM that time who-NOM come Q asked Q teach please A. Please tell me if Hanako asked then who was coming. B. ?? Please tell me who Hanako asked then if she/he is coming. (Saito 2017)

Our analysis is significant due to its implications going both within and beyond CF in a cartographic enterprise, only two of which we can mention here for reasons of space. First, our theory has two different etiologies for CF – labeling and feature satisfaction. It is assumed since Chomsky (2013) that syntactic objects must be labelled for semantic and phonological interpretation, but no attempt has been made to make sense of the connection between labeling and the phonological component. Our system represents a step forward to unearth the link: given 1) that the phonological component can only “see” phonologically visible materials and that 2) labeling is optimally required for phonological interpretation (as well as it is for the semantic interpretation), it follows that LA can make recourse to only overt movement, hereby deducing the Rizzian LA- based freezing strictly from PF requirements. On the other hand, the exhaustive satisfaction of the criterial features is required by LF convergence; if an XP has one criterial feature, then the standard CF effect is obtained while if it has two such features, it has to satisfy both at the cost of some “non- CF-compliant” movement. Our hybrid theory, so construed, meets one of the central minimalist desiderata by developing a natural dualistic interface-based definition of CF solely in terms of interface conditions. Second, our theory has the significant potential of defining the possible range of cross-linguistic variation regarding CF from the interaction of independently motivated theoretical proposals with interface requirements rather than through extrinsically stipulating CF

and its “exceptions” by sheer brute force. In our presentation, we plan to further expand our empirical bases to refine our hybrid theory of CF briefly outlined here.

Selected References [1] Bošković, Ž. 2008. On the operator freezing effect. NLLT 26. [2] Rizzi, L. 2006. On the form of chains. In Cheng & Corver (eds.) Wh-movement. [3] Rizzi, L. 2015. Cartography, criteria, and labeling. In Shlonsky (ed.) Beyond functional sequence.

Criterial Freezing Effects in Scrambling Wh-in-situ Languages Yeun-Jin Jung (Dongeui University)

This paper discusses how criterial freezing effects are manifested at the peripheries in scrambling wh-in-situ languages like Korean/Japanese, and shows how the current labeling theory (Chomsky 2013, Rizzi 2014, 2016) can capture the core periphery-related properties of the two most prevailing syntactic phenomena in these languages: scrambling and wh-in-situ. To take the often-mentioned contrast between (1) and (2) into consideration, the given data seemingly show that Japanese, unlike English, allows a wh-phrase to move out of the wh- criterial position. Based on such examples along with scrambling sentences as in (3), Epstein, Kitahara, and Seely (2014) suggest that the operation (Merge(α,β) à {α,β}) applies freely, and as such, there is no such syntactic “halting” constraint, contra Rizzi (1997, 2006), relegating the ill-formedness of the English sentence (1) to a violation of some language-specific morpho- phonological, CI constraints. In this talk I will show, based on Korean, that NS-specific criterial freezing is real, not a syntactic illusion as claimed in Epstein et al. (2014); that wh-scrambling sentences like (4)(/(2)) in actuality involve two separate criterial freezing processes: One at the right periphery of wh-C that leads to wh-interpretation via labeling; the other at the left periphery of T that leads to focus interpretation via labeling. Specifically, it will be argued that the embedded dual interpretation of the sentence (4) as a focused-wh-question reflects two independent criterial freezing effects which are achieved through labeling at different peripheral positions. To implement the present analysis, I will appeal to the following assumptions, with the arguments that will be provided when necessary: (i) While in a wh-movement language like English, the wh-operator is a wh-phrase, in a wh-in-situ language like Korean/Japanese, the wh- operator is a wh-C (Jung 2015a,b). (ii) Wh-phrases in general bear focus inherently, but by moving to the periphery of vP or TP they attain emphatic focus meaning (Jung 2010, 2012). (iii) Scrambled and non-scrambled orders are always associated with different discourse/informational interpretation (von Fintel 1994, Sauerland 1996, Miyagawa 1997, 2010, Bailyn 2001, Karimi 1999, Choi 1999, Jung 2002, 2009, 2015a, 2018). Data in (5) from Busan Korean, which employs unambiguous interrogative Cs (i.e., no for wh-questions and na for yes/no-questions), show that wherever a wh-phrase surfaces, its semantic scope is determined by the position of a wh-C which agrees with the wh-phrase; that the semantic scope has its corresponding prosodic interpretation at the SM interface as well (by the span of flat H tone as indicated by shading). I will argue that these interpretive consequences at both CI and SM interfaces are a direct reflex of the syntactic wh-criterial freezing which results from identifying C[+WH] as the label of {C[+WH],TP}. Given this, the fronted wh-phrase in (4) has nothing to do with the syntactic wh-agreement. It is rather an instantiation of scrambling of which emphatic focus meaning is attained through its ‘labeled’ projection at CI (Chomky 2013). More specifically, I will argue, with the assumption that the head T/v in Korean bears a Foc(or Top)-feature, that the wh-phrase with [+Foc] scrambles to the left-periphery of TP/vP and is labeled as FocP by sharing the [+Foc] feature with the attracting head T/v. The evidence that the periphery of TP/vP is a criterial position for focus/topic interpretation in Korean comes from the data given in (6). Note that the only licit answer to the question (6a) is (6b), where both of the NPs which are reciprocal to the wh-phrases reside in the same clause. I suggest that Chelswu-lul and Swuni-eykey in (6b), which bear a Foc-feature (as new information), undergo scrambling to the left periphery of vP and is labeled as FocP. Once labeling is established, neither of the NPs in (6b) can undergo further movement, hence inducing the ungrammaticality in (6c) and (6d). In a similar vein, I will argue that the cross-linguistically attested ‘focus’ interpretation of the coordinated multiple wh-questions, as in (7), is also attained via labeling at the left periphery of TP/vP in Korean, while its wh-interpretation is obtained at the right periphery of wh-C. The present analysis will thus be converged to the claim that CP is a ‘dedicated’ wh-criterial position for both English and Korean/Japanese; that TP/vP-periphery positions are ‘non-dedicated’ Focus/Topic-criterial positions for scrambling in Korean/Japanese which can be labeled more than once and in any order.

(1) *[CP Whati do [you wonder [CP ti [ John likes ti ]]]]? (2) Nani-oi Taroo-wa [Hanako-ga ti katta ka] siritagatteiru no what-Acc T. -Top H. -Nom bought Q want-to-know Q ‘What does Taroo want to know whether Hanako bought?’ (3) [Sono hon-oi [Masao-ga ti katta]] (koto) that book-Acc M. -Nom bought (fact) ‘Maso bought that book.’ (4) Mwues-uli [ne-nun [John-i ti coaha-nunci] kwunggumha]-ni? What-Acc you-Top J.-Nom like-Pst-Q wonder-Q (i) ‘Do you wonder what John likes?’ (ii)(?)~??‘What do you wonder whether John likes?’ (5) a. Ni-nun [John-i mwues-ul coaha-nunci] kwunggumha-na? You-Top J.-Nom what-Acc like-Q[+WH] wonder-Qyes/no ‘Do you wonder what John likes?’ b. Mwues-uli [ni-nun [John-i ti coaha-nunci] kwunggumha]-na? What-Acc you-Top J.-Nom like-Q[+WH] wonder-Qyes/no ‘Do you wonder what John likes?’ c. Ni-nun [John-i mwues-ul coaha-n-tako] sayngkakha-no? you-Top J.-Nom what-Acc like-Prs-C think-Q[+WH] ‘What do you think John likes?’ d. Mwues-uli [ni-nun [John-i ti coaha-n-tako] sayngkakha-no? what-Acc you-Top J.-Nom like-Prs-C think-Q[+WH] ‘What do you think John likes?’ (6) a. John-un [Mary-ka nwukwu-lul nwukwu-eykey sokayhaycwu-ess-tako] sayngkakha-no? J.-Top M.-Nom who-Acc who-to introduce-Pst-C think-Q[+WH] ‘Who do you think Mary introduced to whom?’ b. John-un [Mary-ka [FocP Chelswu-lul [FocP Swuni-eykey [sokayhaycwu]]-ess-tako]]]] J. -Top M. -Nom C. -Acc S.-to introduce-Pst-C sayngkakhay. think ‘John thinks Mary introduced Chelswu to Swuni.’ c. *Chelswu-luli [John-un [Mary-ka ti Swuni-eykey sokayhaycwuess-tako]] sayngkakhay. d. *Swuni-eykeyi [John-un [Mary-ka Chelswu-lul ti sokayhaycwu-ess-tako]] sayngkakhay. (7) a. John-i [FocP [nwukwu-lul kulko encey]i [ti manna]]-ess-no? J. -Nom who-Acc and when meet-Pst-Q[+WH] Lit. ‘Who and when did John meet?’ b. [FocP [Nwukwu-lul kulko encey]i [ne-nun [John-i ti manna-ess-nunci] a]]-na? who-Acc and when you-Top J. -Nom meet-Pst-Q[+WH] know-Qyes/no Lit. ‘Do you know who and when John met?’

Selected References Chomsky, Noam. 2013. Problems of projection. Lingua 130: 33-49. Epstein, Samuel D., Hisastugu Kitahara, and T. Daniel Seely. 2014b. “What do we wonder is not syntactic? Unpublished manuscript. Jung, Yeun-Jin. 2015. Is criterial freezing a syntactic illusion? Studies in Generative Grammar, 25.1: 109-139. Rizzi, Luigi. 2016. Labeling, maximality and the head-phrase distinction. The Linguistic Review. The CP structure of Nominal Conditionals: clausal ellipsis and intervention effects in Korean

Masaya Yoshida and Suwon Yoon Northwestern University, University of Texas at Arlington

1. Goal. This study provides an analysis of two important aspects of conditional clauses in Korean. One is the internal syntax of the lamyen-conditional clause, and the other is the syntactic/semantic properties of the conditional adverb manyak ‘in case/by any chance’. First, we show that there is a tight connection between focus constructions and these conditional constructions in Korean, and this connection gives us a clue to understanding the nature of manyak, licensed by FinP. Second, we examine why in Korean conditional clauses an adjunct clause is not a strong island but rather a weak island. The discussion offers us an important insight into understanding the weak-islandhood of conditional clauses, hence the cartographic CP structure (Rizzi 1997, Haegeman 2000). By showing that manyak acts like a focus marker, we argue that manyak creates an intervention effect. In exploring the properties of manyak as a scope-bearing element, i.e., the scope marker of conditional operator, we propose an analysis of why manyak induces Weak Island effects. As manyak induces intervention effects in exactly the same way as other scope-bearing elements, we argue that manyak is generated in the specifier of FinP and induces a Relativized Minimality effect (Rizzi 1990). 2. The Focus-Conditional Link: the syntax of pronominal slucing and clausal pronoun. To clarify the licensing condition on manyak in nominal conditionals, we examine the syntax of the clausal pronominal kukes ‘it’ in Korean. Since the presence of the pronoun kukes is crucial for the licensing of manyak in nominal conditionals, investigating the nature of kukes naturally leads us to the nature of manyak licensing. Once we reach the licensing of manyak, we propose an analysis of the internal structure of copular conditionals using the distribution of manyak as a clue. First, we show that there is a tight connection between conditional clauses and various focus constructions in Korean: based on the symmetries of the pronominal kukes ‘it’ in Korean pronominal slucing (KPS) and nominal conditionals, summarized in (1-2), we argue that the pronominal kukes ‘it’ in nominal conditionals is exactly the same element as the one found in KPS. Second, based on the four properties in (3) (à la [7]) of KPS that also hold true for Korean nominal conditionals, we argue that the split-CP system is the best tool to capture the properties of nominal conditionals. (1) a. The wh-remnant in KPS shows connectivity effects: e.g., case, postposition, NPI, binding. b. The copular in KPS induces honorification agreement with kukes but not with the wh-remnant. c. KPS does not allow the inversion of pre- and post-copular elements. d. KPS must contain a copular. (2) Properties Connectivity Honorification Inversion KPS ✓ ✓ ✓ Nominal Conditionals ✓ ✓ ✓ (3) a. The possibility of multiple foci b. Island effects c. The complementizer cannot be substituted with a pronoun/NP d. Clausemate condition on multiple foci 3. Conditional adverbs as marker of adjunct island. It has long been known in the literature that a language like Japanese shows very weak domain barrier effects ([1,2,3]). Among other island domains, Korean also allows for extraction from clausal adverbial adjuncts. Without manyak, scrambling out of conditional clauses as in (4a) is as acceptable as that out of complement clause in (4b). Even though the extraction out of conditional clause is possible in Korean, when the conditional clause is marked by Conditional Adverbs (CA) like manyak, extraction gets significantly degraded (cf. [3]). The question we raise is why CAs block the extraction in an example like (4a). Observing that the type of extractee affects the acceptability of the extraction from conditional clauses with CAs, we argue: (a) CAs induce Weak Islands (WI) and (b) CAs are a scope maker of conditional clause. (4) a. swusanghakeyi kyengchal-un [(*manyak) pemin-i ti hayngtonghan-tamyen]… [K] suspiciously police-TOP manyak criminal-NOM behave-COND b. swusanghakeyi kyengchal-un [pemin-i ti hayngtonghan-tako]… suspiciously police-TOP criminal-NOM behave-C I. Evidence for manyak as a Scope Marker. Manyak, only licensed within a conditional clause, shows some properties of quantificational elements: (i) manyak has certain freedom of location (✓: where manyak can occur) inside a conditional clause in (5); (ii) manyak must be licensed within a conditional clause in (6); (iii) manyak must be licensed by a clause-mate conditional marker in (7); and (iv) elements on the right hand side of manyak can be easily focused, but those on the left hand side are not, as in (8). (5) Kim-un [✓Lee-ga ✓ Park-eykey ✓ phyenci-lul ✓ ponayn-tamyen] wulki-sicak halkeya.[K] K.-TOP L.-NOM P.-DAT letter-ACC send-COND cry-start will ‘Kim will start crying if Lee sends a letter to Park.’ (6) *[Lee-ka Park-eykey phyenci-lul ponayn-tamyen] Kim-un manyak wul-keya. L.-NOM P.-DAT letter-ACC send-COND K.-TOP manyak cry-will Intended interpretation: ‘Kim will start crying if Lee sends a letter to Park.’ (7) Kim-un [Park-i [Lee-ka (*manyak) oass-tako] (✓manyak) caranghan-tamyen] hwanay-lkeya. K.-TOP P.-NOM L.-NOM manyak came-C manyak brag-COND get.angry-will ‘Kim will get angry if Park brags that Lee came.’ (8) (a.manyak) haksayng-i (b.manyak) sey-myeng (c.manyak) on-tamyen… manyak student-NOM manyak 3-CL(human) manyak come-COND Reading of (8a): ‘If it is students that comes …’; Reading of (8b): ‘If it is 3 (students) (rather than 4 or 5) that comes…’; Reading of (8c): ‘If it is coming of 3 (students) that students do…’ II. Acceptability judgment Test. Our hypothesis on the extractability out of adjunct islands is empirically supported by the result of acceptability tests of 600 stimuli (n=30), the majority of responses (77%) (strongly or weakly) preferred the one without the intervener manyak with varying degrees of differences in grading: the median score of data without intervener vs. with intervener was 4.35 vs. 2.95 (out of 7 points), which exhibits the weak island effects. III. Disjunction Scope in English and Focus Particles in Korean. The properties of CAs outlined so far are strikingly parallel to the properties of either in English: the scope of or is affected by the position of either, as [6] notes that it is a scope marker of disjunction. Now observe that the position of manyak likewise marks the scope of a conditional clause. Acceptability differences in (9) show that the conditional scopes over the disjunction of clauses and it sets the focus based on the disjunction. Thus the crucial similarities between manyak and either are: (i) there is a correlation between their positioning and their interpretation; and (ii) they both have a clause-mate relation to their licensors. Then it is plausible to assume that manyak marks the scope of its licensor, i.e., conditional particle. We take this to argue that these elements are another case of scope-bearing elements. (9)(a. manyak) Kim-i (b.??manyak) hoy-lul (c.*manyak) mek-kena Lee-ka sushi-ul mek-umyen, manyak K.-TOP manyak raw.fish-ACC manyak eat-or L.-NOM sushi-ACC eat-COND na-nun wutong-ul mek-keysse. I-TOP noodles-ACC eat-will ‘If [Kim eats raw fish] or [Lee eats sushi], then [I will eat noodles].’ 4. Implications: a cartographic CP and Intervention Effects. Given the observations so far, we propose the following: manyak is a scope-bearing element, i.e., a scope marker of conditional operator. The scope-marker status of manyak provides us a plausible explanation on why it blocks the extraction of non-referential phrase. Manyak is a quantificational element that becomes a harmful intervener if it appears between the moved phrase and its trace position. As such, manyak can be understood to induce intervention effects in the same mechanism as other scope bearing elements.

