The Union and Devolution

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

The Union and Devolution STRICTLY EMBARGOED UNTIL 00:01 WEDNESDAY 25 MAY 2016 This document is issued in advance by the House of Lords on the strict understanding that no publicity may be given to the text of the report before the above time and date. HOUSE OF LORDS Select Committee on the Constitution 10th Report of Session 2015–16 The Union and devolution STRICTLY EMBARGOED UNTIL 00:01 WEDNESDAY 25 MAY 2016 This document is issued in advance by the House of Lords on the strict understanding that no publicity may be given to the text of the report before the above time and date Ordered to be printed 11 May 2015 and published 25 May 2015 Published by the Authority of the House of Lords HL Paper 149 STRICTLY EMBARGOED UNTIL 00:01 WEDNESDAY 25 MAY 2016 This document is issued in advance by the House of Lords on the strict understanding that no publicity may be given to the text of the report before the above time and date. Select Committee on the Constitution The Constitution Committee is appointed by the House of Lords in each session “to examine the constitutional implications of all public bills coming before the House; and to keep under review the operation of the constitution.” Membership The Members of the Constitution Committee are: Lord Brennan Lord Judge Lord Maclennan of Rogart Lord Cullen of Whitekirk Lord Lang of Monkton (Chairman) Lord Morgan Baroness Dean of Thornton-le-Fylde Lord Lester of Herne Hill Lord Norton of Louth Lord Hunt of Wirral Lord MacGregor of Pulham Market Baroness Taylor of Bolton Declarations of interests A full list of Members’ interests can be found in the Register of Lords’ Interests: http://www.parliament.uk/mps-lords-and-offices/standards-and-interests/register-of-lords- interests Publications All publications of the committee are available at: http://www.parliament.uk/hlconstitution Parliament Live Live coverage of debates and public sessions of the committee’s meetings are available at: http://www.parliamentlive.tv Further information Further information about the House of Lords and its committees, including guidance to witnesses, details of current inquiries and forthcoming meetings is available at: http://www.parliament.uk/business/lords Committee staff The current staff of the committee are Antony Willott (Clerk), Dr Stuart Hallifax (Policy Analyst) and Hadia Garwell (Committee Assistant). Professor Stephen Tierney and Professor Mark Elliott are the legal advisers to the Committee. Contact details All correspondence should be addressed to the Constitution Committee, Committee Office, House of Lords, London SW1A 0PW. Telephone 020 7219 5960. Email constitution@ parliament.uk STRICTLY EMBARGOED UNTIL 00:01 WEDNESDAY 25 MAY 2016 This document is issued in advance by the House of Lords on the strict understanding that no publicity may be given to the text of the report before the above time and date. CONTENTS Page Summary 3 Chapter 1: Introduction 7 Chapter 2: What is the Union? 9 The evolution of the Union 9 The Unions creating the United Kingdom 9 Ireland and Northern Ireland in the Union 10 Administrative devolution within Great Britain 11 The creation of the devolved institutions 12 Ongoing diversity in the Union and devolution 12 Table 1: Devolution across the UK 13 Support for the Union 13 Defining the Union 14 British and national identity 15 Key elements of the Union 17 Economic union 17 Social union 18 Political union 20 Cultural union 22 Security and Defence union 23 Conclusion 24 Are all these elements necessary? 24 Core values of the Union 25 Chapter 3: Risks to the Union 28 The cumulative impact of devolution on the Union 28 The allocation of resources within the United Kingdom 31 The economic union: fiscal devolution 31 The social union: Shared welfare resources 34 Minimum standards of welfare provision 35 Minimum provision in other policy areas 36 Diverging policy and service delivery choices 37 Risks to the political union 39 The European Union referendum and a British Bill of Rights 41 The cultural union and emotional affinity 41 Chapter 4: Principles underlying the Union and devolution 43 Principles of the Union and devolution 44 Solidarity 45 Diversity 46 Consent 48 Responsiveness 49 Subsidiarity 51 Clarity 52 Chapter 5: Strengthening the Union 54 Taking into account the needs of the Union 55 Identifying the core functions of the Union 55 A draw down model of powers? 