Paradox in the Renderings of “Paradise”: Camille Pissarro and Changing Esthetics in Art and Depiction of the Cultural Landscape of the Danish West Indies

Douglas V. Armstrong Syracuse University

Abstract: Danish West Indian painter Camille Pissarro’s worked reframing visual impressions of the cultural landscape of the Caribbean and the world. This paper examines the work of impressionist painter Camille Pissarro and his inclusion use of not only light and shadow but of workers and daily life in his sketches of the port town of Charlotte Amalie, St. Thomas. His work had an impact on local art and the presentation of people and landscapes. His influence and impact would have a global influence on art and our impressions of the cultural landscape.

Résumé: Camille Pissarro, Le peintre Danish West Indies, recadrer travaillée les impressions visuelles du paysage culturel des Antilles et le monde. Ce papier examine le travail de peintre Camille Pissarro impressionniste et son usage d'inclusion d'allume non seulement et l'ombre mais de travailleurs et de vie quotidienne dans ses croquis de la ville de port de Charlotte Amalie, St. Thomas. Son travail a eu un impact sur l'art local et la présentation de gens et de paysages. Son influence et l'impact auraient une influence globale sur l'art et nos impressions du paysage culturel.

Resumen: Camille Pissarro, el pintor del Danish West Indies cambiado la impression visual del paisaje cultural del Caribe y el mundo. Este papel revisa el trabajo de pintor impresionista Camille Pissarro y suyo uso de inclusión de no sólo luz y sombra pero de trabajadores y vida cotidiana en sus dibujos del pueblo de puerto de Charlotte Amalie, St. Thomas. Sus pinturas tuvieron un impacto en el arte local y la presentación de personas y paisajes. Sus influencia y el impacto tendrían una influencia global en el arte y nuestras impresiones del paisaje cultural.

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Introduction

The nineteenth century St. Thomian painter, Camille Pissarro honed his artistic skills in the Caribbean then altered world views with his impressionistic art (Figure 1).1 He and a group of painters working in France changed the composition, lighting, and subject matter of landscapes and the people captured in art. Camille Pissarro’s Caribbean perspectives changed our view of the world, and those who are represented in art, not only in the Caribbean but on a global scale. The cultural landscape of the Danish West Indies represents a setting of variation and divergence within the broader Caribbean contexts of slavery and freedom. Within this setting Camille Pissarro’s life of St. Thomas projects the nurturing of an altering view of the world that was initiated at a local level but which had a global impact. This paper will try to cross disciplinary boundaries between art and archaeology as it briefly explores the impact of the Caribbean on an artist, and in turn, the global impact of impressionist art on world views.2 To understand the Caribbean one must approach it from a multi-scaler and multi-thematic framework, akin to adjusting the lenses on binoculars, or in the case of archaeologists, the telescope on one’s total station. The cultural expression of each island is at once bound to the broader global economy, yet tied to changing policies and specific relationships of their specific colonial regimen, and both freed and bound by the specifics of their local environmental conditions and social, economic, and political spheres of interaction. In the Caribbean this is even more decisively the case than in most regions due to the nature of insularity, the complex of multi-national colonialism, the Atlantic slave trade, and the acute, abrupt, and locally defined impacts of hurricanes and earthquakes.3 Both now, and in the past, how one sees the natural and the built environment depends on one’s point of view and the questions being asked, as much as the cultural environment that is being viewed (Casid 2005; Driver and Martins 2005; Kris 2008; Tobin 2004). As archaeologists and social historians we are trying to see and reconstruct past cultural landscapes, understand the conditions of labor, and explain the dynamic cultural context of communities, how they formed, interacted, transformed, and creatively regenerated. The strength of archaeology and social history is in bringing the cultural landscape into focus at one time (the mid nineteenth century era of emancipation in the Danish West Indies) and adjusting ones lens to track the transformative processes in which the people and their communities are engaged over decades and centuries.4