Selected References. [1] Ishii (97) Ph.D. Thesis. UC, Irvine. [2] Saito & Fukui (98) LI 29. [3] Yoshida (06) Ph.D. Thesis. UMD. [4] Rizzi (90) LI 16. [5] Miyagawa (02) ms. MIT. [6] Larson (85) NLLT 3. [7] Hiraiwa-Ishihara (12) MIT working papers.

Syntactizing discourse particles in Arabic: evidence from a three-tiered speech acts structure in Tunisian Arabic (TA) Mohamed Jlassi (Sohar University)

In TA, three discourse particles express three distinct speech acts. Each differently characterizes the nature of relations among the interlocutors. Consider the conversational import and interpretive properties of the particles (in bold) in (1-4). (1) a. ti ’i:- ja - : ! b. ti qu- t- lu: ʃ- i: ? prt imp-come.2sm/f prt tell-prf-3sm-Q-3sm “For God’s sake, come!” “I wonder whether you told him or not!” The particle ti conveys injunction. The speaker in (1a) is ordering the hearer to come. Tension rises among interlocutors making the injunction firmer as in (1b). Thus, the interpersonal values of ti ; i.e., its illocutionary force, indicates how powerful and committed to his utterance the speaker is. Though expressive, ti does not alter the truth conditions as coming in (1a) and telling in (1b) are not achieved at the time of the utterance; hence, ti does not change the propositional content of the utterance as much as it does to its expressive and conversational content. (2) a. maw qul- na:- li- k ġa:li-ṭ b. ti maw qul- na:- li- k ġa:liṭ prt tell- prf.1pm/f- to-you wrong.2sm prt prt say-prf. 1pm/f-to-you wrong.2sm “But what did he think would happen? “How often did we tell you were wrong?” Maw in (2a) signals the speaker’s conclusive comment ending any doubt conveyed in the proposition of a preceding utterance by the hearer, and inviting him to proceed otherwise. Unlike (1a) and (2b), maw shows a weakly committed and less tense speaker with a more blamefully evaluative comment instead of an injunction. In (2b), the combination of ti and maw indicates the speaker regaining an authoritarian tense attitude in front of an annoying hearer with whom the speaker seeks finishing the conversation. Consider (3) now.

(3) a. ʕA:D ji- :t b. ji-: ti- ʃ , ʕa:d ? PRT come-prf.2sm/f come-prf-2sm/f- Q prt “You SHOULD HAVE come.” “What are you waiting for to come?” Different from ti and maw, the originally TA verb-based particle ʕa:d oscillates, given its position and intonation, between being an aspectual and a pragmatic marker. Internal to the IP domain, it, like any modal, affects the propositional truth conditions of (3a) in view of its residue verbal nature. Beyond IP, it is in (3b) an underspecified speech acts particle standing for an afterthought tagged to the utterance. The clause-initial aspectual ʕA:D is stressed voicing the speaker’s blame. The falling his intonation and the break from the utterance of the non-stressed clause-final ʕa:d in (3b) signal a negotiation leading to a settlement with the hearer, hence the mitigated tone. Also possible in TA is the combination of three discourse particles of (1-3) as in (4).

(4) a. ti maw ʕa:d ʃa:f ha: essayed b.*ʕA:D maw ti ʃa:f ha: essayed prt prt prt see.prf.3sm-her the-master prt prt prt see.prf.3sm-her the-master “How many times have got to tell you!?”

In the ordering of (4a), the mere blame of the aspectual ʕA:D in (3a) is reinforced by the evaluative slightly more tense meaning of maw, reaching the peak with the injunction spelled-out by the higher ti showing a tense uncompromising speaker. The higher in the clause, the more momentum tension gains and the more powerful and more committed the speaker becomes to the propositional content of the clause. Any other order is ruled out as in (4b). This explains why ʕa:d loses its rising intonational value and why in such a position in TA it witnesses a reanalysis into a discourse particle. Also, none of the discourse particles in (1-4) is sensitive to sentence typing thus occuring irrespective of decalratives, imperative and interrogatives types, and none affects the truth conditions of the proposition. If so, they are in that position linking the propositional content of the root clause to its discourse structure; the left and right peripheries. In the literature two disparate research tendencies deal with the discourse structure of the clause. Discourse studies (Grice 1975, Sadock & Zwicky 1985 and Krifka 2014) investigate the pragmatic effects of these markers in terms of their force and implicature and conversational import to the utterance; syntactic studies (Rizzi 1994; Cinque 1999) expand the left periphery with discourse projections that are motivated only if constituents bear the related discourse features; topic or focus. Interestingly, the emerging third line is either ‘syntactizing’ discourse seeking some interface between discourse and syntax (Speas & Tenny 2003; Munaro & Poletto 2009; Haegeman 2014), or encoding the phonological aspects of speech acts (D'Imperio et al. 2002; Truckenbrodt 2015). Following Speas and Tenny’s (2003) encoding of the discourse set- up in a speech act layer, this talk elaborates for TA a three-tiered speech act domain selecting ForceP in order to map the conversational import of (1-4) as in (5a). With three speech acts Phrases (saP), (5a) is very much finer-grained a structure than Zimmerman’s (2008) confining of a German discourse particle wohl to ForceP as in (5b). Much finer-grained it is than Hill’s (2007) mapping of the particle hai in West Flemish (WF) as in (5c), and finer-grained than Haegeman’s (2014) two-tiered structure of WF discourse particles as in (5d).

(5) a.[saP1 ti…[saP2 maw…[saP3 ʕa:d...]]] b. [ForceP wohl declspeaker [TopP....]]

c.[saP hai [ForceP ...]] d. [saP1 né [saP2 wè [ForceP....]]] (5a) enables the three strictly ordered co-occurring discourse particles in TA to project separately in a domain where syntax interfaces with discourse. The lower saP3 syntactizes the speaker’s weak commitment and compromising tone with the hearer. The higher saP2 encodes the building up of tension and detachment of the speaker reaching the highest saP1 syntactizing an authoritarian and uncompromising speaker’s attitude. Top-down, the three layers tightly match tension gradually losing momentum. With this extending of interpretive domains to an articulated speech acts structure, the talk seeks to partake the ongoing endeavour of examining the viability of syntactic analysis of pragmatic markers. References (a selection): Cinque, G. (1999). Adverbs and Functional Heads. Oxford University Press, New York/Oxford. Haegeman, L. (2014). West Flemish verb-based discourse marker and the articulation of the speech act layer. Studia Linguistica 68:1, 1116-139. Munaro, N. & C. Poletto (2009). Sentential particles and clausal typing in Venetan dialects. Dislocated elements in discourse. (eds). B. Shaer, P. Cook, W. Frey & C. Maienborn, 173-199. New York & London: Routledge. Rizzi, L. (1997). The Fine Structure of the Left Periphery. In Liliane Haegeman, ed., Elements of Grammar, Kluwer, Dordrecht, pp. 281-337. Ross, J.M. (1970). On declarative sentences. Readings in English Transformational GrammarJ acobs, R.A& Rosenbaum,W.(eds.).Mass.:Ginn. Speas, P. & C. Tenny (2003). Configurational Properties of

Point of View Roles. In DiSciullo, A. (ed.). Asymmetry in Grammar. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. 315-344.

Two types of modalized question markers in Korean: nka vs. ul-kka Arum Kang & Suwon Yoon Korea University & University of Texas, Arlington Data and Puzzle. The goal of this paper is to propose a novel paradigm of modalized questions in Korean, based on two particles: (u)l-kka vs. nka. The general purpose of information-seeking questions is to receive a true answer from the addressee by posing a set of alternatives for consideration. In the standard theories of question (Hamblin 1973; Karttunen 1977; Groenendijk and Stokhof 1984), its meaning thus denotes a set of propositions (i.e. alternative possible answers to the question). In recent years, however, a new type of questions has arisen as the subject of interest. Unlike regular questions, it expresses speaker’s epistemic uncertainty or conjecture on the propositional content. This type of question is achieved by the interaction of modal ingredients therein, and pervasive across languages. To name a few, there are darou-ka ‘MOD+Q’ in Japanese (self-addressing question; Hara and Davis 2013), as=há=k’a ‘SBJN+YNQ+INFER’ in St’át’imcets (conjectural question; Littell et al. 2009, Matthewson 2010), and na ‘SBJN’ occurring in interrogatives in Greek (epistemic subjunctive question; Giannakidou 2015). Focusing on the type of questions that encode a certain subtype of epistemic modality, the goal of the current paper is to add to the discussion by considering novel empirical issues in Korean, that have not previously been reported in the literature. As shown in (1a), one crucial difference in Korean is the fact that the relevant link between modality and the question is realized by two distinct markers. The question marked by nka and (u)l-kka concern speaker’s own knowledge and issues, reporting on the speaker’s consideration of a set of possibilities of the given propositional content. It contrasts with the regular factual question marker ni in (1b) which does not have the same presumption by the speaker: (1) a. Con-i wusungca-i-nka/l-kka? [Korean] John-NOM winner-be-NKA/(u)l-kka ‘Maybe John is the winner, maybe not?’ b. Con-i wusungca-i-ni? John-NOM winner-be-Q ‘Is John the winner?’ This suggests that the meaning carried by nka and (u)l-kka is not simply an extension of the general use of questions. Rather, the nka/(u)l-kka-question in (1a) is treated as a non-factual question (Jang 1999; C. Kim 2010, a.o.): It is a question about the possibility of the propositional content. By using nka and (u)l-kka, the speaker questions her own knowledge on whether John might have won the game or not, rather than requests information from the addressee. Given this, the main claim is that the Korean nka-question has distinct semantics properties from the ordinary question so it cannot be fully accounted for by any existing analysis of the interpretation of questions. The use of nka and (u)l-kka indicates the speaker’s presumed awareness of asking a weaker question, and specifies the degree of certainty about the proposition in question, just like an epistemic modal. In this sense, the nka/(u)l-kka-question is termed a Modalized Question (Kang&Yoon 2018) (MQ, henceforth). A MQ questions the speaker’s belief and knowledge, thus it raises a weaker inquiry than a regular unmodalized question. Reporting on the consideration of a set of alternatives, the speaker expresses her weakest commitment to the possibility of propositional content. The discussion on MQ hinges on the question of how the semantic categories of MQs can be distinguished within the traditional domain of modality, and how they can be defined. For this purpose, core criteria of MQ is suggested, as follows: (i) Inquisitiveness. The crosslinguistic tendency of interrogative-disjunctive affinity is a reflex of an inherent semantic connection between disjunctive coordinators and interrogative markers. The most crucial property for the MQ comes from the fact that the epistemic modality stems from its original function of disjunction. The notion of inquisitiveness is suggested to provide a fundamental explanation of the interrogative-disjunctive affinity in natural languages (see Ciardelli 2009; Groenendijk and Roelofsen 2009; Roelofsen 2016; Farkas and Roelofsen 2017, a.o.). This is in line with the recent trend to analyze MQs as “inquisitive disjunction”, which predicts the common semantic denominator of disjunction and question. However, the account offers a proper explanation on how the modal effect is incorporated in the inquisitive disjunction. (ii) Nonveridicality. The conceptual link between inquisitive disjunction and epistemic modality can be captured under a framework of nonveridicality (via the notion of homogeneity and non- inquisitiveness; Giannakidou 2013). Analysis. The nonveridicality is revealed in that a MQ indicates an equal possibility of p and p worlds given what the speaker’s doxastic world is. Given this background, MQ can be captured under the framework of nonveridical equilibrium (Gianankidou 2013; Giannakidou&Mari 2018). The maximal epistemic weakening in MQs is obtained by the creation of non-homogenous nonveridical states partitioned in equipoised epistemic spaces. With these semantic assumptions in hand, I propose the nonveridical equilibrium of MQ as follows: (2) ⟦NKA(�)/(U)L − KKA(�)⟧O,M, i, S = ⟦that it is possible that �⟧ ∪ ⟦that it is not possible that �⟧ (3) Nonveridical equilibrium of MQ: ⟦NKA MODAL(�)⟧O,M, i, S will be defined iff (i) the modal base M(i) is nonveridical; (ii) ⟦NKA MODAL(�)⟧O,M, i, S = 1 iff � is empty; and (iii) w’ M(i) p(w’) The proposed semantics shows how MQ expresses the speaker’s perspective towards p by achieving equilibrium in the modal base, characterized as an equipoised epistemic space. Further, to capture the semantic properties, a semantico-syntactic representation is suggested in which the epistemic uncertainty meaning of MQ is conveyed, pursuing a semantico-pragmatically non-null analysis: For the MQ, without an overt verb, there is a silent verb akin to ‘might’, i.e. an implicit weak epistemic modal component in the structure below. Building on GM (2017: (76)), I thus suggest the following structure which maps the semantics onto the syntax with an added layer of structure for the modal, with the speaker’s perspective as an integral part of the modal structure. Crucially, an underlying argument structure is posited, where nka and (u)l-kka is an essential component of modality and denotes a function which is an argument of the verb, i.e. it is a function that reflects the speaker’s perspective, namely a layer of perspective:

It is applied to an implicit modal epistemic and obtains the state of nonveridical equilibrium. Theoretical implication of the current analysis is as follows: First, Korean facts importantly reveal that modalized questions do not form a uniform class with ordinary questions. Second, interrogative semantics alone cannot predict this epistemic uncertainty. Exploring the right/left periphery in Japanese by RM: Expressive meanings in questions

Yoshio Endo (Kanda University of International Studies)

1. Introduction. In this paper, I will discuss some non-standard questions such as rhetorical, surprise, disapproval, reproach, exclamative, etc. (cf. Bayer and Obnauer (2011) and Obenauer (2006) for non-standard questions), which are all created by sentence final particles (SFPs) in Japanese, in the framework of the cartography of syntactic structures. I will first show that Agree-based Relativized Minimality (RM) regulates the linear order of various types of SFPs around the question particle ka in the right periphery in Japanese. I will next show that each SFP may be associated with an adverbial expression in the left periphery, where the linear order of multiple adverbial expressions in the left periphery is the mirror image of the associated multiple SFPs in the right periphery.

2. Right Periphery. To explore the cartography of SFPs seen in non-standard questions, I will pay special attention to the configuration in (1) that is recently discussed by Rizzi (2017) and Shlonsky (2017), where the matrix verb selects the complementizer with the interrogative feature [+Int](= Force+Int), which Agrees with a question element if+Int. The point is illustrated by the sentence in (2).

(1) …ask [Force+Int …Z… if+Int (2) John-wa [Mary-ga kuru ka Z to] tazuneta.

John-Top Mary-Nom come if+Int Force+Int asked ‘I asked if Mary will come’

I will examine three types of SFPs in the position of Z in (1) to see what type of properties block Agree relation between the matrix verb/Force and ka ‘if’ by RM: (i) argumental SFPs such as no, (ii) quantificational SFPs such as mo, (iii) modal/adverbial SFPs such as yo, which all contribute to creating expressive meanings in questions. It will be shown that by Agree-based RM, the following constellation of SFPs seen in non-standard questions is created:

(3) dake na no ka sira/yo ne to Regret N Int Doubt/Exclamation Reproach Force

3. Left Periphery. With the cartography of SFPs in non-standard questions in (3) in mind, I will next show that each SFP in the right periphery may be associated with an adverbial element in the left periphery. It turns out that the linear order of the multiple adverbial elements in the left periphery is the mirror image of the linear order of multiple SFPs in the right periphery in (3), as depicted in (4). I propose to capture this fact by concord relation, where each SFP in the right periphery is associated an adverbial element in the left periphery through the specifier position of each SFP (cf. Endo and Haegeman 2014 for concord relation):

(4) [Adv(1)…[Adv(2)…[Adv(3)…V…Particle(3)]…Particle(2)]…Particle(1)]

References Bayer, Josef and Hans-Georg Obnauer (2011) Discourse particles, clause structure, and question types. The Linguistic Review 28: 449–491. Endo, Yoshio and Liliane Haegeman. 2014 Adverbial concord. In MIT Working Papers in Linguistics vol. 73. [To appear in Glossa [Special issues on the internal and external syntax of adverbial clauses; theoretical implications and consequences]. Obenauer, Hans-Georg. 2006. Special interrogatives – left periphery, wh-doubling, and (apparently) optional elements. In Jenny Doetjes & Paz Gonzalves (eds.), Romance Languages and Linguistic Theory 2004 – Selected Papers from ‘Going Romance 2004’, 247–273. Amsterdam: Benjamins. Rizzi, Luigi. 2017. Cartography and explanation: The role of interface and locality principles. Paper presented at International Workshop of Syntactic Cartography 2, held at Beijing Language and Culture University. Shlonsky, Ur. 2017. Cartography and selection. Paper presented at International Workshop of Syntactic Cartography 2, held at Beijing Language and Culture University.