56 A proper process for considering any proposals for devolution 57 Public information, engagement, consultation and consent 58 STRICTLY EMBARGOED UNTIL 00:01 WEDNESDAY 25 MAY 2016 This document is issued in advance by the House of Lords on the strict understanding that no publicity may be given to the text of the report before the above time and date. Chapter 6: Other recent proposals 62 A new Charter or Act of Union 62 A Charter of the Union 62 A new Act of Union 64 Common features and difficulties 65 Full fiscal autonomy 66 Federalism 68 Chapter 7: Adapting to devolution 71 Promoting the Union 71 Inter-governmental relations: A new mindset 72 Formal structures of inter-governmental relations 72 The working of central government 74 Transparency and parliamentary scrutiny 77 Providing clarity over the role of the UK Government 79 The Civil Service 82 The Government’s approach to the process of constitutional change 86 Secession referendums and Parliament 88 Chapter 8: England 89 The English Question and the governance of England 89 Principal options for the governance of England 90 English votes for English laws 91 An English Parliament 93 English regional assemblies 95 Local Government and ‘devolution deals’ 96 Devolution assessment process 105 An answer to the English Question? 107 Summary of conclusions and recommendations 108 Annex A: The development of devolution in the UK since 1922 122 Annex B: Draft Charter of the Union from the Bingham Centre for the Rule of Law 126 Appendix 1: List of Members and declarations of interest 132 Appendix 2: List of witnesses 134 Appendix 3: Call for evidence 141 Evidence is published online at www.parliament.uk/union-and-devolution and available for inspection at the Parliamentary Archives (020 7129 3074). Q in footnotes refers to a question in oral evidence STRICTLY EMBARGOED UNTIL 00:01 WEDNESDAY 25 MAY 2016 This document is issued in advance by the House of Lords on the strict understanding that no publicity may be given to the text of the report before the above time and date. The Union anD DEVolution 3 SUMMARY We believe that the four nations of England, Northern Ireland, Scotland and Wales are stronger united than apart. The Union has brought stability, peace and prosperity to the United Kingdom. Yet today, the Union is under threat. Power has been devolved to Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland in an ad hoc, piecemeal fashion. Successive Governments have taken the Union for granted. Proper consideration of the cumulative impact of devolution on the integrity of the Union itself has been lacking. Every system has limits. This haphazard approach to the UK’s constitution, in which power has been devolved without any counter-balancing steps to protect the Union, recently culminated in an existential threat in the form of a referendum on Scottish independence. An inattentive approach to the integrity of the Union cannot continue. Following the significant changes that the territorial constitution has undergone in recent years, the time has come to reflect and take stock. While the constitution should reflect the wishes and interests of the nations and regions, that must not be at the expense of the stability, coherence and viability of the Union as a whole. Should any proposals for further devolution arise in the future, they should be considered within an appropriate framework of constitutional principles that safeguard the integrity of the Union. We also draw attention once again to the conclusion of our 2014 report, Proposals for the devolution of further powers to Scotland. It stated that the UK Government must “devise and articulate a coherent vision for the shape and structure of the United Kingdom, without which there cannot be constitutional stability.” The Union and the devolution process We do not share the Government’s confidence that all the pieces for a stable constitutional settlement will be in place with the implementation of the Scotland Act 2016 and the passage of the next Wales Act. It is possible that at some point there will be demands for the devolution of further powers. It is essential that steps are taken now to ensure that any further proposals are dealt with in a manner that both meets the needs of the devolved nations and protects the interests of the Union as a whole. While the UK constitution has proved flexible and resilient over the centuries, the Scottish referendum threatened the integrity of the Union. We regret that Mr Letwin, the Government minister responsible for the constitution, does not recognise the concerns expressed by this Committee and many others at the pressures being placed on the UK constitution by the manner in which the devolution of powers has taken place, and continues to take place, with little consideration of the status and needs of the Union. The Government needs fundamentally to reassess how it approaches issues relating to devolution. What affects one constituent part of the UK affects both the Union and the other nations within the UK. Devolution needs to be viewed through the lens of the Union, with appropriate consideration given to the needs of, and consequences for, the entire Union. STRICTLY EMBARGOED UNTIL 00:01 WEDNESDAY 25 MAY 2016 This document is issued in advance by the House of Lords on the strict understanding that no publicity may be given to the text of the report before the above time and date.