1 Portions of this paper were initially written for the Harpur College Dean’s Workshop titled: Natural Environment, Built Environment: Labor and Community in Caribbean Plantation Societies, April 12-13, 2008, Fernand Braudel Center for the Study of Economies, Historical Systems and Civilizations, Binghamton University This workshop inspired me to look more closely at artistic images of persons of African descent created by St. Thomian native Camille Pissarro in the years leading up to and following the 1848 emancipation of enslaved laborers in the Danish West Indies (Armstrong 2008). 2 The Danish West Indies project a colonial landscape that is at once part of the broader “society of slavery” in the Caribbean (Goveia 1965: 52-53), but also one of divergence from its neighboring British, French, Spanish, and Dutch colonial counterparts (Armstrong 2003, Armstrong et. al 2008, Dookham 1994; Higman 1997). It can easily be argued that in being different the Danish West Indies were like its neighbors, as each island and each colonial regime in the Caribbean developed its own unique signature of cultural expression and political and economic infrastructures, just as each was tied by encompassing sea to the global worlds of the 17th, 18th, 19th, and 20th centuries (Armstrong et. al. 2009). 3 Moreover, the islands were recurrently impacted by epidemics of both “pandemic” and local nature. 4 The Danish West Indies make up a small subset of the cultural landscape of the Caribbean, yet they project a wide range of social and economic diversity at the intersections of slavery, colonialism, and imperialism (see Goveia 1965: 52-53; Hall 1985; Higman 1995: 9; and Armstrong 2003). Today, these islands are billed as America’s “Island paradise”, having been acquired from the Danes in 1917, during an era of American Anti-Imperialist policy.4 The paradoxes of American imperialism of the 20th century simply follow upon centuries of “paradox in paradise”. I have written extensively on the archaeology of plantation slavery and free communities in the Danish West Indies. More, recently, along with Mark Hauser, David Knight and Stephan 363

In this paper I weigh my discussion towards the interpretation of artistic representations of the landscape through time in media including maps, but more decisively in the depiction of the formal and informal landscape in paintings and sketches. In the process I explore the visual presentations and what these “views” reflect in terms of the artist’s focal plane, objective or point of view and the transformative impact of locally born Camille Pissarro’s Caribbean world view on the world of art (for a broader discussion of artistic expressions in the Caribbean landscape see also Casid 2005; Driver and Martins 2005; Kris 2008; Tobin 2004). In contrast to the Danish West Indies, places like Jamaica have tens of thousands of estate maps, plans, views, and formal paintings.5 6 In the Danish West Indies there are few maps and fewer artistic representations dating to the 17th and 18th centuries. In 1733 the Danes produced a map of St. Thomas focusing on the harbor Charlotte Amalie. It illustrates the elements of entry to the harbor, fortification, and estates. Its focus is clearly related to the protection of the harbor (Armstrong et. al. 2008, Hopkins 1993). The map coincides with the timing of the local St. John’s slave rebellion and relates to a sense of the need for defense, but the primary concern of this map is related to defense of the growing port town from competing colonial fleets and the powerful pirates who had virtual uncontrolled access to the ports and shores of the Virgin Islands during this era (Lawaetz 1999).7 8 As discussed in the article Maps, Matricals, and Material Remains: (Armstrong et. al. 2008: 99-126). The three primary Danish West Indian Islands, St. Thomas, St. Croix, and St. John received differential treatment in their mapping related to economic interests. St. Croix, whose lands were put to work in the production of sugar cane received the most holistic attention with details of estate boundaries produced and reproduced on the maps of Johann Cronenberg and Johann von Jeagersberg in 1750, Beck in 1754, and Peter Oxholm in the 1770s (see Hopkins 1993) (Figure 2). Oxholm’s 1780 map of St. John was the first map produced depicting the entire island, but unlike St. Croix, no attempt was made to depict estate boundaries and much of his attention was to the island’s limited fortifications (Figure 3).9 For St. Thomas, Oxholm provided details of both fortifications and the growing port town of Charlotte Amalie (Figure 4). Charlotte Amalie was the site of repeated mapping and plotting and painting related to both the harbor and the thriving warehouse and commercial district. Differential attention is paid to the landscape in relation to the respective economic use of each locality.10 Beyond these maps, there