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This paper is primarily concerned with the locality condition for fronting of non-contrastive Topics (non-CTs). Specifically, it is suggested that the structural relation between root ForceP (Rizzi 1997) and the clause in which fronting of a non-CT occurs is subject to the restriction of the sort that recalls Relativized Minimality (Rizzi 1990). Emonds (1970, 1976) noted that topicalization and left dislocation are restricted to root clauses and complement clauses of bridge verbs (see also Hooper and Thompson 1973, Gärtner 2002, Emonds 2004, Haegeman 2003, 2012, Meinunger 2004 among many others). Root and embedded clauses allowing non-CT fronting have illocutionary force of assertion made by the speaker (Hooper and Thompson 1973), possibly in indirect discourse (Emonds 1970, 1976) and can be taken to be independent speech acts (Krifka 2001). Embedded clauses with the complementizer whether or if does not have the assertive illocutionary force made by the speaker, hence disallow non-CT fronting: (1) a. Bill warned us that flights to Chicago we should try to avoid. b. *John asked us if flights to Chicago we should try to avoid. Haegeman (2003) argued that fronting of non-CTs in central adverbial clauses may receive the same intervention account as that in relative clauses and wh-interrogatives, if these are assumed to have operator movement of sorts (though Bianchi and Frascarelli 2010 noted that some speakers accept the fronted topics being contrastive in similar contexts): (2) a. *When this column she started to write last year, I thought she will be fine. b. When last year she started to write this column, I thought she will be fine. (3) a. *These are the students to whom, your book, I would recommend in the next semester. b. These are the students to whom, in the next semester, I would recommend your book. The intervention account explains the contrasts in (2), (3) and (1) if operator-movement of some sort takes place (Bhatt and Pencheva 2006). Nevertheless, it does not readily extend to other cases where no movement is evident, e.g., sentential subjects, complements to nouns, non-finite clauses, subjunctive clauses (Emonds 2004, Haegeman 2012):

(4) a. *That flights to Chicago we should try to avoid is well-understood. b. *A warning that flights to Chicago travelers should avoid will soon be posted. c. *Bill warned us flights to Chicago to try to avoid. d. *They requested that this problem he bring up to the management. e. *The president hoped that to the students the teachers will be responsive.

It is noteworthy that the ForceP in which a non-CT argument is fronted is subject to locality restriction. It cannot be separated from the root ForceP by another ForceP that does not allow non-CT fronting (5b is good on the contrastive reading of the fronted argument):

(5) a. John said that he thought that the paper he must hand in today. b. *John left when he realized that the paper he must hand in today.

It seems plausible that illocutionary force (assertive, interrogative, wish, command, etc., Austin 1962) of root ForceP is determined by the speaker of the utterance. But illocutionary force of a complement ForceP is selected by the predicate taking it as argument. That is,

complements to bridge verbs like say and claim are assertive, those to wonder or inquire are interrogative, those to desire or hope are optative, and those to order and request are imperative. The value of Force, the illocutionary force, can be formally detected in the complementizer. The assertive illocutionary force co-occurs with the mostly optional complementizer that that has little semantic content, in contrast with the mostly obligatory complementizer whether and if. I suggest that fronting of a non-CT argument be subject to the constraint in (6):

(6) Licensing conditions for non-CT fronting A non-CT may be fronted in a ForcePj if (a) Forcej has the assertive illocutionary force, and (b) there is no ForcePi intervening between root ForceP0 and Forcej, and its head Forcei does not have the assertive illocutionary force. (7) Intervention ForcePi intervenes between ForceP0 and ForcePj iff ForceP0 dominates ForcePi and ForcePi dominates ForcePj (6a) is essentially what Bianchi and Frascarelli (2010) suggested, a formal implementation of Hooper and Thompson’s (1973) proposal. It accounts for the contrasts in (1)-(3) as well as the ungrammatical examples in (4), the clausal complements in these latter cases being non- assertive. (6b) and (7) recall Rizzi’s (1990) Relativized Minimality attested elsewhere, albeit in slightly different structural conditions. They explain the grammatical difference in (5), the intermediate clause being assertive in (5a), but not in (5b).

Selected references Austin, John L. 1962. How To Do Things with Words. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Bhatt, Rajesh and Roumyana Pancheva. 2002. Conditionals. In The Blackwell Companion to Syntax, vol. 2, Martin Everaert and Henk van Riemsdijk (eds), 638-687. Boston MA: Blackwell. Bianchi, Valentina and Frascarelli, Mara. 2010. Is Topic a root phenomenon? Iberica 2: 43-88. Emonds, Joseph. 1970. Root and structure-preserving transformations. PhD dissertation, MIT. Emonds, Joseph. 1976. A transformational approach to English syntax. New York, NY: Academic Press. Emonds, Joseph. 2004. Unspecified categories as the key to root constructions. In Peripheries, David Adger, Cécile De Cat and George Tsoulas (eds), 75-121. Dordrecht: Kluwer. Haegeman, Liliane. 2003. Speculations on adverbial fronting and the left periphery. In Tense and point of view, Jacqueline Gueron and Liliane Tasmowski (eds), 329-365. Nanterre, France: Publidix. Haegeman, Liliane. 2012. The syntax of MCP. In Main clause phenomena: new horizons, Lobke Aelbrecht et al. (eds), 113-134. Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Company. Gärtner, Hans-Martin. 2002. On the force of V2 declaratives. Theoretical Linguistics 28:33-42. Hoopper, Paul and Thompson, Sandra. 1973. On the applicability of root transformations. Linguistic Inquiry 4:465-497. Krifka, Manfred. 2001. Quantifying into question acts. Natural Language Semantics 9:1-40. Meinunger, André. 2004. Verb second in German(ic) and mood selection in Romance. Paper presented at the Workshop on clause typing and the left periphery. Georgetown University Round Table. Rizzi, Luigi. 1990. Relativized minimality. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Rizzi, Luigi. 1997. The fine structure of the left periphery. In Elements of grammar, Liliane Haegeman (ed), 281-337. Dordrecht: Kluwer.

Person and Number of (Empty) Subjects in Korean Embedded Jussives: A Syntax-Discourse Approach Jong Un Park Dongguk University Goal: We argue, along the lines of Park (2011), that the interpretive patterns of null subjects regarding person in Korean jussives—three minimally distinct clause types whose meaning is roughly to update the To-do list of the speaker and/or addressee (Portner (2007))—in embedded (as well as root) contexts can be derived by postulating both Jussive Phrase (JussP) (Zanuttini et al. (2012)) and Speaker/Address Phrase (Sp/AdP) in the left periphery. Elaborating on Park (2011), however, we claim that Sp/AdP should be split into two, namely, an Interlocutor Phrase (IntlocP) for speech participants (i.e., a speaker and/or an addressee) and a Speech Act Phrase (SAP) for a performer of a performative act like command at issue (cf. Speas & Tenny 2003; Ceong 2016); we present arguments for the existence of IntlocP and SAP. Finally, we show that the interpretive restrictions on the overt subject of an embedded jussive, an apparent problem for the Agree (plus binding) view (Seo & Hoe 2015), readily fall out from the proposed analysis. JussP and Sp/AdP: As regards the clause structure of root jussives, Zanuttini et al. suggest that there is JussP above TP in promissives, imperatives and exhortatives in Korean, and that the person feature of a subject of each subtype of jussive clauses is uniquely determined by inheriting a person feature from Juss0 via Agree. A core argument for the existence of JussP comes from a distinctive jussive marker co-varying with the clause type and the restriction imposed on the person feature of a (null) subject. Building on Zanuttini et al., Park further argues that as schematized in (1), there is an additional layer Sp/AdP, above JussP, whose specifier hosts a speaker operator (OpS), an addressee operator (OpA), and a sum of the speaker and addressee operator (OpSÅA) depending on the clause type. We assume that unlike the person feature, the number feature of a (null) subject of a jussive clause is already specified when entering the derivation. 0 0 0 0 0 (1) [Sp/AdP OpS/A [JussP [TP proi [vP ti [VP (DP) V ] v ] T ] Juss ] Sp/Ad ] According to Park, the subject pro whose person feature is valued via Agree with Juss0 should be further syntactically bound by the relevant discourse participant operator: the subject of a promissive (2a) needs to be bound by OpS, that of an imperative (2b) by OpA, and that of an exhortative (2c) by OpSÅA. (2) a. [NP e] sihem-ey hapkyekha-ma. (PROMISSIVE) exam-in pass-PRM

‘I/we/*youSG,PL/*he/*she/*they promise to pass the exam.’ b. [NP e] sihem-ey hapkyekhay-la. (IMPERATIVE) exam-in pass-IMP

‘(YouSG,PL/*I/*he/*she/*we/*they) pass the exam!’ c. [NP e] sihem-ey hapkyekha-ca. (EXHORTATIVE) exam-in pass-EXH ‘Let us/*me/*you/*him/*her/*them pass the exam.’

Notice that the OpS, OpA, or OpSÅA can be overtly realized, which is evidenced by sentence (3) where OpSÅA takes its overt form (data from Seo & Hoe). This fact was not reported by Park, and in (3), the first occurrence of wuli particularly encodes the ‘speaker’ (cf. a ‘point-of-viewer’ by Seo (2017)), which is essentially first person, whereas the second one the ‘subject.’ (3) Mina-ya, wuli(-*ka) wuli-ka cemsim-ul sa-ca. Mina-VOC we(-NOM) we-NOM lunch-ACC buy-EXH Intended. ‘Mina, lets’ we buy your lunch in our point of view.’ Decomposing Sp/AdP: Departing from Park, however, we maintain that his Sp/AdP should be decomposed into two—IntlocP, a phrase for speech participants like the first occurrence of wuli in (3), and SAP for a performer of command—the performative action in (3). The evidence for the latter type of projection can be found in hearsay jussives involving the 3rd person performer marked by –y and the 2nd person performer by –mye (Ceong 2016). (4) a. Cemsim-ul sa-la-y. (HEARSAY IMPERATIVE) lunch-ACC buy-IMP-HEARSAY

Int. ‘(ISPEAKER tellLOCUTION youHEARER (pro.3PERFORMER orderPERFORM)) Buy lunch.’ b. celi ka-la-mye. (HEARSAY IMPERATIVE) that way go-IMP-HEARSAY ‘(You asked me to) go away.’ Embedded jussives: Views on the embeddability of imperatives across languages are not unified. Unlike the earlier literature, such as Sadock and Zwicky (1985), Palmer (1986), Platzack and Rosengren (1998), Han (2000), a.o., a number of recent studies have claimed that imperatives are embeddable in several languages (Fujii 2006 for Japanese; Pak 2006, Portner 2004, 2007 for Korean; Platzack 2007 for Old Scandinavian; Rus 2005 for Slovenian; Crinč & Trinh 2010 for English). As in (5) below, imperatives (and the other subtypes of jussives including a promissive and exhortative) have been shown to be embedded in Korean, and they are arguably an instance of Obligatory Control (OC) (Madigan 2008; Park). (5) Johni-un Maryj-eykey [e*i/j hakkyo-ey ka-la-ko] John-TOP Mary-DAT school-to go-IMP-COMP myenglyenghay/*yaksokhay/*ceyanhay-ss-ta. (OBJECT CONTROL) order/promise/propose-PST-DCL ‘John ordered/*promised/*proposed to Mary to go to school.’ Along the lines of Park, but with some modifications to the left periphery, we suggest that both IntlocP and SAP are present above JussP in the embedded jussives, the idea basically assuming that speech acts can be embedded in Korean (Krifka 2002; contra Ross’s (1970) Performative Hypothesis). Just as in the root jussives, the person feature of an embedded subject in each subtype is determined by Agree with Juss0 in the embedded jussives; and the embedded subject should then be syntactically bound by a relevant speech participant operator in Spec-IntlocP for licensing. But unlike the root jussives, those operators in the embedded jussives should be bound by the closest matrix argument, not directly by OpS, OpA or OpSÅA in the root Spec-IntlocP. Seo & Hoe point out, however, that the availability of third person pronominal subjects in embedded jussives, as in (6), can be a problem for the Agree-based approach, but we claim that the pattern follows from the proposed analysis. (6) Johni-un Maryj-eykey [{*kui-/cakij-/kunyej-ka} honca hakkyo-ey John-TOP Mary-DAT he-/self-/she-NOM alone school-to ka-la-ko] myenglyenghay-ss-ta. go-IMP-COMP order-PST-DCL ‘John ordered Mary that {*he (J.)/self (M.)/she (M.)} should go to school alone.’ Assuming with Park that 3rd person pronouns and the LD anaphor caki are shiftable in indexicality (cf. Schlenker 2003), we suggest that after the OpS in the embedded Spec-IntlocP in (6) binds the overt pronoun Agreed with Juss0 in person, it should be further bound by the matrix indirect object; an anomaly would arise if the OpS were bound by the matrix subject. Note that an embedded null subject, just like a root one, is also assumed to enter the derivation with its number feature determined. More data for embedded speech acts: We present more data like (7) as a support for our current view that Korean embedded jussives allow for embedded speech acts: (7a) is a case where the 3rd person hearsay marker –y, a token of SAP telling us about a performer, is present in both higher and lower clauses; and the same marker with an overt performer in (7b) indicates the availability of the embedded SAP (cf. Ceong’s mono-clausal view). (7) a. [[nayeil noraypang-ey ka-ca-y]-(ten.)ta-y]. Tomorrow singing.room-to go-EXH-HEARSAY]-(RETRO.)DCL-HEARSAY Int. ‘I tell you someone said to me (s)he suggested (to us) that we go to a singing room tomorrow.’ b. Jina-ka ne-poko cemsim-ul sa-la-y. Jina-NOM you-DAT lunch-ACC buy-IMP-HEARSAY ‘Jina told you to buy lunch.’ Selected references: Ceong, H. 2016. Korean hearsay constructions and speech act phrases. Proceedings of the 2016 Annual Conference of CLA; Krifka, M. 2002. Embedded speech acts. Handout delivered at Workshop In the Mood., Graduiertenkolleg Satzarten: Variation and Interpretation. Universtät Frankfrut am Main.; Park, J. U. 2011. Clause structure and null subjects: Referential dependency in Korean. Ph.D. Diss., Georgetown Univ.; Schlenker, P. 2003. A Plea for Monsters. Linguistics and Philosophy 26, 29-120.; Speas, P. and C. Tenny. 2003. Configurational properties of point of view roles. In Asymmetry in Grammar, 315-344; Zanuttni et al. 2012. A syntactic analysis of interpretive restrictions on imperative, promissive, and exhortative subjects. NNLT 30: 1231-1274. Modal Expressions, Hearsay Expressions, and Point-of-View Takeshi Oguro (Chiba University of Commerce) Japanese sentences have been traditionally assumed to be composed of the proposition part and the modal part, whose representative element is the modal daroo 'will', which typically shows Speaker's point of view (POV). Saito and Haraguchi (2012) argue that daroo sentences, which can optionally involve the complementizer no, have the following structures.

(1) a. [ForceP [ModalP [FiniteP [TP...] no] daroo]] b. [ForceP [ModalP [TP...] daroo]] I show that the position occupied by daroo can be occupied by the hearsay expression sooda 'they say', which reflects the POV of non-discourse participants. In other words, the projection, which I call POVP, can be headed either by a modal or by the hearsay marker and take different perspectives, depending on the features that the relevant head has. The idea that the modal expressions and the hearsay sooda occupy the same position is motivated by the striking similarities of their behavior. The epistemic modals can take TP, and so does the hearsay expression.

(2) a. [TP John-ga kuru] daroo/mai b. [TP John-ga kuru] sooda John-NOM come MOD John-NOM come HS 'John will/will not come.' 'They say that John will not come.' The both types fail to be embedded in TP-level adjuncts as in (3) and (4), but are fine in CP-level adverbial clauses as in (5) (Ueda 2007).

(3) a. [TP John-ga kuru] nara, boku-wa uresii John-NOM come if I-TOP happy 'If John comes, I am happy.' b. * [[TP John-ga kuru] daroo/mai] nara, boku-wa uresii John-NOM come MOD/MOD if I-TOP happy 'If John will/will not come, I am happy.' c. * [[TP John-ga kuru] soo(da)] nara, boku-wa uresii John-NOM come HS if I-TOP happy 'If they say John comes, I am happy.'

(4) a. [TP John-ga kuru] noni/monono, boku-wa kanasii John-NOM come though I-TOP sad 'Though John will come, I am sad.' b. * [[TP John-ga kuru] daroo/mai] noni/monono, boku-wa kanasii John-NOM come MOD/MOD though I-TOP sad 'Though John will/will not come, I am sad.' c. ?? [[TP John-ga kuru] sooda/soona] noni/monono, boku-wa kanasii John-NOM come HS though I-TOP sad 'Though they say John will/will not come, I am sad.'