Recommended publications
  • Why Devolution Matters: the Case of Cornwall Yth on Ni A’N Le Ma – We Are of This Place
    Institute for Public Policy Research WHY DEVOLUTION MATTERS: THE CASE OF CORNWALL YTH ON NI A’N LE MA – WE ARE OF THIS PLACE Sarah Longlands and Anna Round March 2021 Available at: www.ippr.org/publication/why-devolution-matters-the-case-of- cornwall INTRODUCTION From Covid-19 to Brexit to long term climate change, the complexity of the challenges the UK now faces means that the centralised system of government at Whitehall is no longer fit for purpose. Without a renewed commitment to devolution for all of the nations and regions which make up the UK, the government will fail to meet its promises to build back better and level up. More seriously still, we face the prospect of a disunited kingdom. The UK is one of the most economically divided countries in the developed world; it is also the most centralised (CEJ 2018, Raikes and Giovannini 2019, McCann 2019, UK2070 2020). This is not a coincidence. Research shows that where you live in the UK determines your ability to live a “good life” (Johns et al 2020). However, it has been the metro mayors, local government, civil society and business which have proved most agile and responsive to the challenges and impacts of the Covid-19 pandemic. Similarly, while central government may try to claim the credit, the recovery will be led by those same organisations. They know their communities best and are already deploying their limited resources, creativity and collaborative capital to rebuild local economies, support those who are out of work, and co-ordinate the recovery of people and place.
    [Show full text]
  • Under-Construction-European-Urban
    UNDER CONSTRUCTION CULTURE AND REGIONAL FORMATION IN SOUTH-WEST ENGLAND ★ Bernard Deacon Institute of Cornish Studies, University of Exeter, UK Abstract New regionalist writings display a growing tendency regional discourse in south-west England, one that to turn towards the role of institutions and culture involves the everyday reproduction of representa- in the formation of regions. However, the way these tions of the region in the new regional institutions. are articulated is less than clear.This article calls for Underlying this discourse of the region lie some a re-combination of culture and institutions in order traditional and stereotypical images of the South to analyse the process of regional formation at a West. Furthermore, the implications of this reconfig- micro-level. To do this it employs the concepts of uration of scale are explored in relation to another discourse and the everyday to investigate the cul- territorial identity at a lower scale, with reference to tural reproduction of the region in the peak institu- the campaign for a Cornish Assembly. The article tions of the new regionalization in the South West of concludes that the power of regional elites to create England. In the absence of widespread regional regions is overstated by the new regionalism. identities in England, such institutions play a major role in constructing and policing the meaning of KEY WORDS ★ Cornwall ★ culture ★ institutions ‘region’. Interview data help to unpack an evolving ★ region ★ scale The new regionalism, institutions and and underestimating the role of the state (Lovering, culture 1999; Webb and Collis, 2000). Coupled with this is the critique of its unreflective scripting of the region The new regionalism has attained a preeminent (Martin, 1999).