Lenik, I have examined the island’s landscape in terms of maps and the implications of historical mapping of each of the Danish islands in a series of GIS studies focusing on St. John (Armstrong et. al 2008, 2009). 5 When I began research there these maps were the basis for my selection of sites for archaeological investigation. 6 The archaeological sites that I dealt with, including Drax Hall and Seville plantations, each had literally dozens of maps, plans, views, and even paintings representing them. When I shifted regional and colonial spheres to the Danish West Indies, I was struck by the relative dearth of documented views of the cultural landscape. This is not all together surprising given the different approach and objective of the Danish colonial regime. But, one works with what one has and if you have less, perhaps you learn to work with what you do have in greater detail. 7 St. Thomas was a mixed economy based on agricultural production and port trade, with the latter always and increasingly being dominant in the mind and pocketbook of both the Danish West and East India Companies, and the Crown. 8 Hence, the harbor at Charlotte Amalie became the frequent focus of maps depicting fortifications, the expansion of commercial interests, and the definition of property boundaries, all critical to their expanding mercantile trade. The Danes foothold in the Caribbean came late compared to other European nations, but, they made up for it by being open to all comers, establishing a haven for refugees from all nations, who were encouraged to take up lands and set up shop. In exchange, the Danish colonial presence was solidified and taxes generated for the crown. 9 The number of maps for each island relates to their relative economic value, St. John was not mapped again until the islands were taken over by the United States (USGS series of 1918). 10 The maps provide a means to assess both the physical landscape and the cultural and economic implications of its use and documentation. These eighteenth century maps and later nineteenth century maps (for St. Thomas in particular) remained the primary graphic depictions and spatial reference point for the islands up until the twentieth century. 364 is a dearth of artistic representations of the region in the eighteen century, an exception is this 1767 landscape drawing included in Oldendorp’s history of the Moravian Mission in the Danish West Indies (Figure 5).

Frederik Von Scholten and Images of a Pastoral Landscape

A series of landscape scenes were drawn in 1833 by Frederik Von Scholten. Frederik von Scholten was on a trip to the Danish West Indies to visit his older brother Governor Peter von Scholten.11 Frederik von Scholton’s paintings are typical examples of well crafted artistic landscapes in the Caribbean which project a form of selected realism. Von Scholten’s work including detailed landscapes depicting Carolina Plantation and Emmaus Estate at Coral Bay and (Figure 6) of a sweeping perspective view of the interior valley of the island that includes Sussanaberg, Adrian, and Catherineberg plantations (Figure 7). As such, these works have been invaluable to archaeological research and historical reconstruction. They were critical assets in recent GIS studies of historic properties on the island (Armstrong et. al. 2008, 2009). Not only were these estates among the most productive sugar estates on the island but the illustrations show details concerning both the natural and built environment. They allow us to see the layout of plantations and the relationship of estate-to-estate, something that even cartographer Peter Oxholm simply could not do in his maps (Armstrong et. al. 2008). These drawings also project a world view and aesthetic of well defined order to agricultural and pastoral settings do not show the elements of labor and the contradictions of slavery. There is no smoke in the mill, nor are laborers shown tiling the fields or sweating in the boiling house (Figures 6-7).12 These pictures take the landscape of Oxholm’s map and project it in a perspective view that, like a wide angle lens, minimizes the heights of the mountains and maximizes the sweeping and flowing pastoral agrarian landscape of this country estate setting. Von Scholten was part of the elite colonial regime and the paintings reinforce the natural aspect of plantations and served to normalize the institution of slavery. Most striking to me is the adherence to a tradition of depicting clean and neat pastoral settings. The paintings do show details of the plantation infrastructure while avoiding the paradoxical ambiguities of depicting labor. In other words, they are missing nearly all the detailed things of life that we find archaeologically. One final note on the landscape is the fact that the view of Sussanaberg and surrounding estates was probably drawn from the main house at Eneighed estate and projects to show an interconnected focal plane that tied these seemingly utopian rural estates together in a protective network of interactive control.