(5) a. [TP John-ga kuru] ga, boku-wa uresii John-NOM come but I-TOP happy 'John will come, but I am happy.' b. [[TP John-ga kuru] daroo/mai] ga, boku-wa uresii John-NOM come MOD/MOD but I-TOP happy 'John will/will not come, but I am happy.' c. [[TP John-ga kuru] sooda] ga, boku-wa uresii John-NOM come HS but I-TOP happy 'They say John will come, but I am happy.' The epistemic modals cannot co-occur with each other (Ueda 2007), and this restriction applies to the hearsay expression as well. (6) a. * John-ga kuru daroo mai/mai daroo John-NOM come MOD MOD/MOD MOD 'John will not come' b. * John-ga kuru sooda daroo/daroo sooda/sooda mai/mai sooda John-NOM come HS MOD/MOD HS/HS MOD/MOD HS 'They say John will/will not come' Another common property is that they cannot have a past tense form. (7) a. * John-ga kuru daroo-ta/mai-ta John-NOM come MOD-PAST/MOD-PAST 'John would/would not come.' b. ?? John-ga kuru sooda-tta. John-NOM come HS-PAST 'They said John would come.' In order to capture the above effects, I propose the following. (8) a. The epistemic modals and the hearsay expression project POV Phrase. b. The POV holder of the epistemic modals must be a discourse participant but that of the hearsay construction must be a non-discourse participant. c. POV selects TP (=proposition). d. The past tense morpheme cannot be attached to element outside TP. With (8c), which is an extension of Saito and Haraguchi's (2012) idea based on selection, the effects (3) to (6) can be captured. (8d) serves to capture the effect in (7). The relevance of POV holders is clear in (9).

(9) a. Kitto [TP John-ga kuru] daroo/mai b. Kitto [TP John-ga kuru] sooda certainly John-NOM come MOD certainly John-NOM come HS 'Certainly John will/will not come.' 'They say that certainly John will come.' In (9a) Speaker is the one who is sure of John's coming and in (9b) someone other than Speaker and Hearer is reported to be sure of it. Given this, these two types of expressions will have structures like the ones in (10).

(10) a. [POVP [TP ... ] daroo/mai[+disc.prt]] b. [POVP [TP ... ] sooda[-disc.prt]] Epistemic modals and the hearsay marker can thus be treated as similar items in syntactic terms. Japanese has another hearsay construction, which involves the adnominal Report complementizer to no and the formal noun koto. This construction lacks the above mentioned effects, as shown in (11). This is because POV is embedded in the formal noun phrase in this construction as in (12), unlike sooda.

(11) a. [TP John-ga kuru] to-no koto da John-NOM come REPORT-GEN FN COP 'They say John will come.' b. [[TP John-ga kuru] to-no koto] nara, boku-wa uresii John-NOM come REPORT-GEN FN if I-TOP happy 'If they say John comes, I am happy.' c. [[TP John-ga kuru] to-no koto-na] noni, boku-wa uresii John-NOM come REPORT-GEN FN-AD though I-TOP happy 'Though they say John comes, I am happy.' d. [TP John-ga kuru] to-no koto daroo John-NOM come REPORT-GEN FN MODAL 'I think they say John will come.' 0 (12) [[ReportP [POVP [TP ...] POV [-disc.prt.]] to-no] koto] References Saito, M. and T. Haraguchi. 2012. Deriving the Cartography of the Japanese Right Periphery: The Case of Sentence-Final Discourse Particles. Iberia 4.2: 104-123. Ueda, Yukiko. 2007. Syntactic Structure and Person Restrictions of Japanese Modals. In Nihongo No Shusetsu Gensho, ed. N. Hasegawa, 123–150. Tokyo: Kaitakusha. 1Case as anti-labeling device and its impact on the surface order of classifiers YongSuk Yoo1, Myungkwan Park2 and Yuta Sakamoto3 Korea Naval Academy1, Dongguk University2, Chukyo University3 Synopsis: In this paper, we provide the previously unnoticed data on numeral classifier constructions in Japanese and Korean, revealing a cross-linguistic interpretational difference that can be attributed to the structural difference within nominal domains in these languages. The structural difference then shows that the left-periphery of NP in Korean and Japanese is different, in that only the latter can hold the classifier in its position. We provide an account based on labeling algorithm proposed in Chomsky (2013), in that only in Japanese the NP can stay in the left- periphery of QP due to the presence of K(ase) projection in its nominal domain. Interpretational Asymmetry: Both in Japanese [JP] and Korean [KR], numeral classifiers can either precede or follow their host nouns as in (1) and (2). (1) a. Go-nin-no otoko-ga kita. b. Tases-myeng-uy namca-ka wassta. five-CL-GEN man-NOM came five-CL-GEN man-NOM came lit: ‘Five man came.’ [JP] lit: ‘Five man came.’ [KR] (2) a. Otoko-ga go-nin kita. b. Namca-ka tases-myeng wassta. man-NOM five-CL came man-NOM five-CL came lit: ‘Man five came.’ [JP] lit: ‘Man five came.’ [KR] What has gone unnoticed in the literature is that numeral classifier constructions in Japanese and Korean exhibit an interpretational asymmetry when numeral classifiers follow their host nouns, cf. (2), and the host nouns in question are conjunction as in (4). (3) a. [Go-nin-no otoko-to onna]-ga kita. five-CL-GEN man-and woman-NOM came lit: ‘Five man and woman came.’ [JP] (✓total; ✓separate) b. [Tases-myeng-uy namca-wa yeca]-ka wassta. five-CL-GEN man-and woman-NOM came lit: ‘Five man and woman came.’ [KR] (✓total; ✓separate) (4) a. Otoko-to onna-ga go-nin kita. man-and woman-NOM five-CL came lit: ‘Man and woman five came.’ [JP] (✓total; ✓separate) b. Namca-wa yeca-ka tases-myeng wassta. man-and woman-NOM five-CL came lit: ‘Man and woman five came.’ [KR] (✓total; ✗separate) In (3), where numeral classifiers precede their host conjoined nouns, there are two interpretations available: both (3a) and (3b) can mean either that the five of men and women came (total interpretation) or that five men and an indefinite number of women came (separate interpretation). By contrast, in (4), where numeral classifiers follow their host conjoined nouns, Japanese (4a) allows the separate interpretation, i.e. that an indefinite number of men and five women came, whereas Korean (4b) does not allow such a reading and only allows the total interpretation. Structural Asymmetry: We argue that the total interpretation and the separate interpretation in (4) are derived from the structures (5a) and (5b), respectively. (5) a. TOTAL INTERPRETATION b. SEPARATE INTERPRETATION QP &P NUM+CL Q' NP &' &P Q man & QP man & woman woman NUM-CL In (5a), the QP is on the top of the &P so that the total interpretation is obtained; in (5b), the numeral classifier only modifies the second noun, i.e. woman, so the separate interpretation is obtained. The current perspective predicts yeka-ka tases-myeng ‘woman-NOM five-CL’ in (4b), where the separate interpretation is absent, not to form a constituent. This prediction is borne out as in (7). (6) Keisatu-to doroboo-ga go-nin kita no? Iie, yakuza-to karera-ga kimasita. police-and thief-NOM five-CL came Q no gangster-and they-NOM came lit: ‘Did police and thief five come? No, gangster and they came.’ [JP] (7) K.-kwa totwuk-i tases-myeng wass-ni? * Ani, kangto-wa kutul-i watta. police-and thief-NOM five-CL came-Q no gangster-and they-NOM came lit: ‘Did police and thief five come? No, gangster and they came.’ [KR] In Japanese (6), karera ‘they’ can take doroboo-ga go-nin ‘thief-NOM five-CL’ as its antecedent; in Korean (7), kutul ‘they’ cannot take totwuk-i tases-myeng ‘thief-NOM five-CL’ as its antecedent and the second sentence is unacceptable. The idea that the constituency of QP is important for the separate interpretation, cf. (5b), is further supported by the fact that even Japanese disallows such an interpretation in the situation where NOUN NUM-CL cannot be a constituent as in (8a). (8) a. [Otoko-to onna]i-o Taroo-ga ti go-nin tataita. man-and woman-ACC Taro-NOM five-CL hit lit: ‘Man and woman, Taro hit five.’ [JP] (✓total; ✗separate) b. [Namca-wa yeca]i-lul Minswu-ka ti tases-myeng ttaylyessta. man-and woman-ACC Minsoo-NOM five-CL hit lit: ‘Man and woman, Minsoo hit five.’ [KR] (✓total; ✗separate) In (8a), the conjoined object otoko-to onna ‘man and woman’ has undergone scrambling, which eliminates the possibility that onna ‘woman’ and go-nin ‘five-CL’ form a constituent under the base structure. Crucially, the separate interpretation is absent in (8a) as the current analysis predicts. Presence/Absence of KP: The question to be answered is then why Korean disallows the structure (5b), unlike Japanese. We argue that the absence of the structure (5b) in Korean can be attributed to the absence of K(ase) P(rojection) within nominal domains. One of the distinctive differences between Japanese and Korean is that only the former allows particle-stranding ellipsis (Sato and Ginsberg 2007, Sato 2012, Bošković 2014) as in (9) and (10). (9) A: [NP Taroo]-ga tukimasita ka? B: [NP ∆]-ga mada tuiteimasen. Taro-NOM arrived Q -NOM yet arrived.not ‘Has Taro arrived?’ [JP] lit: ‘∆-NOM has not arrived yet.’ [JP] (10) A: [NP Minswu]-ka tochakhaysssupnik-ka? B:*[NP ∆]-ka acik tochakhacianhasssupnita. Minsoo-NOM arrived-Q -NOM yet arrived.not ‘Has Taro arrived?’ [KR] lit: ‘∆-NOM has not arrived yet.’ [KR] Following Bošković (2014), we assume that particle-stranding ellipsis is an instance of ellipsis of an NP that is a complement of KP, taking the ungrammaticality of (10B) as an argument for the absence of KP in Korean. Assuming with Takahashi (2011) and Bošković (2014) that Japanese nominal domains with numeral classifiers involve tripartite structure i.e. QP-KP-NP, we then propose that Korean counterparts involve only QP and NP as in (11b).

(11) a. [QP [KP NP K] Q] b. [QP NP Q] We then argue that the order [NP-Case CL] can be obtained by adjunction of NP to QP, as illustrated in (12). This involves the merger of {NP, QP}, which Chomsky (2013) argues that it cannot be labeled unless (i) it undergoes feature-sharing (ii) either one of them moves. We argue that Korean can only take option ii, hence the order in question does not form a constituent on surface (12b).

(12) a. [QP NP [QP …]] b. .. NP [? tNP [QP tNP QP]] However, for Japanese, what is merged with QP is KP (13a). Saito (2016) convincingly shows that the Case (KP) in Japanese functions as an anti-labeler, which results to the label of the merger {KP, QP} as QP (13b). Therefore, the order in question in Japanese can stay as a constituent.

(13) a. [QP KP [QP …. ]] b. {QP {KPANTILABELER, QP}} Case Asymmetry of ATB Wh-questions in Korean: An Experimental Study

Yunhui Kima, Duk-Ho Jungb, and Jeong-Seok Kimc Korea Universitya, c and UC San Diegob

Introduction: Across-the-Board (ATB) movements from coordinate structures are usually subject to an identity requirement; the same element must be extracted from each conjunct. Case-mismatches of the wh-pivot in ATB dependency thus result in ungrammaticality as in (1b) [1, 2, 3]. Interestingly, Korean seems to tolerate Case-mismatches of wh-pivots in ATB dependency as in (2a, c). The data in (2) suggest that the wh-pivot of certain ATB constructions has to form Case-licensing dependency with the first conjunct predicate. In this light, this experimental study explores a two-operator (wh-operator + null operator) movement approach to Case-mismatch ATB wh-questions in Korean. Method/Materials: Testing the empirical reality of Case-mismatch ATB wh-questions, we attempted to answer the following: (i) ‘Are Case-mismatches in Korean ATB wh-questions sensitive to conjunct locus?’ and (ii) ‘Are they sensitive to Case-types such as DAT or ACC?’ Consequently, we conducted an acceptability judgment experiment based on a 2 × 2 factorial design with the two factors LOCUS (1ST conjunct vs. 2ND conjunct) and CASE (DAT vs. ACC), as sampled in (2). Results: ANOVA results showed main effects for LOCUS-type (p < .001) and CASE-type (p < .05) but no interaction between the two (p = .8547). Post-hoc comparison showed no difference between DAT and ACC (p = .5222). Summing up, we observed significant effects of LOCUS (1ST was more acceptable than 2ND) and marginal effects of CASE (DAT was more acceptable than ACC): z-scores of DAT-1ST [-0.2438] and DAT-2ND [-0.6879] are higher than those of ACC-1ST [-0.4051] and ACC-2ND [-0.8798], respectively. Analysis: There are two main families of explanations for ATB dependency: symmetric accounts (Citko’s [1] parallel merge; Nunes’s [5] sideward movement) and asymmetric accounts (Munn’s [4] parasitic gap; Salzman’s [6] asymmetric extraction + ellipsis). Since previous accounts assume that the Cases of wh-pivots in ATB dependency are morphologically compatible, such accounts have difficulty in explaining Case asymmetry. Based on Munn [4], we propose that Case-mismatches in ATB wh-questions are a simple matter of selection. The apparently ATB-moved wh-pivot just satisfies the Case (and θ-) requirements of the first conjunct predicate, and the null operator those of the second conjunct predicate. Since Case-mismatches in ATB wh-questions contain a single wh-phrase not being shared between conjuncts, reconstruction is predicted to affect only the closest conjunct; thus, the proximity effect (Williams [7]) obtains. More precisely, our proposal assumes that coordinate structures are Boolean with the second conjunct being adjoined to the first. In (3a, c) the morphological Case of wh-pivots is licensed by the first conjunct predicate after wh-fronting. In the second conjunct, there is a null operator movement, and the Case of the trace is licensed by the second conjunct predicate. We propose that the slight

deviance of (3a, c) is related to the Case-identification requirement of the null operator by the overt operator. On the other hand, in (3b, d) the morphological Case of wh-pivots is not licensed in their original conjunct, which is the first one. Consequence: If wh-pivots in ATB dependency show Case-matches across all the conjuncts, the construction is an instance of symmetric ATB wh-movement. If they are not, however, it is an instance of asymmetric ATB wh-movement.

(1) a. CoACC Jan lubi tACC i Maria uwielbia tACC? [Polish] what Jan likes and Maria adores

b. *CoACC Jan lubi tACC i Maria nienawidzi tGEN? [Citko 2003] what Jan likes and Maria hates (2) a. ?Nwukwu-eykey oppa-ka kkochtapal-ul cwuess-ko, who-DAT brother-NOM bouquet-ACC gave -and emma-ka cinsimulo hwanyenghayss-ni? [DAT | 1ST] mom-NOM heartily welcomed-Q b. *Nwukwu-eykey emma-ka cinsimulo hwanyenghayss-ko, who-DAT mom-NOM heartily welcomed-and oppa-ka kkochtapal-ul cwuess-ni? [DAT | 2ND] brother-NOM bouquet-ACC gave-Q c. ?Nwukwu-lul emma-ka cinsimulo hwanyenghayss-ko, who-ACC mom-NOM heartily welcomed-and oppa-ka kkochtapal-ul cwuess-ni? [ACC | 1ST] brother-NOM bouquet-ACC gave-Q d. *Nwukwu-lul oppa-ka kkochtapal-ul cwuess-ko, who-ACC brother-NOM bouquet-ACC gave-and emma-ka cinsimulo hwanyenghayss-ni? [ACC | 2ND] mom-NOM heartily welcomed-Q

(3) a. ?WH-DAT [TP [TP t gaveDAT] & [BP OP [TP t welcomedACC]]] Q?

b. *WH-DAT [TP [TP t welcomedACC] & [BP OP [TP t gaveDAT]]] Q?

c. ?WH-ACC [TP [TP t welcomedACC] & [BP OP [TP t gaveDAT]]] Q?

d. *WH-ACC [TP [TP t gaveDAT] & [BP OP [TP t welcomedACC]]] Q?

References [1] Citko. 2003. ATB wh-movement and the nature of merge. NELS 33. [2] Dyła. 1984. Across the board dependencies and Case in Polish. LI 15. [3] Franks. 1993. On parallelism in across-the-board dependencies. LI 24. [4] Munn. 2001. Explaining parasitic gap restrictions. In Parasitic gaps. [5] Nunes. 2004. Linearization of chains and sideward movement. [6] Salzmann. 2012. Deriving reconstruction asymmetries in Across The Board movement by means of asymmetric extraction + ellipsis. In Comparative Germanic syntax: The state of the art. [7] Williams. 1990. The ATB theory of parasitic gaps. The LR 6.

Two types of ECM constructions in Korean

Semoon Hoe1, Dongwoo Park1,2, Han-Byul Chung1 1Seoul National University, 2Sogang University

Data. Regular verbs (e.g. mit ‘believe’) and VNs combined with the LV (e.g. sayngkak-ha ‘think-LV’) show discrepancies regarding the possibility of embedded CP ellipsis (1), and for some speakers, as reported by Ahn & Cho (2008), CP fronting (2).