    [Show full text]
  • 88 Regionalism and Regionalisation Inn the United Kingdom
    UvA-DARE (Digital Academic Repository) Regionalism after regionalisation : Spain, France and the United Kingdom Schrijver, F.J. Publication date 2006 Link to publication Citation for published version (APA): Schrijver, F. J. (2006). Regionalism after regionalisation : Spain, France and the United Kingdom. Vossiuspers. http://nl.aup.nl/books/9789056294281-regionalism-after- regionalisation.html General rights It is not permitted to download or to forward/distribute the text or part of it without the consent of the author(s) and/or copyright holder(s), other than for strictly personal, individual use, unless the work is under an open content license (like Creative Commons). Disclaimer/Complaints regulations If you believe that digital publication of certain material infringes any of your rights or (privacy) interests, please let the Library know, stating your reasons. In case of a legitimate complaint, the Library will make the material inaccessible and/or remove it from the website. Please Ask the Library: https://uba.uva.nl/en/contact, or a letter to: Library of the University of Amsterdam, Secretariat, Singel 425, 1012 WP Amsterdam, The Netherlands. You will be contacted as soon as possible. UvA-DARE is a service provided by the library of the University of Amsterdam (https://dare.uva.nl) Download date:26 Sep 2021 88 Regionalism and regionalisation inn the United Kingdom Thee different constituent parts of the United Kingdom, Scotland, Wales, Englandd and Northern Ireland, each with their own characteristics, are well- known,, if only through their separate participation at football or rugby tour- naments.. Still, until very recendy none of those regions had a regional gov- ernmentt or regional elections, and the United Kingdom was among the most centralisedd states in Europe.
    [Show full text]
  • Verdict MT 2014
    Verdict MT 2014 Article: Law reach their Sapphire in Anniversary? Essay Competition: the UK powers in the UK? Regional Feature: Find out about over the UK Letter from the Editor Hi everyone, Issy van Niekerk Contents Hi everyone, 1. 2. Careers in Law Around the UK.........8 Life of a Trainee.................................12 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. Issy van Niekerk Will UK-EU relations reach their on 41 years and counting Jocelyn Teo contrast, having a court overrule a statute was Lincoln College unheard of in the UK. In 1973, the United Kingdom (UK) joined what !is di#erence in constitutional tradition came was then the European Economic Community to a head in Factortame.1 !e applicants sought (EEC). !e "rst UK European Communities to challenge the legality of Part II of the British membership referendum in 1975 endorsed the Merchant Shipping Act 1988 (MSA 1988) as UK’s continued membership, with more than being incompatible with the EEC Treaty by de- 67% of the votes in favour. Approximately 40 priving them of enforceable Community rights. years on, Prime Minister David Cameron has !e Divisional Court made a preliminary refer- proposed another ‘in or out’ referendum on Brit- ence to the ECJ under Art 177 of the EEC Treaty ish membership of the European Union (EU) (now Art 267 of the Treaty of the Functioning of by 2017. How will the results change? Has the the European Union (TFEU)) as to whether UK initial high hopes for economic growth through and EU law were in con$ict. Ultimately, the ECJ increased trade and cooperation fallen through, held that there was indeed such a con$ict, and and disagreements become insuperable? Do the the Divisional Court granted a declaration to costs of remaining in the EU outweigh the ben- that e#ect.
    [Show full text]
  • Cornish Assembly Were Presented to 10 Downing Street
    A law-making Assembly for Cornwall Cornwall is an historic nation with its own identity, culture, traditions and language. We believe the people of Cornwall have the same democratic right to self-determination as the residents of Scotland and Wales. In 2001, over 50,000 individual declarations calling for a Cornish Assembly were presented to 10 Downing Street. But the Government, which had delivered devolution settlements to Scotland and Wales, ignored the declarations and refused to consider demands for greater powers for Cornwall. Cornwall deserves better. It is our view that the unequal constitutional relationship between the various nations and regions of the UK need to be addressed. And we believe that this should include meaningful devolution to Cornwall. We call on central government to work with the people of Cornwall to formulate a detailed proposal for a law-making Cornish Assembly, which can then be put to the electorate in a binding referendum. "We, the People of Cornwall, must have a Signature …………………………………………………………………………… greater say in how we are governed. We need a Cornish Assembly that can set the Name …………………………………………………………………………… right democratic priorities for Cornwall and provide a Address …………………………………………………………………………… stronger voice for our communities in Britain, in Europe and throughout the …………………………………………………………………………… wider world." …………………………………………………………………………… Cornish Assembly Postcode …………………………………………………………………………… Declaration, endorsed by 50,000 signatories Email …………………………………………………………………………… I am signing as an individual. I am signing on behalf of the following organisation: …………………………………………………………………………… Printed and published by Mebyon Please return to: Mebyon Kernow – the Party for Cornwall, Kernow – the Party for Cornwall, Meridian House, Heron Way, Truro, TR1 2XN. Meridian House, Heron Way, Truro, TR1 2XN.