Fritz Melbye: Setting a Stage for Changing Perspective and Subject Matter

In 1850 the Danish painter Fritz Melbye spent time in the Danish West Indies while traveling the world. While in the islands he made several paintings and became a close friend of Camille Pissarro (Figures 8-9). Among Melbye’s works are two paintings on St. John, one is of Cruz Bay and depicts the battery defenses and bay (Figure 8) the other is a well known depiction

11 Peter von Scholten is most noted for unilaterally freeing the enslaved laborers of the Danish West Indies by decree in 1848, but also was a controversial figure who plays a key role in the history of the Magens house, piracy, and a local Danish administrative blind eye to the continued use of Charlotte Amalie harbor by persons engaged in piracy and the slave trade (see Armstrong and Williamson this conference). 12 They project an idyllic plantation landscape of the property of the colonial planter that was carried back to Denmark and printed for distribution both in Denmark and in the colony. 365 of a provision ground on the flank of Ajax Peak (Figure 9). Both project an idealized pastoral landscape, but the provision ground focus’s not on the order and majestic scale of rural estates, with great house and works, but rather on a relatively isolated provisioning field being worked by islanders. This depiction places persons of African heritage at its core and projects a very organic view of life isolated from the plantations that these provisioner’s might well be laboring upon. The artist looks in but the surrounding forest insulates and isolates this setting from the plantation.13 Melbye had along with him a native St. Thomian painter named Camille Pissarro, who had over a number of years, been engaged in sketches and drawings that featured not the ordered rural plantation landscape, but people living their lives, carrying their produce, and engaged in maritime trades. The primary subjects of his works were the African Caribbean population.

Camille Pissarro: Native Son and Revolutionary of Artistic Impressions

The life and works of Camille Pissarro (1830-1903), represent a significant intersection in Caribbean social history and global art history: multinational and multi-scalar at all levels. Pissarro was born on St. Thomas and was of Portuguese, Sephardic Jewish, ancestry. His father was from St. Thomas and his mother from the Dominica. His parents were merchants in the port town of Charlotte Amalie, but Camille was more interested in art than business (Pissarro Exhibition 1997, Estinger 1996). Sent to a boarding school in Paris, when he returned to the Danish West Indies he spent his time sketching scenes of life in the port city and countryside. Between 1847 and 1952, he tried his hand at the family dry goods business, but his mind was on art so he also completed a series of paintings and sketches. The latter of which wound up lost in a folio of his traveling partner and fellow artist Fritz Melbye (Figures 10-11). Melbye and Pissarro’s work was done at the time of transition to freedom for enslaved Africans, but it should be noted that within Pissarro’s home town, the Charlotte Amalie, the plurality of blacks were already a free underclass majority participating in skilled trades and commerce of the port. Pissarro went on to become what some describe as the “father of impressionist art” and mentor to the likes of Paul Cezanne and Claude Monet. Pissarro drew the landscape around him from tropical scenes to the people (Figuire 12). He was fascinated by the everyday activities of people and started drawing people as he saw them on the roads and at work, themes which were to be a constant in his later, better known, works of urban and rural settings in France, and throughout Europe. In the Danish West Indies he drew the scenes that were around him, the ships in the harbor, including the small local vessels and their African West Indian crews, he drew people on the roads, with carts, donkeys, women doing their wash, smoking their pipes, and carrying their water jugs and provisions to and from town. He also drew the clutter of the market place and daily life on the streets of Charlotte Amalie. These sketches and the more formal paintings that followed project mid- nineteenth century life in St. Thomas. They are in sharp contrast with the majority of more formal paintings done on subscription by traveling painters in the region.14