(1) a. Tom-un [CP Mina-lul chencay-lako] mit-ko, John-to [e] mit-nun-ta. T.-Top M.-ACC genius-C believe-Conj J.-also believe-Pres-D (lit.)‘Tom believes Mina to be a genius, and John believes, too.’

b.*Tom-un [CP Mina-lul chencay-lako] sayngkak-ha-ko John-to [e] sayngkak-ha-n-ta . T.-Top M.-ACC genius-C think-LV-Conj J.-also think-LV-Pres-D (lit.)‘Tom thinks Mina to be a genius, and John thinks, too.’ (2) a.*Chencay-lako Tom-un Mina-lul mit-nun-ta. (lit.)‘Tom believes Mina genius-C T.-Top M.-ACC think-LV-Pres-D to be a genius.’ b. Chencay-lako Tom-un Mina-lul sayngkak-ha-n-ta. (lit.)‘Tom thinks Mina genius-C T.-Top M.-ACC believe-Pres-D to be a genius.’ Goal. Chomsky (2015) (POP+, h.f.) proposes that the verbal root (R) is universally weak. In this paper, however, we argue that the above discrepancies can be accounted for if a language can have both weak Rs and strong Rs. Our account of ECMed NPs departs from the previous analyses that utilize the left periphery of the embedded clause. Backgrounds 1: POP+ and Epstein et al. (2016). De-phasing and phase cancellation. POP+ assumes that R, which becomes V after merger of v, is universally weak. Thus, (3a) cannot be labeled as R. To label {R, NP}, the NP is first internally merged to [Spec, R] (anti-locality is not assumed here) (3b), followed by a merger of v*, as in (3c). Here, R inherits v*’s features (i.e., uφ, phasehood). Then, due to the affixal status of null v*, R merges with v* via head movement (HM), thereby forming an amalgam , as in (3d). Concomitantly, owing to the φ inheritance, {NP, {R, NP}} is labeled <φ, φ> via feature sharing. Also, <φ, φ> labeling enhances R to serve as a label. Amalgamation makes v* invisible in the narrow syntax, hence triggers de-phasing: a phase head (v* in (3d)) loses its phasehood and inherits it to a lower non-phase head (R in (3d)). phase (3) a. {R, NP} b. {NP, {R, NP}} c. {v*, {NP, {R, NP}}} d. { , {<�, �> NP, {R R , NP}} } However, the above analysis is problematic with bridge verbs (POP+). In (4a), since the CP complement cannot enter �-feature sharing with R, labeling fails. To avoid the labeling failure in (4a), POP+ suggests that the lower copy of HMed R is invisible for labeling, as in (4b), since only the copy with the highest occurrence in the domain is visible in the NS and labeling algorithm. However, if HMed Rs are always invisible, the lower R in (3d) cannot act as a phase head. To solve the conflict, Epstein et al. (2016) suggest that (i) the lower R in (3d) is a unique copy, since occurrences can be calculated only with a “set merger”, and (ii) in case of bridge verbs, an externally pair merged amalgam takes CP as its complement as in (4c). Since v* within the amalgam is invisible, there is no phase head in (4c) (phase cancellation).

(4) a. { , {? R, CP}} b. { , {CP R, CP}} c. { , CP} Interim Suggestion 1. The analyses above provide a novel approach to Korean ECM constructions. If subject to object raising (SOR) in ECM constructions is optional (Lasnik 1999, POP+, Hiraiwa 2005, a. o.), we should get (5a) when SOR occurs, which would result in dephasing as in (3). When SOR does not occur, (5b) is the only possible structure for proper labeling, which would then result in phase cancellation as in (4). (We assume that the ECM subject is ACC-marked, since the embedded CP is not a phase. Meanwhile, when the embedded CP is a phase, the embedded subject is NOM-marked. We adopt here dependent case theory (Kornfilt & Preminger 2015).) (5) a. {EA, {, {NPi-ACC, {R, {C ..NPi..}}}}} (cf. (3))

b. {EA, {, {C..NP-ACC..}} (cf. (4)) Backgrounds 2: two types of Rs It has been argued that VNs in Korean LV constructions are not nouns but just simple Rs that occur with LV ‘ha-’ (Pak 2001, Park 2008, Chung 2016, Park 2017). Along this line, Chung (2016) further remarks that VNs that allow genetival nominal forms (4a) are inherently verbal Rs (cf. den Dikken & Sybesma 1998), while regular verbs that do not allow genetival nominal forms (4b) are categorially determined as V after v* is merged. (6) a. (Tom-uy) tosi-uy phakoy b. *(Tom-uy) pyek-uy cham T.-Gen city-Gen destruction(VN) T.-Gen wall-Gen kick ‘T.’s destruction of the city/the city’s destruction ‘T.’s kick of the wall/The wall’s kick’ We assume that categorially specified Rs like VN are strong, thereby can independently serve as labels (see also Saito 2016). Furthermore, we suggest that since LV ha- is a “non-affixal v*”, it does not trigger HM (see Park 2017 for supporting evidence). Proposals. The two types of ECM verbal predicates in Korean, regular verbs and VNs combined with the LV, possess two distinct structures. Following the above mentioned two interim suggestions, we propose the following structural variation:

(7) a. Tom-un [CP Mina-lul chencay-lako] mit-nun-ta. T.-Top M.-ACC genius-C believe-Pres-D → {EA, {, CP}} b. Tom-un Mina-lul1 [CP t1 chencay-lako] mit-nun-ta. ‘Tom believes Mina to be a genius.’ → {EA, {, {NP1, {R, {C ..NP1..}}}}}

(8) a. Tom-un [CP Mina-lul chencay-lako] sayngkak-ha-n-ta. T.-Top M.-ACC genius-C think-LV-Pres-D → {EA, {v*, {R, CP}}} b. Tom-un Mina-lul2 [CP t2 chencay-lako] sayngkak-ha-n-ta (lit.)‘Tom thinks Mina to be a genius.’ → {EA, {v*, {NP2, {R, {C ..NP2..}}}}} In (7a), where the ECM subject remains inside the embedded CP, weak R externally pair merges with v*, and the amalgam takes the CP complement. Here, neither the matrix verbal domain (phase cancellation) nor the embedded CP is a phase. However, in (7b) where SOR takes place, R should merge with the embedded CP. In this case, a properly labeled structure like ‘{<�, � > NP, {R R, CP}}’ can be derived as the derivation in (3). Crucially, after R undergoes HM to v*, the lower R becomes a phase head (de-phasing). On the other hand, in (8), since VNs are strong Rs, SOR is not necessary for proper labeling. Furthermore, since LV ha- does not feed amalgamation, v* remains as a phase head. Analysis 1: Embedded CP-ellipsis. If we take the widely accepted idea that XP ellipsis is licensed by a functional head, which is a sister head of XP (Lobeck 1995; Merchant 2001; Saito and Murasugi 1990; cf. Aelbrecht 2010), an XP cannot be elided when a lexical head merges with the XP. At first glance, CP-ellipsis seems to be exceptional, in that the sister of an elided CP is apparently a lexical head. How- ever, suppose that the amalgam is a functional head, in that it can introduce an external argument (POP+). This makes a novel prediction that CP ellipsis can be licensed in (7a), in which the externally merged amalgam directly takes the CP complement, but not in (7b), (8a), and (8b): in the latter, the CP is a sister of lexical head, namely R. This prediction is borne out:

(9) a. Tom-un [CP Mina-lul chencay-lako] mit-ko, John-to [e] mit-nun-ta. T.-Top M.-ACC genius-C believe-Conj J.-also believe-Pres-D ( lit.)‘Tom believes Mina to be a genius, and John believes, too.’

b. * Tom-un Mina-lul1 [CP t1 chencay-lako] mit-ciman John-un Jin-ul [e] mit-nun-ta. T.-Top M.-ACC genius-C believe-but J.-Top J.-ACC believe-Pres-D (lit.)‘Tom believes Mina to be a genius, but John believes Jin.’

c. * Tom-un [CP Mina-lul chencay-lako] sayngkak-ha-ko John-to [e] sayngkak-ha-n-ta . T.-Top M.-ACC genius-C think-LV-Conj J.-also think-LV-Pres-D (lit.)‘Tom thinks Mina to be a genius, and John thinks, too.’ d. * Tom-un Mina-lul2 [CP t2 chencay-lako] sayngkak-ha-ciman T.-Top M.-ACC genius-C think-LV-but John-un Jin-ul [e] sayngkak-ha-n-ta. J.-Top J.-ACC think-LV-Pres-D (lit.)‘Tom thinks Mina to be a genius, but John thinks Jin.’ Analysis 2: Embedded CP Fronting. Ahn & Cho (2008) reports that (2b) is grammatical while (2a) is not. (N.B. Our own survey found both (2a) and (2b) unacceptable, while koryeha- ‘consider’, another VN+LV, was found marginally acceptable.) Ahn & Cho (2008) and Ko (2014) use the prolepsis analysis to account for the grammaticality of (2b); Mina-lul is an argument of sayngkakha-, and CP containing a pro subject is scrambled above. However, unlike (2b), (2a) is totally ungrammatical. The prolepsis analysis may account for the ungrammaticality of (2a) as follows: (2a) involves SOR, and (ii) CP fronting is not allowed after SOR (cf. the traditional PBC). However, it is unclear why (2b) would involve prolepsis while (2a) must involve SOR. Taken together with Hiraiwa’s (2010) idea on the PBC, our analysis can explain the contrast between (2a) and (2b), while maintaining the simple idea that they both involve SOR. Hiraiwa (2010) proposes that the PBC effects occur when ‘x’ and ‘y extracted from x’ move to the same phase edge, pointing out the problems of Müller’s generalization. Hiraiwa’s analysis predicts that the CP fronting is only available from the structures in (8), but not in (7). When the base structure is (7a)/(5b), due to phase cancellation, the ECM subject and the remnant CP is scrambled directly to spec of α―the target of scrambling. However, since α is a phase head (Hiraiwa 2010), this violates the PBC, as illustrated in (10a). In (7b)/(5a), the NP moves to [Spec, R] for proper labeling. Moreover, due to de-phasing the remnant CP must move through the edge of R to be scrambled further. Even if such a “short” movement is allowed as assumed in POP+ (see (3)), it violates the PBC, since both the ECM subject and the CP move to the edge of a same phase head R, as illustrated in (10b). On the other hand, in cases of (8a) and (8b), the ECM subject may be raised to [Spec, VN]. That VNs are strong does not block NPs moving to [spec, VN]. Since v* to R inheritance occurs irrespective of the strength of Rs (POP+), <�, �> labeling can be obtained when SOR takes place in (8b). However, the lack of amalgamation clearly guarantees that v* remains a phase head. Therefore, the embedded CP moves through the edge of v*, a phase head, for further scrambling. Consequently, the PBC is not violated as shown (10c).

(10) a. {EA, {, {C, .. NP1..}2}} → *{CP2 { NP1 { α, .. {EA, {, {C, ..NP1..}2}}}}}

b. {EA, {, {NP1, {R, {C ..NP1..}2}}}} → *{EA, {, {CP2, {NP1, {R, CP2 }}}}}

c. {EA, {v*, {NP1, {RVN, {C …NP1}2}}}} → {CP2, {EA, {v*, {NP1, {RVN, CP2}}}}

Selected references Ahn, H.-D., & S. Cho (2008) Cyclic linearization analysis of predicate fronting. Studies in Modern Grammar 54: 57-82. Chomsky, N. (2015) Problems of projection: Extensions. In Structures, strategies and beyond, eds. by E. D. Domenico, C. Hamann, & S. Matteini, 3-16. Amsterdam & Philadelphia: John Benjamins. Chung, H.-B. (2016) Acategorial Big Heads and VP-nominalizations. Eoneohag 75: 23-42 den Dikken, M., & R. Sybesma (1998) Take serials light up the middle. Paper presented at the 20th GLOW. Epstein, S. D., H. Kitahara, & D. Seely (2016) Phase cancellation by external pair-merge of heads. The Linguistic Review 33: 87-102 Hiraiwa, K. (2010) Scrambling to the Edge. Syntax 13: 133-164. Ko, H. (2014) Edges in Syntax: Scrambling and Cyclic Linearization. Oxford University Press. Kornfilt, J., & O. Preminger (2015) Nominative as no case at all: An argument from raising-to-ACC in Sakha. In Proceed- ings of WAFL 9, 109-120. Cambridge: MITWPL. Lobeck, A. (1995) Ellipsis: Functional heads, licensing, and identification. New York: Oxford University Press. Park, D. (2017) When does ellipsis occur, and what is elided? Doctoral Dissertation. University of Maryland. Saito, M. (2016) (A) Case for labeling: labeling in languages without ɸ-feature agreement. The Linguistic Review 33: 129- 175. Number Agreement in CP: Addressee-orientated plural marking Saetbyol Seo (Seoul National University)

1. Introduction: In Korean, so-called plural marker -tul appears in two different environments. It can be attached to a noun phrase marking plurality. In addition, when a subject is plural, it may occur on other elements in the same clause such as an object, a locative phrase, an adverb, and so on, regardless of plurality of adhered sites. In literature, -tul which marks inherent plurality has been called Intrinsic Plural Marker (IPM) while -tul triggered by a plural subject Extrinsic Plural Marker (EPM) following Song (1997). In (1), the -tul on the subject say ‘bird’ is an example of IPM, and the -tul on the predicate nolayhako ‘sing’ is an example of EPM. The IPM -tul tends to attach to an animate noun, hence Kim (2011) analyzes that the subject -tul in (1) is legitimate since it attaches to the animate NP, and it licenses EPM on the predicate. In contrast, (2) is ruled out since the subject yelsoy ‘key’ is not subject to IPM due to the inanimacy, and consequently EPM is disallowed. Not all inanimate nouns are incompatible to IPM, but it is not a main concern of this study. What this study pays attention to is that (2) is not ruled out in colloquial speech. (1) Say-tul-i nolayhako-tul iss-ta. (Kim 2011: 8) bird-PL-NOM sing-PL be-DEC ‘Birds are singing.’ (2) * Yelsoy twu kay-ka patak-ey tteleci-ess-ta-tul. (Choe 1987, recited from Kim 2011: 5) key two CL-TOP floor-LOC fall-PST-DEC-PL ‘Two keys fell on the floor.’ 2. Observation: A plural vocative can license EPM -tul in addition to a plural subject. When there are multiple hearers in an utterance domain, (2) is acceptable contra the previous studies. In (3), to improve naturalness, I add the lexical entry ‘gold’ to the original sentence for a surprise sense, and replace the sentence particle -ta with -e which is more colloquial. (3) (Yaytul-a,) hwangkum yelsoy twu kay-ka patak-ey ttelecyci-ess-e-tul. cf. (2) guys-VOC gold key 2 CL-NOM floor-LOC fall-PST-SP-PL (SP = sentence particle) ‘Guys, two keys have fallen on the floor.’ This indicates that EPM has two sources: the one is a subject on SpecTP (low-EPM) as in (1) and the other is a vocative in a higher domain (high-EPM) as in (2)-(3). 3. Distribution: The high-EPM -tul can adhere only to a predicate, hence it is sentence-final without scrambling. This is exemplified in (4). (4) (Yaytul-a,) hwangkum yelsoy twu kay-ka(*-tul) patak-ey(*-tul) ttelecyeci-ess-e. cf. (3) guys-VOC gold key 2 CL-NOM floor-LOC fall-PST-SP ‘Guys, two keys have fallen on the floor.’ 4. Meaning: High-EPM draws a hearer’s attention or urges a follow-up action on hearers. (3) is natural when a speaker considers the uttered proposition to be unexpected, and wants to attract hearers’ notice. Also, saying (3), a speaker can urge hearers to do something in reaction to their word such as looking down. This indicates that high-EPM performs a similar function as vocatives being used for attention-seeking, conveying a speaker’s state of mind as surprise, etc. (Zwicky 1974, Hill 2007). On the contrary, the high-EPM -tul is distinguished from vocatives in that it cannot freely appear in a sentence: when the vocative phrase yaytul-a is substituted for -tul in (4), the sentence becomes grammatical. 5. Proposal: Focusing on the close relation between vocatives and high-EPM, I propose that Speech Act Projection (SAP) hosting vocatives licenses high-EPM under the Spec-Head Agreement in line with Hill (2007) and Haegeman and Hill (2013, H&H), as displayed in (5).