    [Show full text]
  • Bounded by Heritage and the Tamar: Cornwall As 'Almost an Island'
    Island Studies Journal, 15(1), 2020, 223-236 Bounded by heritage and the Tamar: Cornwall as ‘almost an island’ Philip Hayward University of Technology Sydney, Australia [email protected] (corresponding author) Christian Fleury University of Caen Normandy, France [email protected] Abstract: This article considers the manner in which the English county of Cornwall has been imagined and represented as an island in various contemporary contexts, drawing on the particular geographical insularity of the peninsular county and distinct aspects of its cultural heritage. It outlines the manner in which this rhetorical islandness has been deployed for tourism promotion and political purposes, discusses the value of such imagination for agencies promoting Cornwall as a distinct entity and deploys these discussions to a consideration of ‘almost- islandness’ within the framework of an expanded Island Studies field. Keywords: almost islands, Cornwall, Devon, islands, Lizard Peninsula, Tamar https://doi.org/10.24043/isj.98 • Received May 2019, accepted July 2019 © 2020—Institute of Island Studies, University of Prince Edward Island, Canada. Introduction Over the last decade Island Studies has both consolidated and diversified. Island Studies Journal, in particular, has increasingly focussed on islands as complex socio-cultural-economic entities within a global landscape increasingly affected by factors such as tourism, migration, demographic change and the all-encompassing impact of the Anthropocene. Islands, in this context, are increasingly perceived and analysed as nexuses (rather than as isolates). Other work in the field has broadened the focus from archetypal islands—i.e., parcels of land entirely surrounded by water—to a broad range of locales and phenomena that have island-like attributes.
    [Show full text]
  • The Shape of Things to Come Pre-Election Manifesto Discussions the Shape of Things to Come: Pre-Election Manifesto Discussions
    The shape of things to come Pre-election manifesto discussions The shape of things to come: Pre-election manifesto discussions Introduction However, most officers agreed that what wasn’t in the manifestos was what they wanted most: In April 2015, we invited members of LGiU’s Policy a comprehensive review of the ‘broken’ local Network to join us at our offices to discuss key government finance system. This view is backed up points from the recent crop of manifestos. Over by the results of the annual finance survey we do 200 policy officers are part of the network from our with MJ. In this year’s survey 9 out of 10 councils felt 150+ member authorities. that the local government finance system is not fit for purpose.2 The attendees at both of our two lunchtime events reflected our broad member base: districts, There was also some debate around what shape counties, cities, London boroughs of all political the next era of efficiencies might take. If it involves colours, and with very different challenges across integrating public sector budgets (and estates, the country – but a lot of similarities too. and personnel) across geographic areas, someone has to hold the reins – and it might as well be local At the beginning of each roundtable, we asked government… officers to identify what issues were most important to them in their local areas. This shaped our Devolution discussions during the roundtable. The following subjects emerged as the major themes we wanted Devolution (or the lack of it) is the ‘mood music’ to pick out of the manifestos: of the parties’ offer to local government in their manifestos.