13 Upon reflection, based on our more recent reconstruction of the landscape as part of our archaeological historic sites GIS, I suggest that simply being a provision ground as assumed by the painter, instead it might have actually been a provision plot on a small estate or free-holding parcel owned by a person of African descent (Armstrong et. al. 2008, 2009). 14 While sketching scenes of St. Thomas harbor Pissarro met Danish painter Fritz Melbye. Melbye completed several scenes in the Virgin Islands then both set off for Venezuela. Upon Pissarro’s return to St. Thomas, his parents consented to his career as an artist and he headed back to Paris, returning periodically to visit family and to paint. 366

The following passage from the exhibition booklet for the 1997 Pissarro exhibition in St. Thomas describes Pissarro’s works: “ His eye was guided by the way scenes and objects imprinted on the mind. Every aspect of the subject was recorded faithfully, especially conditions of light: Pissarro perceived light as inseparable from the things it illuminates. Painting with delicate or bold strokes of fluid light one could reach beyond sense of sight, into the realm of emotion.” (Pissarro Exhibition 1997) So what are the local and global relationships of Camille Pissarro and his works? Pissarro and his impressionist cohort were initially paned and banned by the more formal art community in Paris for their bold break (use of color, contrast, and pattern) from the Salon tradition (realistic use of refined lines and traditional subject matter catering to those who could afford the art). In 1874 Pissarro joined Monet and organized an independent exhibition (the first of eight). These exhibitions would include Renour, Degas, Cezanne and others. Pissarro was the only “impressionist” (a term initially coined as an insult by critiques) painter to exhibit in all eight shows. By the end of his life his style of painting had gained huge popularity. In part, as a point in contrast to the technical refinement that could be produced in black and white photography, the bright and light paintings of the impressionists expressed emotions and selected aspects of life and emotion. Ironically, most of Pissarro’s early Caribbean works were lost for nearly a century and only rediscovered in the past twenty years in one of Melbye’s portfolio’s left with the estate of Frederik Church and hidden within his collections at the Olano Museum. When rediscovered these works were the focus of an exhibit a little over a decade ago at the Synagogue on St. Thomas. Currently an effort is underway to establish a Pissarro museum on St. Thomas. The later European work for which Pissarro is most known include many of the themes experimented with in the Virgin Islands, urban and rural settings, and the impressionistic images of all sectors of society. Pissarro’s early works provide an insider’s view and perspective on the life of the people in their own settings.

Conclusions and Projections: Artistic Change in Depictions of Paradise

It can be said that a St. Thomian changed the world of art and our “impression” of the world. This paper has examined the implications of social change involved in a change in format and subject matter projected by artists from the early to middle nineteenth century. Growing up in a period of social transitions in the Caribbean a Jewish St. Thomian painter, Camille Pissarro, developed his artistic skills painting the subjects and settings of the streets and byways of the Virgin Islands. He broke tradition by painting the vernacular scenes and people of color and he went on to alter the broader aesthetic of what could and would be painted and how these images would be expressed. These changes relate to local conditions and social interaction, but they were to have global impacts on how we look at the world and how the world was conceptualized artistically. From the sketch book studies of persons of color at the harbor and the structures on Blackbeard’s Hill in Charlotte Amalie to a global shift in the aesthetic of art, its subjects, is mediums, representations, and cultural perspectives. The changing social environment of mid- nineteenth century St. Thomas and the Caribbean had a multi-scalar impact on the representation of individuals in society and how the world is projected and perceived, and we are just beginning to perceive how the Caribbean impacted the world through the depictions of paradoxes in paradise.