(5) Derivation of (3): [ForceP (yaytula,) hwangkum yelsoy twu kayka patak-ey tteleciesse-tul] a. [SAP Vo c P [iNum: ] [SA' [ForceP … ] SA[uNum: ] ]] b. [SAP yaytula[iNum: +pl] [SA' [ForceP … ] SA[uNum: +pl] ]] ← Agreement between SpecSAP and SA c. [SAP yaytula [SA' [ForceP … ]-tul ]] ← Realization of SA[+pl] with -tul The proposal follows literature on vocatives and CP-layers. First, vocatives, as a regular DP, are located above ForceP in Moro (2003). Hill (2003) argues that RoleP, a functional domain for vocatives, occupies SpecSAP, and Portner (2004) posits that vocatives appear in the SpecAddr(essee)P. Also, Hill (2007) and H&H propose that speech act projects a predicate- argument structure above CP as Larsonian VP-shells in line with Speas and Tenny (2003) and Rizzi (1997, 2004) as in (7). This is proved by discourse particles with a pragmatic function as ‘attention- seeking’ or ‘bonding’ in Romanian and West Flemish. (6) is the example: in Romanian, hai conveys an evaluative meaning. Interestingly, hai is inflected by person and number of a vocative parallel to Korean high-EPM. The Romanian hai and Korea high-EPM attest to the φ-Agreement in CP. (6) Hai că este nemaipomenit. [Rom.] (H&H 2013: 14) HAI that is unbelievable ‘Really, it is unbelievable (I say!).’ (7) [saP [sa ] [SAP VOCATIVE [SA hai ][ForceP Utterance/ că…]]] (H&H 2013: 19) The present proposal can explain the distributional contrast between the high-EPM and VocP as well: high-EPM -tul is sentence-final as it is a realization of SA, and consequently it cannot occur multiple times. In contrast, phrasal VocP exhibits looser restrictions on its overt positions. 6. Advantage: Some might argue that a (c)overt Topic phrase with [2] licenses high-EPM. Im (1989) shows that -tul can occur at the end of an interrogative sentence as in (8), and he mentions that sentence-final -tul is natural when its associate is present in an utterance place. Namely, (8) is understood as having a covert [2] topic tangsin-tul-un ‘you-PL-TOP’. He also points out that a [1] topic cannot license this type of -tul, and a declarative answer to (8) cannot have a sentence-final - tul with a (c)overt [1] plural topic. Therefore, the topic analysis requires a stipulation excluding [1] from licensers of high-EPM unlike the vocative analysis. (8) Ku salam-i cip-ey chacawass-e-tul? (Im 1989: 184) that man-NOM house-in visited-SP-PL ‘Did that guy visit (your) home?’ My analysis conforms to analyses on low-EPM, too. Park (2008) argues that low-EPM is a result of subject Agreement attached to the high level of VP. Kim (2011) also proposes that it is a realization of Agreement between v and a subject. That is, EPM, both high and low, is subject to Agreement with a functional category: Agreement of subject and v for IPM and Agreement of vocative and SA for EPM. 7. Extension and concluding remarks: This study proves that Korean has φ-Agreement in CP, contrary to TP. Also, it is expected to be extended to other types of Agreement within CP. For instance, Korean has a subject honorific marker, -si-, attached to a predicate. It has been used with even an inanimate subject recently in a service industry such as a café. Lee (2012) analyzes the over-use of -si- as an addressee-oriented honorific Agreement. Similarly, this seems to be analyzed as a result of Agreement between VocP and an extended verbal domain under the present system. Selected references: Haegeman L. & V. Hill 2013. The syntacticization of discourse. Syntax and its limits: 370-390. | Hill, V. 2007. Vo c a t i v e s a n d t he pragmatics-syntax interface. Lingua, 2077-2105. | Kim, M. 2011. The acquisition of Korean pluralizer -tul. MA Thesis, MSU. | Park, S. 2008. Functional categories: The syntax of DP and DegP. Ph.D. Diss., USC.

The relative order of foci and interrogative complementizers: a Slavic perspective

Elena Callegari, University of Oslo Synopsis According to Abels (2012), the movement of a focus to a left-peripheral position is blocked by the presence of an intervening polarity complementizer (POL), i.e. by elements such as English if and Italian se, which introduce embedded polarity questions. On the basis of long- distance focalization, I show that polarity complementizers are not in fact interveners for focalization. Employing a cross-linguistic comparison of eight Slavic languages, I then show that in languages where a fronted focus may locally precede POL, this is because POL is a complex morpheme derived through the incorporation of a lower functional head with a higher one. In those languages where this ordering configuration is not possible, POL is not derived through movement but is externally merged directly in the position in which it surfaces. Relativized Minimality and POL: Cinque (1990) notes how question formation is sensitive to weak islands, and how focalization gives rise to weak islands. On the basis of these observations, Abels speculates that polarity complementizers and foci are interveners for each other. According to Abels, a violation of Relativized Minimality (RM) is then what underlies the ungrammaticality of examples like (1), where a focus locally precedes POL:

(1) *Mi domando QUESTO se gli volessero dire QUESTO (non qualcos’ altro). (Italian) * I wonder THIS if to-him they-wanted to-say THIS (not something.else) (Rizzi 2001:289)

The ungrammaticality of (1) however cannot be due to a violation of RM, since the non-local movement of a focus across POL is perfectly grammatical, as shown in (2). The movement depicted in (2) is non-local because the fronted focus is internally merged in a left periphery higher than that in which the polarity complementizer se surfaces:

(2) QUESTO domando se QUESTO gli volessero dire QUESTO (non qualcos’ altro). THIS I wonder if THIS to-him they-wanted to-say THIS (not something.else)

The grammaticality of (2) shows how POL cannot be an intervener for foci: if that were the case, we would expect non-local focalization to also be ungrammatical, contrary to fact. Slavic Languages: an Overiew Slavic languages provide additional evidence suggesting that POL does not block focalization. In Bulgarian (Bul), Bosnian-Serbian-Croatian (BSC) and Macedonian (Mac), both the local and the non-local FOC < POL configurations are grammatical. Below are some examples from Bulgarian (Krapova 2002:109-110) showing how, in this language, the focus can both locally precede and locally follow the POL dali:

(3) Čudja se dali KNIGITE Ivan šte vzeme (ili SPISANIJATA) POL < FOC I-wonder REFL. if THE-BOOKS Ivan will take (or THE-JOURNALS) (4) Čudja se KNIGITE dali Ivan šte vzeme (ili SPISANIJATA) FOC < POL

The local order FOC < POL is on the other hand ungrammatical in Ukrainian, Polish, Czech, Slovak and Slovene. In these languages, the fronting of the focus to the left periphery is marginally possible, but only if this follows POL. Below is an example from Slovenian:

(5) ??Sprašujem se, če bo KNJIGE Ivan kupil, ne REVIJE. POL < FOC ?? I-wonder REFL, if will BOOKS Ivan buy, not JOURNALS (6) *Sprašujem se, KNJIGE če bo Ivan kupil, ne REVIJE. FOC < POL * I-wonder REFL, BOOKS if will Ivan buy, not JOURNALS

Note that Russian (Rus) is not included in the analysis because, in Russian, POL is never realized as an independent morpheme, but always through the enclitic –li, which attaches to V or DP/PPs. Enclitic Polarity The languages where the local order FOC

(7) IVAN li risuva vseki den? IVAN li paints every day? Is it IVAN who paints every day? (Dukova-Zheleva 2010: 177)

Those languages where the local FOC

(8) [IntP [Int° da -li [FocP XP (+foc) [Foc° da li [FinP [Fin° da]]]]]]

Configurations where a fronted focus locally precedes POL (as observed in (4)) are derived by giving overt spell-out to the intermediate copy of da li/ dali, namely the one surfacing to the right of the fronted focus. Configurations in which POL precedes the fronted focus (as in (3)) are on the other hand derived by giving overt spell-out to the leftmost copy. Crucially, the option of having a focus locally precede POL is only available in languages where a movement-plus- incorporation derivation underlies the composition of POL, as it is only in this case that a copy of POL appears in a position lower than the one in which fronted foci are merged. The derivation in (8) can thus account for why the order FOC < POL is only acceptable in Mac, Bul and BSC: these are the only languages where the polarity complementizer is a complex morpheme resulting from the combination of two independent subordination markers. In all other Slavic languages, as well as in Italian, the morpheme which realizes POL is not derived through the incorporation of a lower functional head with a structurally higher one. In these languages, therefore, the morpheme realizing the polarity complementizer is likely base-generated directly in INT, as suggested for Italian “se” in Rizzi (2001). Selected References ABELS, K. 2012. The Italian left periphery: A view from locality. Linguistic Inquiry 43(1) 229-254; DUKOVA-ZHELEVA, G. 2010. Questions and focus in Bulgarian. PhD Thesis. University of Ottawa; KRAPOVA, I. 2002. On the Left Periphery of the Bulgarian sentence. Ca’ Foscari Working Papers in Linguistics 12: 107- 128; RUDIN, C., C. KRAMER, L. BILLINGS & M. BAERMAN. 1999. Macedonian and Bulgarian li Questions: Beyond Syntax. Natural language and Linguistic Theory 17: 541-586. A cartographic approach to embedded word orders in Jordanian Arabic Marwan Jarrah The University of Jordan ([email protected]) This paper investigates (un)marked word orders in embedded clauses in Jordanian Arabic (JA), motivating a mono-clausal analysis of them. It shows that movement to any position in the pre-predicate zone of such clauses counts as a species of A-bar movement. This study argues also that topic in this Arabic dialect is not a unique category nor susceptible to a single analysis. For instance, topics that express information that is ‘newly introduced, newly changed or newly returned to’, i.e. Aboutness Topic, (cf. Givón 1983) are shown not to be licensed in JA embedded clauses. On the other hand, this study argues that topics that convey familiar information, i.e. Familiar Topic (cf. Frascarelli and Hinterhölzl 2007), are more constrained in embedded contexts than previously believed; they are not recursive. Such a state of affairs implies that there are no elements in the left periphery of JA embedded clauses being assigned the same informational/communicative value. This offers empirical support to proposals that argue for topics typology, licensing and hierarchy (cf. Bianchi and Frascarelli 2010). This study looks firstly at the syntactic derivation of the unmarked SVO order word in JA embedded clauses with a principal focus on the position of the thematic subject. We provide evidence that the preverbal subject in this word order is not located in Spec,TP (in contrast with root clauses). The subject is shown to be a topic in the left periphery as it should either be definite (and specific) or bear contrastive stress. Consider the following examples: (1) ʔabuu-i fakkar ʔinn-uh father-my believed.3SG.M that-3SGM ʔil-walad/WALAD/*walad sarag ʔis-sijjaarah DEF-boy/ boy/a boy stole.3SG.M DEF-car ‘My father believed that the boy/ a boy (not a man)/ *a boy stole the car.’ Given Rizzi’s (1997) CP system, it can be proposed that when the subject is definite and specific in embedded SVO clauses as in (1), the subject moves to the left periphery, specifically to Spec,Topic Phrase. On the other hand, when the subject is accompanied by contrastive stress, it moves to Spec,Focus Phrase, to which contrastively-stressed information moves in Arabic (see, Fassi Fehri 1993 and Ouhalla 1993). This suggests that a topical/focal feature needs to be checked in the proper configuration. As for the derivation of the OVS word order, this study shows that the preverbal object may be a topic (so there is a resumptive clitic on the verb) or a focus (there is no such a resumptive clitic) in the CP domain, based its informational value. (2) ʔabuu-i fakkar ʔinn-uh ʔid-daftar father-my believed.3SG.M that-3SG.M DEF-notebook sarag-*(uh) ʔil-walad. stole.3SG.M-3SG.M DEF-boy Literally: ‘My father believed that the notebook the boy stole it.’ (3) ʔabuu-i fakkar ʔinn-uh DAFTAR father-my believed.3SG.M that-3SG.M notebook sarag ʔil-walad. stole.3SG.M DEF-boy ‘My father believed that it was a notebook that the boy stole.’ The resumptive clitic attached to the verb is predominantly taken as a typical sign of non- quantificational relation, i.e. topicalization (cf. È Kiss 1995, Rizzi 1997 and Grohmann & Haegeman 2004). Note also that the use of a resumptive object clitic on the verb in such

1 contexts patterns with Rizzi’s (1997) observation for Italian that a left periphery object topic requires an obligatory clitic to connect it to its thematic position in the clause. As for the derivation of the marked OSV and SOV word orders, this study adopts Frascarelli and Hinterhölzl’s (2007) topic typology to account for the position of the subject and the object in the left periphery. A syntactic analysis of these two orders show that Aboutness Topic is not licensed in the left periphery of JA embedded clauses, while Familiar Topic is not recursive. This helps to account for the observation that the leftmost element in these two word orders should be said with contrastive stress. (4) ʔabuu-i fakkar ʔinn-uh *(ʔID)-DAFTAR father-my believed.3SG.M that-3SG.M DEF-notebook ʔil-walad sarag-uh. DEF-boy stole.3SG.M-it ‘My father believed that the notebook the boy stole it.’ (5) ʔabuu-i fakkar ʔinn-uh L-WALAD father-my believed.3SG.M that-3SG.M DEF-boy *(ʔis)-sijjaarah sarag-ha. DEF-car stole.3SG.M-it ‘My father believed that the boy, he stole the car.’ Additionally, the behaviour of the object and the subject in OSV and SOV word orders demonstrates that in JA embedded clauses, Contrastive Topic Phrase and Familiar Topic Phrase have a fixed order, as originally predicted by Frascarelli and Hinterhölzl (2007) for German and Italian. Then this study investigates the word orders that start with a verb. Evidence is provided to show that the verb and object in the VOS word order move to the left periphery (specifically to Spec,Focus Phrase) as one unit, while the thematic subject is a topic situated in the lower Topic Phrase. We depend, among others, on the position of the past tense copula in the VOS clause: (6)…..ʔinn-uh jisrig ʔid-daftar ʔil-walad KAAN. that-3SG.M steal.3SG.M DEF-notebook DEF-boy was ‘…….. that it was steal the notebook the boy was doing.’ kaan should appear clause finally, accompanied with other adjuncts, if any. It is interesting to mention here that the assumption that the VOS word order derives from the movement of the predicate to a higher phrase is pursued by a number of authors for other languages. See Massam (2000) for the Polynesian language Niuean and Coon (2010) for Chol (Mayan). Here we also dismiss the alternative analysis that this word order is generated through extraposition of the subject. This study makes use of several tests including the possibility of having n-words and negative polarity items right-dislocated in VOS clauses, an observation that dispenses with any account of right dislocation (see, Calabrese 1992, Samek-Lodovici 2006). As for the syntactic derivation of the VSO word order, this study argues that the verb here adjoins to T° unless it bears contrastive stress. The position of high-IP adverbs to the right of a contrastive verb is taken as empirical evidence that the verb is in the left periphery. Contra Baker 2011, we see no reason to reject the Split-CP hypothesis, which is elaborate enough to capture richness of JA left periphery. All assumptions made in this research give empirical support to Cartography, a restrictive theory in which there is ‘a one- to-one relation between position and interpretation’ (Cinque 1999: 132). This also speaks against Chomsky’s (2008) claim that UG specifies no direct link between syntax and information structure. The CP of JA embedded clauses, though defective, is split into a set of independent functional layers with a fixed order of embedding. Such projections and embedding are imposed by UG which makes access to a universally designed architecture of CP domain.

Labeling, Cartography, and Left-periphery of Korean Clauses

Myung-Kwan Park and Jong Un Park (Dongguk University)

1. It has been a general practice to postulate the [Spec,TP] position as the position hosting a subject NP in the clausal structure of Korean. This paper argues against this practice, in fact denying the existence of the [Spec,TP] position. Rather, Korean takes advantage of other specifier positions outside [Spec,TP].

2. Does Korean have ph-features, comparable to those in languages ike English? Following Kuroda (1988), we assume that it does not. If this is the case, the lack of the [Spec,TP] position in Korean follows from Chomsky’s (2013. 2015) labeling algorithm, which dictates that XP and YP enter into successful labeling via prominent feature sharing (PFS) that is indispensible to the labeling of the containing syntactic object (SO). But for the absence of the relevant agreement features, the subject NP in Korean cannot land in the [Spec,TP] position. The denial of the [Spec,TP] position does not refute the existence of other specifier positions outside it altogether. The Korean exceptional Case-marking (ECM) construction as in (1) points to the fact that the subject NP is realized outside the [Spec,TP] position:

(1) con-un [meyli-ka/-lul meli-ka sumathuha-yess-ta-ko] sayngkakha-Ф -nta. John-Top Mary-Nom/Acc brain-Nom smart-Past-Decl-Sub think-Pres-Decl ‘John thinks Mary’s brain is/to be smart.’

The peculiarity of Korean ECM is that as in (1), the ECMed (i.e., Acc-Case-marked) subject meyli-lul ‘Mary-Accc’ apparently occurs in the tensed clause, and that in the case of multiple subjects, the Nom Case on the second subject as well as the Acc Case on the first subject is permissible in the ECM clause. To account for the peculiar aspect of ECMed subjects in Korean, following Rizzi (1997) we propose the fine structure of the left periphery in the matrix or embedded clause of Korean, as follows:

(2) [CP/ForceP [TopP [FocusP [FiniteP [TP ] ] ] ] ] (. . .)

In more details, the Force head is the locus of discourse-related uninterpretable features ([uTop] and [uFoc] features, each associated with its ‘own’ EPP property). We also assume following Rizzi and Shlonsky (2006) that the Finite-ness head can have a nominal ([+N]) feature. Because all the XPs that we take to move to [Spec, FinP] are essentially NPs, the resulting syntactic object can be labeled via the sharing of this [+N] feature.” With the elaborated clausal structure in (2) postulated, it follows that either the ECMed subject or the first major subject in the multiple subject construction is necessarily construed as a topic via transparent syntax-semantic mapping since it lands in [Spec,TopP] and partakes in labeling with the Topic head which inherits the [uTop] feature from the Force head. It is not always the case, however, that a subject NP in Korean occurs in the Topic domain. The other prominent use of a subject NP in this language is that it is construed as having a so-called thetic-judgment/neutral-description reading, as in (3) (cf. Kuroda, 1972; Kuno, 1973).

