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Appendix: List of Interview Partners

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Appendix: List of Interview Partners Appendix: List of Interview Partners NB: Positions identified as at time of interview Kenya Wolfgang Ahner-Tönnis, Resident representative, Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung, Nairobi. Dr. Anyang’ Nyong’o, Friedrich-Naumann-Foundation. Ove Christian Danbolt, Chargé d’Affaires, Norwegian Embassy. Daniel Davis, Institution Development Officer, Overseas Development Administration, British High Commission. Marguerite Garling, Ford Foundation. Rev. Jephthah Gathaka, The Ecumenical Centre for Justice and Peace. Bettina Gaus, Foreign correspondent, Tageszeitung (TAZ, Berlin). Nancy Gitau, Program Officer, USAID. Grace Githu, Institute for Education and Democracy. Peter Gitonga, Outreach Officer, Kituo Cha Sheria. Sally Healy, First Secretary (Political), British High Commission. Christian Hegemer, Resident Representative, Hanns-Seidel-Stiftung. Gitobi Imaraya, Nairobi Law Journal. John Ngure Kabutha, Program Officer, UNDP. Maina Kiai, Executive Director, Kenya Human Rights Commission (KHRC). Kivutha Kibwana, Executive Director, RECAP. Connie Kiplagat, Executive Director, International Commission for Jurists (Section Kenya). Mirete Kituyi, writer. Dr. Erich Kristof, Deputy Head of Mission, Embassy of the Federal Republic of Germany. Wachira Maina, Institute for Economic Affairs. Kathurima M’Intoni, Chairman, International Commission for Jurists (Section Kenya). Dorothy McCormick, Institute for Development Studies, University of Nairobi. Mundia C. Muchiri, Chief Sub-Editor, Sunday Nation. Christopher Mulei, Executive Director, Center for Governance and Democracy. Willy Mutunga, Citizen’s Coalition for Constitutional Change (CCCC). Githu Muigai, International Commission for Jurists (Section Kenya). Karega Mutahi, The Standard. Alfred Ndambiri, Legal Resource Center. Dr. Maria Nzomo, Institute for Diplomacy and International Studies, University of Nairobi. Kwendo Opanga, Associate Editor, Daily Nation. Nicholas Otieno, Chief Executive Officer, Civic Resource and Information Centre (CRIC). Tina Ottenburger, BMZ/GTZ-NGO support programme. Elizabeth Owuor-Oyugi, Director, African Network for the Prevention and Protection Against Child Abuse and Neglect (ANNPCAN), Kenya Chapter. 192 Appendix 193 Christoph Plate, Der Spiegel (German weekly). Anne Marie Rosenlund, First Secretary, Danish Embassy. Lena Schildt-Herring, First Secretary, Swedish Embassy. Paul Wamae, Chairman, Law Society of Kenya. Joseph M. Young, Second Secretary (Political), U.S. Embassy. Uganda Harold E. Acemah, Director, Multilateral Organizations & Treaties Department, Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Solomy Bbosa, President, Uganda Law Society. Mrs. Janet Beik, Political Officer, Embassy of the United States of America. Albrecht Bossert, Resident Representative, Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung. Judy Butterman, Public Affairs Officer, United States Information Service. Lesley Craig, Third Secretary Chancery/Information, British High Commission. Joseph Etima, Commissioner for Prisons. Josephine Harmsworth-Andama, HURINET. Günther Haustedt, Resident Representative, Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung. Prof. George Kanyeihamba, Senior Presidential Adviser on Human Rights and International Affairs. Dr. Khiddu-Makubuya, Director of Human Rights & Peace Center, Faculty of Law, Makerere University. Thomas Kurz, Embassy of the Federal Republic of Germany. Anton Mair, Resident Representative, Austrian Regional Bureau for Development Cooperation. Apollo Makubuya, Board of Directors, FHRI. John Nagenda, Sunday Vision. Apolo R. Nsimbambi, Makerere Institute for Social Research and Presidential Candidate. Justice Fred M.S. Egonda Ntende, Judicial Training Commission, High Court of Uganda. S.L. Nsamba, Director, African Center for the Treatment and Rehabilitation of Torture Victims (ACVT). Justice Arthur Oder, Supreme Court. Jacob Oulanyah L’Okori, Law Reform Commission. Omara-Atubo, Minister of State for Defense and Finances (1987–1991). Charles Onyango-Obbo (The Monitor). James A. Otto, Human Rights Focus, Gulu. Justice Harold Platt, Law Reform Commission. Livingston Sewanyana, Executive Director, Foundation for Human Rights Initiative. Friedrich Steinemann, ICRC. Lucian Tibaruha, Human Rights Desk, Commissioner for Legal Advisory Services Attorney General’s Chambers, Ministry of Justice. Father Dr. John Mary Waliggo, Executive Secretary of the Catholic Commission for Peace and Justice, Member of Constitutional Commission 1989–1993. Fleming West, DANIDA. Notes Chapter 1: Introduction 1. A recent survey of foreign aid effects on Ugandan civil society confirms that ‘donor funding for civil society policy advocacy has not made a major impact’ (Robinson and Friedman 2005). For similar arguments with regard to donor–NGO relationships in other regional settings, see Henderson (2002); Lynch (2004); Mendelson and Glenn (2002); and Stiles (2002). 