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By 1900 the impressionist school founded in part by Pissarro was a dominant form of art which had spread to the world. In the years leading up to the transfer of the Danish West Indies to the United States in 1917, the Danes sent out an artist to capture images of the last days of their colonial world. The artist sent was Danish painter Hugo Larsen, a person with no known direct links with Pissarro, rather he was simply educated in the artistic schools or Europe (Beastrad 2006). His works illustrate the impact of Pissarro and the impressionist’s legacy. Larsen’s scenes produced between 1904 and 1907 project realism, color and light, and an empathic representation of people of color.15 The importance of these works are not only in their capturing the texture of life in the era immediately preceding the transfer of the islands to the United States, but what they represent from a perspective of social history. They show not only an empathy for the local, primarily black, population, they show a society with less ethnic or racial division than would be the case later during the early American period. Larson’s “Nanny with Baby” now a popular reproduction in the islands, projects rather idyllic setting, but it “ also represents the meeting of two worlds: White and black, master and subject…the balustrade separating the white, private home from the black community outside. The balcony lies in comfortable shade, the town in a merciless haze of heat - the black nanny with the white girl repeats the same motif "(Brendstrup 1992). In this paper archaeology meets art and depictions of the Virgin Island landscape. The composite picture projects significant diversity within the narrow range of the Danish West Indian cultural contexts, which in turn is both similar and distinct from the array of neighboring island cultures of the Caribbean. More importantly, it has demonstrated a shift in the depiction of subject matter that corresponds with the changing context of social interaction at the period of transition to freedom for people of color in the Danish West Indies,) but also a link that goes from a small localized Caribbean island setting out to the world and the global impact on our impression of the world and the past.

15 Web site on Hugo Larson http://www.tuxen.info/hugo_larsen/west_indies_biography.htm. 368

Figure 1: Girl Carrying a Pitcher on her Head (also known as Girl with Scarf Carrying a Vase), Circa 1854-1855; Mapes Modes print, personal collection)

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Figure 2: Becks Map of St. Croix, 1754 (Rigsarkivet, Copenhagen).

Figure 3: 1780 Map of St. John, Peter Oxholm, (Rigsarkivet, Copenhagen Denmark).

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Figure 4: St. Thomas Harbor (featuring fortifications related to the expanding port town of Charlotte Amalia, Peter Oxholm, 1779 (Rigsarchivet, Copenhagen, Denmark).

Figure 5: View of Emmaus and Carolina Estate, St. John. C.G.A. Oldendorp, 1767 (Rigsarkivet, Copenhagen)

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Figure 6: Estate Carolina, St. John (Frederik von Scholten, 1838; Rigsarchivet: Copenhagen, Denmark and personal collection)

Figure 7: Plantations Susannaberg, Adrian, Catherineberg on St. John (Frederik von Scholten, 1838; Mapes Modes, personal collection) with view projected on Peter Oxholm’s 1780 map of St. John (Rigsarkivet, Copenhagen Denmark). 372

Figure 8: Cruz Bay, St. John (Fritz Melbey, circa 1850, lithograph, personal collection).

Figure 9: Provisioning Ground, St. John (Fritz Melbey, 1850, lithograph, personal collection). Melbey and his brother (both painters) were accompanied on St. John by Camille Pissarro. The subject matter reflects a shift in focus from earlier landscape prints on the island. This may well have been influenced by Pissarro.

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Figure 10: Charcoal Sketch: Skytsborg Tower, St, Thomas (Blackbeard’s Castle), Camille Pissarro, 1852 (Olano Museum Collection, NYSDPHP)

Figure 11: Women Washing, St. Thomas, Camille Pissarro, 1852 (Olano Museum, Exhibition in St. Thomas 1996)

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Figure 12: Two Women Chatting at the Sea (Camille Pissarro, 1856, Mapes Modes, personal collection)

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Bibliography

Armstrong, Douglas. V., 2003, Creole transformation from slavery to freedom : historical archaeology of the East End community, St. John, Virgin Islands. University Press of Florida, Gainesville, Florida.

Armstrong, Douglas V. and Mark Hauser, 2009, A Sea of Diversity: Historical Archaeology in the Caribbean, In International Handbook of Historical Archaeology. Teresita Mahewsku and David Gaimster (editors). Springer, New York.

Armstrong, Douglas V, Mark M. Hauser, Stephan Lenik and David W. Knight, 2009, Variation in Venues of Slavery and Freedom: Interpreting the late 18th Century Cultural Landscape of St. John, Danish West Indies Using an Archaeological GIS. International Journal of Historical Archaeology. (1):94-111.