(3) pi-ka o-Ф -nta. rain-Nom come-Pres-Decl ‘It rains.’

In this example, the subject NP of thetic judgment in (3) does not land in [Spec,TopP] but in [Spec,FiniteP]. The lack of [Spec,TP] but the availability of such Spec’s as [Spec, TopP] and [Spec,FiniteP] outside TP has a number of consequences on displaying syntactic properties of subjects and clauses in Korean, as follows: ① Subjects are syntactically licensed by other means than phi-feature-mediated labeling; Rather, they undergo labeling by virtue of the topic feature or what Heycock (1991) terms predication, thereby allowing for multiple subjects more productively. ② The Tensed-S Condition (TSC) or the Nominative Island Condition (NIC) is not operative, so that an anaphor as the subject of the finite embedded clause can take an antecedent in the higher clause (cf. Saito, 2016). ③ As concerns Nom Case in Korean, in line with Chomsky’s (1981, 1995) proposal on English Genitive marker we take Nom Case in Korean to be a kind of 'contextual' (or non-structural) Case, which means that there is no syntactic licenser for the Case, but, rather, the Case at stake is licensed in a certain syntactic environment, accounting for a ban on subject scrambling in Korean (cf. Saito, 1985). ④ Unlike in run-of-the-mill pro-drop languages, in Korean the subject pro is not licensed by phi-features, but by the topic feature in anaphoric relation with a discourse/situational antecedent, allowing for so-called ‘radical pro-drop.’ ⑤ Syntactic elements landing in specifier positions outside TP enter into labeling as subject elements do, thus such elements as object NPs clause-internally scrambled in front of subject NPs being ‘reanalyzed’ as in A-position (cf. Saito, 1992).

References: Chomsky, N. 1981. Lectures on Government and Binding. Dordrecht: Fori s; Chomsky , N. 1995. The Mini malist Program. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Chomsky, N. 2013. Problems of projection. Lingua 130: 33-49; Chomsky, N. 2015. Problems of projection: Extensions. In Structures, strategies and beyond: Studies in honor of Adriana Belletti, ed. by E. Domenico, C. Hamann & S. Matteini, 1-16. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Heycock, C. 1991. Layers of Predication: The Non-lexical Syntax of Clauses. Ph.D. dissertation University of Penn sylvania; Kuroda, Y. 1972. The categorical and the thetic judgment: Evidence from Japanese syntax. Foundations of Language 9: 153-185; Ku roda, Y. 1988. Whether We Agree or Not. Lingvi sticae Investigationes 12: 1-47; Kuno, S. 1973. The structu re of the Japanese language. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press; Rizzi, L. 1997. The fine struc ture of the left periphe ry. In Elements of grammar, ed. by Liliane Haegeman, 281-337. Netherlands: Springer; Rizzi, L. & U. Shlonsky. 2006. S atisfying the subject criteri on by a n on subject: English Locative Inversion and Heavy NP Shift. In Phases of interpretation, ed. by Mara Frascarelli, 341-61. Berlin: Mouton De Gruyter; Saito, M. 1985. Some asymmetries in Japanese and their theoretical implications. Doctoral dissertation, MIT, Cambridge, Mass. Saito, M. 1992. Long Distance Scrambling in Japanese. Journal of East Asian Linguistics 1: 69-118; Saito, M. 2016. (A) Case for Labeling: Labeling in Languages without Phi-feature Agreement. The Linguistic Review 33: 129-175. Quantifying into the Left Periphery in Hungarian Genoveva Puskas, University of Geneva [email protected]

The present paper looks at a yet relatively understudied phenomenon in Hungarian, quantifier float. Given that in Hungarian quantifiers may move overtly to left peripheral scope positions, the question it seeks to answer is the following: what does quantifier float contribute to the interpretation and scopal properties of quantifiers. The goal of the paper is to show that quantifiers do not float freely, and that there is some strong motivation behind the apparent optionality of quantifier float, related to the properties of the left periphery (LP) as encoding discourse information. Hungarian is a language which is known for two salient syntactic properties: it is a “free word order” language, in which constituents may appear in variable orders; and it is a language which “wears its interpretation on its sleeve”. These properties can be accounted for under an analysis which strongly relies on Left peripheral movement. In addition to the well- known Focus and Topic positions (Rizzi 1997), researchers have argued in favor of a highly articulated LP which can host various adverbials (focused or not) as well as focus particles (Brody 1991, Puskás 2000, E.-Kiss 2002 and ref. therein). NB: the tensed verb is the boundary to the LP. (1) MariTop JánosnakTop a könyvét is többszörFoc mutatta meg. Mari-nom János-dat the book-his-acc also several times show-ed part-compl ‘Mary also showed her book several times to John’. Quantifiers, both existential and universal, can also occur in the LP. When they do, they trigger given readings: universal quantifiers are distributive (2b) and existential quantifiers are specific/referential (3b) (Szabolcsi 1997): (2)a. János felhívott minden diákot. minden XP = coll-/distributee/ns János-nom up-called every student-acc b. János minden diákot felhívott. minden XP= distributive/ws János-nom every student-acc up-called ‘János called up every student/all the students’. (3)a. János felhívott egy diákot. egy XP = indefinite/ns János-nom up-called a student-acc b. János egy diákot felhívott. egy XP= specific/ws János-nom a student-acc up-called ‘János called up a student’. The interpretation of canonical quantification is thus relatively transparent in Hungarian, in that “QR” occurs overtly. It is argued (see Szabolcsi 1997, Brody&Szabolcsi 2003) that left peripheral movement is feature driven, and that scope is a by-product thereof (see also Surányi 2004, Surányi&Turi 2015). Hungarian also has Floating Quantifiers (FQ), which enable to float universal mind (all/every) and mindegyik (each): (4)a. Minden bohóc eltünt. All/every clown-nom disappeared. b. A bohócok mind eltüntek. The clowns all disappeared. (5)a. Mindegyik varázsló tapsolt. Each magician-nom applauded. b. A varázslók mindegyike tapsolt. The magicians each-of applauded. The hypothesis is the following: under the assumption that movement is feature-driven and yields unique interpretations and scope effects, quantifier float cannot be “free”. Since it is associated with the LP, it must contribute to discourse information in a non-ambiguous way.

The data below needs to be accounted for: (i) FQs only occur in the left periphery: (6)a. A bohócok (tegnap) mind eltüntek az előadás után the clowns-nom (yesterday) all part-disappeared the show after b. Mind eltüntek a bohócok az előadás után. all disappeared the clowns-nom the show after The clowns all disappeared after the show c. *A bohócok eltüntek mind az előadás után (ii) FQs cannot occur in a topic/contrastive topic position: (7)a. *mindTop (tegnap) a bohócokTop “az elöadás utánFoc tüntek el. All (yesterday) the clowns-nom the show after disappeared part. (iii) LP FQs may have narrow scope: (8) a bohócok mind beléptek egy színes dobozba (: a pirosba) the clowns-nom all in-stepped a colored box-illat (the red-illat) The clowns all stepped into a colored box (:the red one). It appears from the data above that FQs have even less freedom that canonical Qs, in that they can only occupy the preverbal stress-related position in which quantifiers occur. The analysis proposed here argues that canonical quantification (CQ) which can occur in the LP is licensed by a [+k(ontrast)] feature, which makes reference to a set (see Jokilehto 2017 and ref. therein), and is associated with new information. In CQ, the restriction which is pied-piped with the quantifier occurs in the [+k] position, and the interpretation is that of an XP with the contrast feature. Distributivity, which yields wide scope effects, is itself a by-product of the properties of [+k]. CQ has a version which lacks the [+k] feature, and therefore may occur in a low position, where is has narrow scope and gets a default collective reading. QF, on the other hand, only has the [+k] feature. Therefore, it is only licensed in the left periphery. However, as opposed to CQ, FQ does not pied-pipe its restriction. The latter can typically occur, as a DP, in the left-peripheral topic position, or in a low, post-verbal position. It is therefore interpreted as given/old information. Stranding of the DP enables the quantificational part and the nominal restriction to satisfy two otherwise conflicting discourse- related properties, namely topicalization and contrast/new information. Thus, quantifier float is shown not to be optional, but driven by features involved in conflicting interpretive constraints, associated with the left periphery of the clause. Selected references Brody, M. 1991. "Remarks on the Order of Elements in the Hungarian Focus Field". In I. Kenesei (ed.) Approaches to Hungarian 3, Szeged: Jate,. Brody, M. and A. Szabolcsi 2003. “Overt scope in Hungarian”. Syntax 6(1): 19-51. E.-Kiss, K. 2002. The Syntax of Hungarian. Cambridge: CUP Jokilehto, D. 2017. Topics: structure and function. PhD dissertation, University of Geneva Puskás, G. 2000. “Quantification in the left periphery: a syntactic argument for ‘split’ domains”. In A. Okrent & J. Boyle (eds), The Proceedings from the Main Session of the Chicago Linguistics Society’s Thirty- sixth Meeting 36-1, 355-368. Chicago: Chicago Linguistic Society. Surányi B. 2004. “Differential Quantifier Scope: Q-Raising versus Q-Feature Checking”. In O.Bonami and P. Cabredo Hofherr (eds.) Empirical Issues in Syntax and Semantics 5. 215-240. Surányi B, and G. Turi 2015. “Focus and quantifier scope: An experimental study of Hungarian”. In Lipták A. and H. van der Hulst (eds), Approaches to Hungarian 15: Papers from the 2015 Leiden Conference, 209-238. Amsterdam: John Benjamins.. Szabolcsi, A. 1997. “Strategies for scope taking”. In A. Sazbolcsi (ed) Ways of Scope Taking, 109-155. Dordrecht: Kluwer. The Syntax and Prosody of Speech Act Particles in Korean Sihun Jung, Moonhyun Sung, Sogang University

1 Introduction The left-periphery proves to be a fruitful area of research in light of examining the syntax-discourse interface. Korean, like other agglutinative languages, has an array of sentence-final particles, which mark speech acts. While their distribution is roughly in line with traditional analyses of speech act markers (Bach & Harnish 1979, Ross 1970), recent arguments from Heim et al. (2014) call for a more nuanced analysis of speech act markers. Heim et al.’s putatively universal framework provides a syntactic structure above the CP, which encodes complex speech-act information. The ample inventory of sentence-final particles in Korean is a fertile ground for investigating their fine-grained framework cross-linguistically. However, there has been little research on Korean sentence-final particles as to their syntactic distribution, let alone an empirical description of these particles. In this paper, we report the distribution of the left-periphery particles elicited via a storyboard experiment and establish how they are mapped onto Heim et al.’s proposed structure. This research thus adds to a growing body of evidence for a universal structured discourse layer above the CP.

2 Background Recent literature adumbrates fine-grained structure of the left periphery. Speas & Tenny (2003) provide a model of syntactic phrases to represent traditional speech acts. Based on the intricacy of discourse information, Heim et al. (2014) propose a more sophisticated analysis of speech acts, which are encoded by left-periphery particles and prosodic elements. They corroborated their framework with cross-linguistic data across Spanish and Chinese. Korean has a variety of left-periphery particles, and they have been analyzed under semantic, pragmatic, or discourse analysis frameworks (Lee 1993, 1999; Kim 2004). However, previous studies have barely featured the syntax-discourse interaction under the framework of generative grammar. 3 Methodology 3-1 Heim et al.’s Model Heim et al. identify two layers to the grounding layer, their updated version of Ross’s original postulations into the left-periphery. The grounding layer in English is composed of a Call on Addressee phrase realized as an intonation, followed by a Speaker commitment particle. Heim et al. (2014:5)

3-2 Storyboard elicitation Given the understudied nature of the left periphery, we designed an experiment based on the UBC Totem storyboard method (Matthewson & Burton 2015). Each storyboard consists of a series of pictures which tease out and isolate discourse-related variables such as speaker belief, the presence of evidence, the presumed belief of the hearer, and bias. The scenarios are as follows. Storyboard A Mary has not seen Peter for a long time and Mary sees Peter in the street walking a dog. The target utterance here is Mary’s greetings to Peter that includes a comment about the new dog. Storyboard A is used as a neutral point of reference. Storyboard B Mary asks a neighbor if Peter has a new dog, the neighbor answers that he does not know. Mary later encounters Peter in the streets without a dog by his side. Mary proceeds to talk about Peter’s possible dog ownership. Storyboard C Idem to Storyboard B but Mary encounters Peter while he is walking his new dog. Storyboard D Mary asks a neighbor if Peter has a new dog, the neighbor answers Peter does. Mary later encounters Peter in the streets without his dog. Mary greets Peter and proceeds to comment on the confirmed suspicion of a possible dog ownership. Storyboard E Idem to Storyboard D but Mary encounters Peter while he is walking his dog. She comments about the dog while the dog is present.

4 Results The frequently reported particles are -ci, canha, -tamye, -tamyense, and -kuna. Table (1) summarizes the attested forms with their respective projections. (1) FORM Call on Addressee S Commitment Evidence Phrase

(2) ci / canha O X X

(3) tamye / tamyense X O X

(4) kuna X O/X O

The forms thus map as follows into Heim et al.’s framework, with the addition of the EvidP: (2) [CoAP canha [sCP [EvidP [CP ]]]] – as a request for confirmation (3) [CoAP [sCP %H or %LH [EvidP kuna [CP ]]]] – as an acknowledgment of evidence (4) [CoAP [sCP tamye [EvidP [CP ]]]] – as hearsay

5. Conclusion Our preliminary study shows that a more nuanced analysis of discourse information is more suitable for Korean left-periphery particles. Moreover, we have found that prosodic elements systematically appear in the left periphery. This aligns with the general conclusions of previous studies (Peggy & Tenny 2003, Haegeman & Hill 2013, Heim et al 2014). However, while Heim et al. argued that intonational contours encode speech acts for non-tonal languages, our results show non-tonal agglutinative languages can also adopt sentence-final morphemes as well as intonational contours for representing speech acts.