    [Show full text]
  • Government of Cornwall Bill
    Government of Cornwall Bill CONTENTS PART 1 CORNISH ASSEMBLY The Assembly 1The Assembly Elections 2 Voting at ordinary elections 3 Method of elections 4 Extraordinary general elections Vacancies 5 Constituency seats 6 Power to make provision about elections etc Presiding Officer and administration 7 Presiding officer etc 8 Clerk of Assembly 9 Assembly Commission Committees 10 Committees and sub-committees 11 Audit Committee Remuneration, oaths etc 12 Remuneration of Assembly members 13 Limit on salaries of Assembly members 14 Oath or affirmation of allegiance 15 Assistance to groups of Assembly members Bill XX 54/4 ii Government of Cornwall Bill Proceedings etc 16 Standing orders 17 Participation by UK Ministers etc 18 Consultation about UK Government’s legislative programme 19 Equality of treatment 20 Integrity Witnesses and documents 21 Power to require attendance PART 2 CORNISH ASSEMBLY GOVERNMENT Government 22 Cornish Assembly Government Ministers, staff etc 23 The First Minister 24 Choice of First Minister 25 Cornish Ministers 26 Deputy Cornish Ministers 27 Limit on number of Ministers Functions 28 Introduction 29 Exercise of functions 30 Transfer of Ministerial functions 31 Promotion etc of well-being 32 Support of Cornish language 33 Representations about matters affecting Cornwall Functions: supplementary 34 Agency arrangements and provision of services PART 3 ASSEMBLY MEASURES Power 35 Transfer of functions 36 Acts of the Cornish Assembly 37 Scrutiny of Bills before introduction Government of Cornwall Bill iii PART 4 FINANCE Funding 38 Cornish Consolidated Fund PART 5 FINAL PROVISIONS 39 Regulations and transitional provisions etc 40 Expenses 41 Short title and commencement Schedule 1 — Assembly constituencies and Assembly electoral regions Schedule 2 — Transfer of powers Government of Cornwall Bill 1 Part 1 — Cornish Assembly A BILL TO Establish and make provision about the Cornish Assembly; to transfer functions and powers to the Assembly; and for connected purposes.
    [Show full text]
  • This Is the Author's Draft of a Paper Submitted for Publication in Nations
    University of Plymouth PEARL https://pearl.plymouth.ac.uk Faculty of Health: Medicine, Dentistry and Human Sciences School of Nursing and Midwifery 2016-04-08 The fragmentation of the nation state? Regional development, distinctiveness, and the growth of nationalism in Cornish politics Willett, J http://hdl.handle.net/10026.1/5273 10.1111/nana.12188 Nations and Nationalism Wiley All content in PEARL is protected by copyright law. Author manuscripts are made available in accordance with publisher policies. Please cite only the published version using the details provided on the item record or document. In the absence of an open licence (e.g. Creative Commons), permissions for further reuse of content should be sought from the publisher or author. This is the author’s draft of a paper submitted for publication in Nations and Nationalism 2016 DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/nana.12188 The Fragmentation of the Nation State? Regional Development, Distinctiveness, and the Growth of Nationalism in Cornish Politics. Abstract Stateless nations across the EU have become increasingly vocal and confident in asserting a desire for autonomy, devolved governance, and independence. Meanwhile, identity politics has become a key factor of contemporary European regional development, with utility as a social, economic and governance tool. Culture has become a resource for regional branding to attract inward investment and differentiate in terms of competitiveness. The paper considers whether the utility of identity to regional development might provide an explanation for the growing confidence of EU stateless nations. We use the case study of Cornwall to explore the correlation, arguing that economic regionalism has provided a space for the articulation of national identities.