2. ‘The lack of broader theoretical perspectives and of the empirical testing of existing approaches is particularly evident when we try to answer the ques- tion of the interaction between domestic politics and international factors’ (Dimitrova and Pridham 2004, p. 104). 3. While democratization is most frequently studied as a form of transition from authoritarian rule, even established democracies regularly face signi- ficant external pressure to expand participation and improve modes of democratic governance. Despite more than a century of sustained economic growth and a formally established democracy in the United States, minority groups did not enjoy the formal recognition of their civil rights until well after World War II. In many other democracies, women only attained the right to vote in the early 20th century. While the struggles for women’s rights and civil rights were largely fought and won domestically, their transnational dimensions have been well documented (Borstelmann 2001; Dudziak 2000; Layton 2000) and further strengthen the view that the process of democratization includes significant external and ideational components. 4. Clifford Bob explores other limits of the ‘boomerang model’ by elaborating the difficulties encountered by domestic activists in attracting outside support in the first place (Bob 2005). 5. For two sharply contrasting assessments of Museveni’s policies, see Kannyo (2004) and Mughisa (2004). Chapter 2: Transnational dimensions of democratization 1. An extended version of this chapter was previously published under the title ‘Domestic and Transnational Perspectives on Democratization,’ International Studies Review 6(3), pp. 403–426. 2. ‘Strategically powerful players may develop normative commitments to democracy, or they may become persuaded that the ancien régime was unjust or illegitimate in ways that will cause them to accept frustration of their interests to a degree’ (Shapiro 1993: 131). 194 Notes 195 Chapter 3: From repression to democratic reforms in Kenya and Uganda 1. Kenya’s ethnic communities were purposefully created by leaders in the middle of the last century to further specific economic and political interests. Before political independence, inter-ethnic relationships were frequently symbiotic and there were few reports of ‘ethnic violence’ (Haugerud 1995). Only after independence, ethnicity was politicized and ‘ethnic clashes’ erupted for the first time in October 1991 during the run-up to the first multiparty elections during the Moi presidency. 2. In response to Odinga’s dissent Moi stated ‘I am the only “father” of or Head of Government in this country. If over the last three or so years you have not mended your ways, you are too late. Time is not on your side’ (ACR, Vol. XIV, B 184). 3. The Swahili word means ‘dirty’ or ‘untrustworthy’ person. 4. In his famous ‘parrot’ speech on 13 September 1984, Moi demanded from ‘all Ministers, Assistant Ministers and every other person to sing like parrots in issues I have mentioned. During Kenyatta’s period I persistently sang the Kenyatta tune until people said: “This fellow has nothing to say except to sing for Kenyatta”. I say: “I didn’t have ideas of my own. Who was I to have my own ideas? I was in Kenyatta’s shoes and, therefore, I had to sing whatever Kenyatta wanted. [. .] Therefore, you ought to sing the song I sing. [. .] The day you become a big person, you will have the liberty to sing your own song and everybody else will sing it” ’ (cited in ACR, Vol. XVII, B 262). 5. In his writings, Mutesa explained that Obote was a ‘herd boy’ who decided, ‘life was too vigorous to him’ (quoted in Martin 1974: 101). 6. The British press was full of chauvinist praise for the coup. The Daily Telegraph wrote on 26 January 1971 that ‘one good reason that might be advanced for holding Commonwealth conferences more often is that the number of undesirable rulers overthrown as a result of their temporary absence, as has now happened to Dr. Obote in Uganda, would thereby be increased.’ The Spectator held on 30 January that ‘if a choice is to be made between quiet military men and noisy civil dictators then I prefer, in Africa at least, the military’ (quoted in Martin 1974: 61). 7. The first number in the Freedom House ranking represents a ranking from 1 to 7 measuring political rights, the second measuring civil rights. A low score indicates a high respect for political and civil rights. Some of the improvements on civil rights recorded were caused by changes in how Freedom House evaluates civil rights rather than improvements in the country itself (see www.freedomhouse.org). 8. Kenya’s Freedom House scores are 6,6 (1987 to 1991); 5,4 (1992); 5,6 (1993); 6,6 (1994); 7,6 (1995 and 1996); 6,6 (1997);
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