REFERENCES Bach, K., & Harnish, R. M. (1979). Linguistic communication and speech acts (Vol. 4, pp. 624- 624-648). MIT Press. Haegeman, L., & Hill, V. 2013. The Syntacticization of Discourse. In Syntax and its Limits, eds. Raffaella F., Christina S. & Robert T., 370-390. OUP. Heim, J., et al. "How to do things with particles." Proceedings of the CLA (2014). Heim, J., Hermann K., Zoe W., Adriana O., Sonja T. & Martina W. (2016). Intonation and particles as speech act modifiers: A syntactic analysis. Studies in Chinese Linguistics 37(2): 109-129. Kim, K. (2004). A Conversation Analysis of Korean Sentence-Ending Modal Suffixes -ney, -kwun(a), and -ta: Noticing as a Social Action. Sociolinguistic Journal of Korea, 12(1). Lee, H. S. (1993). Cognitive constraints on expressing newly perceived information, with reference to epistemic modal suffixes in Korean. Cognitive Linguistics 4(2), 135-167. Lee, H. S. (1999). A discourse- pragmatic analysis of the Committal ci in Korean. J of Prag 31, 243-275. Matthewson, L., & Burton, S. 2015. Targeted construction storyboards in semantic fieldwork. In Methodologies in Semantic Fieldwork, eds. Lisa Matthewson and M. Ryan Bochnak, 135-156. OUP. Ross, JR. "On declarative sentences." Readings in English transformational grammar 222 (1970): 272. Speas, P., & Tenny, C. 2003. Configurational Properties of Point of View Roles. In Asymmetry in Grammar, Volume 1: Syntax and Semantics, ed. A.M. Di-Sciullo, 315-344. Amsterdam, Netherlands: Benjamins. Historical developments/variations of Japanese addressee-honorific markers and economy principles Akitaka Yamada, Georgetown University ([email protected]) Introduction. The left-periphery area in CP has been convincingly claimed to be a site for discourse-oriented elements (Rizzi 1997, inter alia). Some addressee-honorific (AH) markers, however, do not seem to obey this generalization. Certainly, Thai kháp and Korean supnita/eyo are used as sentence-final particles and are above CP (hereafter, POSITION C). But Contemporary Japanese (NJ) -mas, Middle Japanese (MJ) -soorow and Burmese -pa/ba occupy a position at least lower than Pol(arity)P (hereafter, POSITION A). Furthermore, as in (1) and (2), MJ and NJ display multiple AH-constructions, in which an additional AH-marker appears in T (hereafter, POSITION B). Schematically, we have three possible positions for AH-markers, as shown in (3). (1) [CP [TP[PolP hitobito motii-sooraw-azu] [T soora(w)-iki]]]. Middle Japanese (MJ) people use-HONA-NEG HONA-PST (2) [CP [TP[PolP minna motii-mas-en] [T des-ita]]]. Contemporary Japanese (NJ) people use-HONA-NEG HONA-PST ‘People did not use (it) [polite register].’ (3) [[CP [TP [PolP [?P [vP …. v] POSITION A ] Pol ] [T POSITION B T ] ] C ] POSITION C ] Goal. Previous analyses on AH-markers cannot predict such low positions for AH-markers (Miyagawa 1987, 2012, 2017, Slocum 2016). The aim of this study is to reconcile the data with the literature, which in most part convincingly argues that the interface between syntax and pragmatics is situated above CP. Why can -mas and -soorow appear in POSITION A (QUESTION A) and why must multiple phonological exponents appear in (1)/(2) (QUESTION B)? I propose that (A) discourse-oriented features in Position A/B are sanctioned in syntax via upward agree and (B) these phonological exponents result from a head movement and economy principles. Answer to QUESTION A. First, I claim that Position A is the Head, High-ApplicativeP. Historically, -mas was a low applicative, object-honorific (OH) marker -ma(w)iras ‘give.HONO,’ which honorifies the recipient of the giving event; e.g., in the structure [vP IO DO ma(w)iras-], the indirect object (IO) is respected. This verb also developed an auxiliary use, which honorifies IO of the verb; e.g., in the configuration, [… [vP IO DO teach (verb)]-ma(w)iras-], the IO of the verb teach is honorified. Similarly, -soorow developed out of a lexical verb meaning ‘to serve for,’ which honorifies the IO and also developed the auxiliary use. Since (i) they both originated as a low applicative and (ii) function as a head which combines with the vP by Event Identification (i.e., it adds another piece of information of a participant in the event described by the verb), it is reasonable to assume that the auxiliary use of the OH-marker occupies the Head, High-ApplP, as envisioned by Pylkkänen (2008: 16). As a historical reminiscent property, the AH-marker -mas continues to appear in the Head, High-ApplP, just like -ma(w)iras. This is why -mas appears in Position A. Second, discourse-participants (speaker SP and hearer HR) are assumed to have representations in syntax, as in (4) (Speas and Tenny 2003; Miyagawa 2012, 2017). The Head, High-ApplP is equipped with an unvalued, uninterpretable feature u[HON: _ ] which gets its value from the interpretable HON feature in HR in saP. That is, u[HON: _ ] in High-ApplP is a probe which upward-agrees with HR (Bjorkman & Zeijlstra 2014; Wurmbrand 2014). This is how elements in Position A are sanctioned in syntax. (4) [SAP SP [saP HR i[HON: + ] [CP [TP [PolP [High-ApplP [vP …. v] A u[HON: _ ] ] Pol] B T]]]] Answer to QUESTION B. Why must the sentence in (1)/(2) have a phonological exponent in Position B, as well as Position A? Historical developments also give us a clue. Although -mas and -soorow both developed out of an OH-construction, Position B elements appear only after they became a full-fledged AH-marker; i.e., OH-constructions do not have Position B elements. Especially, the multiple AH-pattern in (2) is known to have developed around 19th century when it competed with a variant in (5), in which there is no morphological change in Position B (it just has a plain do/be-support, i.e., (k)ar- in T, instead of -des). The correlation between Position A and Position B was optional in 19th century, but it became obligatory in the 20th century. (5) [CP [TP [PolP [HighApplP [vP …. v] -mas ] -en ] kat -ita ] ] To analyze this variation, I propose the following two economy principles given in (6) and (7). Suppose that the derivation proceeds to the point in (8). Now, we have two problems to solve; (i) to value the u[HON:_] and (ii) to rescue the stranded affix in T. There are two options. First, we can value u[HON:_] from i[HON:+] of HR and make a do/be-support independently, as in (9). Second, u[HON:_] head-moves to the Head, TP to serve as a host for the past morpheme, and gets its value from HR at T. Of all the two options, the latter option is more economical, because of (7). The head-movement (a) alleviates the violation of long-distance agreement and (b) solve the problem of stranded affix at the same time, whereas the derivation in (9) uses different solutions to fix these two problems. When we have two different derivations, a language prefers the more economical derivation. Hence, NJ shows a multiple AH-construction (derivation in (10)). If it involves a head-movement, it is predicted that there can exist another morphological change in the Head, PolP (cf. cyclicity). Comparison between (11) and (2) corroborates this prediction; -nak changes to -en, with an AH-marker in Position A. (6) Preference for an agreement within short-er distance: when one has a valuation of the unvalued feature, the shorter the Probe-Goal distance, the better. (7) Multitasking: when there are more than two problems to solve during the derivation, the most economical solution is to fix all the problems at once, rather than solving these problems one by one using different solutions (cf. Van Urk and Richards 2015). (8) [SAP SP [saP HR i[HON: + ] [CP [TP [PolP [High-ApplP … Position A u[HON: _ ] ] Pol] [T -(i)ta] ]]]] (9) [SAP SP [saP HR i[HON: + ] [CP [TP [PolP [High-ApplP … u[HON: + ] ] Pol] [T kat-ta] ]]]] (10) [SAP SP [saP HR i[HON: + ] [CP [TP [PolP [High-ApplP … u[HON: _ ] ]u[HON: _ ]+Pol] [T u[HON: _ ] +-ita]]]]] (11) [CP [TP[PolP[High-ApplP minna motii- φ ]-nak] [T at-ta]]]. Contemporary Japanese people use-φ-NEG be-PST ‘People did not use (it) [non-polite register].’ Why, then, did the 19th-century Japanese have a variation? The sentence in (5) is a reminiscent of the earlier stage of grammaticalization, where there is no morphological change in Position B. Note that the derivation in (9) does conform to the grammar and is licit (though less economical). This is why such a less economical construction appeared in the transition stage from OH to AH in the 19th century but, being less economical, it became obsolete. Children in later generations acquired the grammar with more preferred derivation; reanalysis results from preference for the more economical derivation (cf. Lightfoot 2006; Roberts 2007). Contribution to the workshop. Apparently, Japanese AH-constructions were a challenge to our understanding that discourse-oriented elements should appear at CP. This presentation, however, proposes that (A) Position A is a morphological realization of an appropriately-valued uninterpretable feature and (B) Position B results from the head-movement and economy principles in derivation. Thus, the only interpretable feature HON is the one in HR, in the Spec, saP. There is no PF-requirement on the distribution on AH-markers or discourse-oriented markers in general. It is the LF-requirement, as in (12), that makes the relevant interpretable feature appear in CP, which indeed supports/reinforces the CP-as-the-syntax/discourse- interface-view, pursued in previous syntax literature. (12) LF-requirement: all the interpretable discourse-related features must be in the CP- region (including SAP/saP) at LF. Bjorkman, B., & Zeijlstra, H. (2014). Upward agree is superior. Miyagawa, S. (1987). LF affix raising in Japanese. Linguistic Inquiry, 18(2), 362-367. Miyagawa, S. (2012). Agreements that occur mainly in the main clause. Miyagawa, S. (2017). Agreement beyond phi. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Pylkkänen, L. (2008). Introducing arguments. MIT press. Slocum, P. (2016). The Syntax of Address. Van Urk, C., & Richards, N. (2015). Two components of long-distance extraction: Successive cyclicity in Dinka. Linguistic Inquiry, 46(1), 113-155. Wurmbrand, S. (2014). The Merge Condition: A syntactic approach to selection. Variation in Integrated Parenthetical Constructions Yasuyuki Fukutomi Fukushima University

The present paper investigates a less-studied interrogative sentence in Russian, German and Japanese: Integrated Parenthetical Constructions (IPCs). Gelderen (2001) analyzes the example in (1) as a kind of IPCs: (1) Kak ty dumaesh kogo ja videla? (Russian) how you think who I see-PAST ‘Who do you think I saw’ This construction shows three different properties from the real instance of Partial Wh-movement: a) IPCs do not allow the presence of an overt complementizer (2), b) IPCs allow a preposing of the ‘apparently embedded’ interrogative clause (3), and c) IPCs do not allow for more than two clauses (4). (2) Kak ty dumaesh (*chto) kogo ja videla? (R) how you think (that) who I see-PAST (3) a. [Kogo ja videla], [kak ty dumaesh]? (R) who I see-PAST how you think b. Wird er morgen kommen, was glaubst du? (German) will he tomorrow come what believe you ‘Will he come tomorrow, do you think?’ (4) a. *Kak ty dumaesh [(kak) Ivan skazal [kogo ja videla]]? (R) how you think how Ivan said who I see-PAST ‘Who do you think Ivan said I saw?’ b. Was (*glaubst sie er meint) eird er mogren tun? (G) what believes she he thinks will he tomorrow do ‘What does she believe he thinks he will do tomorrow?’ Although Gelderen’s analysis is based on the similarities to the German counterpart of IPCs, why IPCs have these three properties still requires an explanation. In this paper we will propose that these properties are derived from two assumptions concerning the nature and internal structure of wh-phrases in Russian, German and Japanese. Specifically, assuming that wh-phrases in these languages are morphological triggers to create a set of alternatives and also that associated interrogative clauses function as a restrictor, we will argue that wh-phrases have a layered internal structure, as in (5), each element of which is taken to correspond to a particular object in semantic representation. (5) [DP [Restrictor …] [OpP Operator [wh -stem] ]] Assuming that the operator and the restrictor are configurated like (5), the property (a) can be considered to be one of the concord phenomena; that is, several wh-elements contribute to one question. A wh-stem merged firstly with a question operator is realized as kak ‘how,’ which triggers a creation of alternative set. Then the associated interrogative clause restricts the domain of alternatives. The presence of an overt complementizer is semantically incompatible with the notion of alternatives. The property (b) can now be reanalyzed as an instance of a large-scale pied-piping; kogo ja videla kak moves to the sentence initial position as one wh-phrase with a rich internal structure. Lastly, the property (c) can be directly accounted for by the proposed internal structure; a wh-stem with an operator affixed is not locally merged with the associated interrogative clause. The present analysis gains additional support from cross-linguistic evidence. Japanese also has an Integrated Parenthetical Construction (6a) as well as a long-distance wh-question (6b): (6) a. Anata-wa [John-ga dare-o aisiteiru ka] doo omotteiru no? (Japanese) you-TOP John-NOM who-ACC loves Q how think Q ‘Who do you think that John loves?’ b. Anata-wa [John-ga dare-o aisiteiru to] omotteiru no? (J) you-TOP John-NOM who-ACC love COMP think Q Like Russian and German, IPCs in Japanese do not allow the presence of the overt complementizer, as illustrated in (7): (7) a. *Anata-wa [John-ga dare-o aisiteriu to] doo omotteiru no? (J) you-TOP John-NOM who-ACC love COMP how think Q b. *Anata-wa [John-ga dare-o aisiteriu ka to] doo omotteiru no? (J) you-TOP John-NOM who-ACC love Q COMP how think Q As for the property (b), Japanese, a strict SOV language, exhibits a mirror image effect to Russian and German. While the associated interrogative clause in IPCs can be post-posed (8a), the embedded clause in long-distance wh-questions cannot (8b): (8) a. Anata-wa doo omotteiru no, [John-ga dare-o aisiteiru ka] (J) you-TOP how think Q John-NOM who-ACC love Q b. *Anata-wa omotteiru no, [John-ga dare-o aisiteiru to] (J) you-TOP think Q John-NOM who-ACC love COMP The example in (9) exemplifies the impossibility of multiple embedding in Japanese IPCs. (9) *Anata-wa [[John-ga dare-o aisiteiru ka] Mary-ga doo itta ka]doo omotteiru you-TOP John-NOM who-ACC loves Q Mary-NOM how said Q how think no? (J) Q ‘Who do you think Mary said John loves?’ Although Japanese permits almost unlimited freedom of word order, IPCs display a peculiar word order restriction. If the scope-marker doo is reordered to the left of its associate clause, the sentence is degraded, as indicated in (10). This word order restriction is also derived from the proposed structure of wh-phrases: the part of wh-purases, i.e., the OpP in (5), is claimed not to undergo syntactic movement. (10) *anata-wa doo [John-ga dare-o aisiteiru ka] omotteiru no? (J) you-TOP how John-NOM who-ACC love Q think Q ‘Who do you think that John loves? In summary, assuming that wh-phrases have a rich internal structure, we can offer a unified account for IPCs in Russian, German and Japanese. The difference between Russian and German, on the one hand, and Japanese, on the other, does not reflect the availability of wh-movement operation but it is the result of differing instantiations of a parameter that specifies the possible size of checking phrases; both a wh-stem and a large-scale wh-phrase in Russian and German, while only a large-scale pied-piping of a wh-phrase containing a wh-stem and its associated interrogative clause in the case of Japanese. The present analysis could also open the way for a possible typological correlation: only the language that uses the same wh-stem to build questions and existential/universal quantifiers has the Integrated Parenthetical Constructions.

References Gelderen, Véronique van. 2001. “Partial Wh-movement in Russian,” Linguistics in the Netherlands 2001, 89-100. Reis, Marga. 2000. “On the Parenthetical Features of German Was … W-Constructions and How to Account for Them,” In U. Lutz, G. Müller and A. von Stechow, eds., Wh-Scope Marking, Benjamins, Amsterdam, 359-407. Topic-comment Sentence Structure in English Hongmei Wu Nirada Chitrakara Chulalongkorn University, Thailand The purpose of this study is to investigate the occurrences and the syntactic structure of topic-comment (i.e. topic-focus) sentences in English. With its SVO grammatical word order, English is subsumed to the subject-prominent languages (Li & Thompson, 1976; Thompson, 1978). Nevertheless, the information structure of topic-comment is assumed to function prevailingly in structuring English sentences, as realized in structure-preserving constructions (Emonds, 1976) and topicalization or the left-periphery phenomenon. This syntax-discourse interface is well-reflected under the Split-CP framework proposed by Rizzi (1997), where the sentence topic position is part of the Topic Phrase in the proposed Split-CP. In light of the wh-subject movement (Pesetsky and Torrego 2001, 2004), the subject is assumed to be copied, deleted and moved to the topic position, where the topic co-refers with the subject. Thus, the subject topicalization as well as other sentential elements’ topicalization is considered one way to realize the topic-comment structure of English sentences. The term topic in a sentence, however, also applies to the structural subject by other scholars (Chafe, 1976; Prince, 1981a; Gundel, 1988; Lambrecht, 1986b, 1996) who deem the element the unmarked topic. The structural subject is also seen as being affiliated to the semantic role agent (Li & Thompson, 1976). This study, thus, delved into the entangled relationship between the agent, the subject, and the topic (Bates & MacWhinney, 1982) to further explore the semantic, syntax, and pragmatic interpretations of the topic-comment structure. The topic-comment sentence structure studied is analyzed in terms of its word-order, syntactic structures, together with the kind of sentential element which represents the topic. As empirical evidence for the analysis, the data from the National Geographic Magazine was collected. It was found that the majority of the sentences (66.3%) follow the topic- comment structure. The subject topicalization (59%) plays a predominant part in English to realize the topic-comment structure. In the subject topicalization, more non-agent subjects (61.8%) are preposed than agent subjects. The findings confirm the assumption that topic- comment structure plays an important role in structuring English sentences in relation to their context. This study is hoped to uncover the motivations for topicalization and shed light on the syntactic study of topicalization and the topic-comment structure of English sentences.

References Bates, E., McNew, S.& MacWhinney, B. (1982). Functionalist Approaches to Grammar. In Language Acquisition: The State of the Art, ed. by Eric Wanner and Lila R. Gleitman, pp.173-218. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Chafe, Wallace, (1976). Givenness, contrastiveness, definiteness, subjects, topics, and point of view. In: Li, C. N. (Ed.), Subjects and Topics. Academic Press, New York, pp. 26-56. Emonds, J. E. (1976). A transformational approach to English syntax: Root, structure- preserving, and local transformations. Academic Press Inc.

Gundel, J. K. (1988). Universals of topic-comment structure. Studies in syntactic typology, 17, 209-239. Lambrecht, K. (1996). Information structure and sentence form: Topic, focus, and the mental representations of discourse referents (Vol. 71). Cambridge university press. Li, C. N., & Thompson, S. A. (1976). Subject and Topic: A New Typology of Language in Subject and Topic. In Subject and Topic, Charles N. Li (Ed.), New York, San Francisco, London: Academic Press, pp. 457-489. Pesetsky, D., & Torrego, E. (2001). T-to-C movement: Causes and consequences. Current Studies in Linguistics Series, 36, 355-426. Prince, E. F. (1981). Topicalization, focus-movement, and Yiddish-movement: A pragmatic differentiation. In Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society (Vol. 7, p. 249-264). Rizzi, L. (1997). The fine structure of the left periphery. In Elements of Grammar, edited by Haegeman, L. Kluwer Academic Publishers, pp. 281-337. Thompson, S. A. (1978). Modern English from a typological point of view: Some implications of the function of word order. Linguistische Berichte Braunschweig, (54), 19-35