Armstrong, Douglas V., Mark Hauser, David W. Knight and Stephan Lenik, 2008, Maps, Matricals, and Material Remains: Archaeology of Late Eighteenth Century Historic Sites on St. John, Danish West Indies. Pp. 99-126. In Archaeology and Geoinformatics: Case Studies from the Caribbean. Basil A Reid, Editor. University of Alabama Press: Birmingham.

Bredstrup, Helle (Curator), 2006, Hugo Larson: Painting analysis at the Øregaard exhibition. Special Exhibition at the Øregaard Museum in Copenhagen, January to May 2006. Øregaard Museum in Copenhagen. www.tuxen.info/hugo_larsen/west_indies_biography.htm. (viewed 4 April 2008).

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Etsinger, Jean, 1996, “At long last, Camille Pissarro is coming home to St. Thomas”. The Island Trader, 2 October 1996, St. Thomas, United States Virgin Islands.

Goveia, Elsa, 1965, Slave Society in the British Leeward Islands at the End of the Eighteenth Century,

Hall, Neville, 1985, The Danish Virgin Islands: Empire Without Dominion, 1671-1848. Division of Libraries, Museums and Archaeological Services, U.S. Virgin Islands, Occasional Paper No. 8.

Hall, Neville A. T. (editor), 1992, Slave society in the Danish West Indies : St. Thomas, St. John, and St. Croix. Johns Hopkins University Press, Baltimore. Higman, Barry W., 1997, Danish West Indian Slavery in Comparative Perspective: An 376

Appreciation of Neville Hall’s Contribution to the Historiography. In Bondmen and Freedmen in the Danish West Indies: Scholarly Perspectives, George F. Tyson, editor, pp. 1-17. Virgin Islands Humanities Council, St. Thomas, USVI.

Hopkins, Daniel P., 1993, Peter Oxholm and Late Eighteenth Century West Indian Cartography. Pp. 29-56. In The Danish Presence and Legacy in the Virgin Islands. Edited by Svend E. Holsoe and John M. McCcCullum.

Hopkins, Daniel P. 1992, An 18th Century Cadastal Audit in the Danish West Indies. Cartography and Geographic Information Systems. 19 (2): 69-79.

Knight, David W. & Laurette de T. Prime,1999, St. Thomas 1803: Crossroads of the Diaspora. St. Thomas: Little Nordside Press.

Kriz, Kay Dian, 2008 Slavery, Sugar, and the Culture of Refinement: Picturing the British West Indies, 1700-1840. New Haven, Yale University Press.

Lawaetz, Hermann C. J., 1999, Peter von Scholten: West Indian Period Images from the Days of the Last Governor General (Translated by Anne-Louise Knudsen), Herning, Denmark, The Poul Kristensen Publishing Company (originally published in Danish in 1940 by Gyldendal Publishing).

Pissarro Exhibition, St. Thomas, 1997, Exhibition: Camille Pissarro in the Caribbean, 1850- 1855: Drawings from the Collection at Olana. December 1996- March 1997, St. Thomas, United States Virgin Islands. http://www.pissarro.vi/index.htm

Tobin, Beth Fowkes, 2004, Colonizing Nature: The Tropics in British Arts and Letters, 1760- 1820. Philadelphia, University of Pennsylvania Press.

Williamson, Christian and Douglas Armstrong, 2009, Sundries in the Sun: Unearthing Urban History from a Merchant House Compound in the Port of St. Thomas. Society for Historical Archaeology 2009 Conference, Toronto, Ontario, Canada.

Maps

Beck, Jens, 1754, Map of St. Croix, 1754 (Library of Congress, Washington D.C.).

Coral Harbor, St. John, 1720 (RAM 1720: Rigsarkivet, Copenhagen).

Oxholm Map of St. John, 1778 (draft map used as base for later maps).

Oxholm Map of St. John 1780, Rigsarkivit (Danish Archives, OM1780), Copenhagen. USGS Map of St. John, 1918

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Paintings and Illustrations used in PowerPoint presentation at the IACA conference include works of: Frederik Von Scholten, Fritz Melbye, Camille Pissarro, and Hugo Larson.

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