    [Show full text]
  • Cornish Constitutional Convention PO Box 25 St AGNES Cornwall TR5 0ZN
    Cornish Constitutional Convention PO Box 25 St AGNES Cornwall TR5 0ZN October 2014 Dear Convention Member, The year has been a very busy one. Not least due to the Scottish referendum which, as well as being interesting, has generated much interest in Cornwall and in devolution across communities in the UK and beyond. We have captured some of the most relevant articles on our website – www.cornishassembly.org. Following the Scottish Referendum the status quo cannot continue. The Conservatives, Labour and Liberal Democrats have all talked of their support for devolution during the current referendum campaign, and again at their recent party conferences. In Cornwall, we had the government announce its intention to include the Cornish as a national minority under the Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities. The timetable has slipped, but we are keeping up pressure on government to ensure they submit their proposal to the Council of Europe before the next General Election. The announcement has had a positive effect; on Cornish culture for example, Maga – the Cornish language partnership – have sustained increased interest with website hits remaining significantly higher than before our recognition. As the Convention, we have been involved in interviews with all forms of media. Our Twitter account – @cornishassembly – has passed over a thousand followers. Within Cornwall we have noticed increased support from Cornwall Council for devolution. For example, in the recent call for evidence on fiscal devolution to cities and city regions Cornwall Council responded “With a recognised brand and clear devolution aspirations Cornwall (and if it wishes the Isles of Scilly) should have the opportunity to aspire to greater autonomy: this is not just an issue for cities.” Is Cornwall Council’s position yet strong enough? We would be grateful if you would contact your local Cornwall Councillor to let them know their electors are thinking about, and supportive of, a Cornish Assembly.
    [Show full text]
  • Does Cornwall Want Devolution? Dr John Ault Associate Research Fellow (British Election Study) (University of Exeter) Our Opinion Poll
    Does Cornwall want Devolution? Dr John Ault Associate Research Fellow (British Election Study) (University of Exeter) Our Opinion Poll • Survation Polling Company • 25th November 2014 • Sample Size 500 • Residents aged 18+ in Camborne/Redruth constituency • Margin of error of +/-4.4% • Weighted based on 2011 ONS Census data Voting Intention – Camborne & Redruth 35 33 30 30 25 22 Voting Intention 20 If there were an election tomorrow 15 which party would you be most likely to vote for? 10 7 6 5 1 0 Con Lab LD UKIP Green Other Support or Opposition to Devolution to Cornwall 35 33 30 27 25 More Powers for Cornwall 20 15 There has been discussion of more 12 11 devolution from London to the regions 10 – would you support or oppose more 8 power over local decisions being transferred to Cornwall? 5 0 Strongly Support Somewhat Support Neither Support nor oppose Somewhat Oppose Strongly Oppose Support or Opposition to Devolution to Cornwall 70 60 60 50 More Powers for Cornwall 40 There has been discussion of more devolution from London to the regions 30 – would you support or oppose more 19 power over local decisions being 20 transferred to Cornwall? 10 0 Support Oppose Support or Opposition to Devolution to Cornwall 35 30 29 25 20 More Powers for Cornwall 20 19 15 13 Would you support or oppose the 11 creation of a Cornish Assembly with 10 similar powers to those the Welsh Assembly has in Wales? 5 0 Strongly Support Somewhat Support Neither Support nor oppose Somewhat Oppose Strongly Oppose Support or Opposition to Devolution to Cornwall 60 49
    [Show full text]
  • Scottish Liberal Democrat Manifesto
    Manifesto 2015 Manifesto 2015 A stronger Scotland for everyone Transfer power from London to Scotland with Home Rule in Prosperity for all the UK Balance the budget Fair taxes fairly and invest to build a high-skill, Cut your taxes low-carbon economy by an additional £400 by raising the Personal Allowance to £12,500 Our environment protected Quality health Protect nature and care for all fight climate change with five Invest the money green laws needed to improve our NHS and guarantee equal care for mental Opportunity for health every child Guarantee education funding from nursery to college Manifesto 2015 3 Introduction by Nick Clegg & Willie Rennie 6 Britain in 2020: The Liberal Democrat vision 10 Responsible finances: 14 1 Balancing the budget in a fair way Prosperity for all: 20 2 Building a sustainable economy Real help for family finances: 34 3 Tax, pensions and consumer rights An opportunity society: 48 4 World class education for all Building a healthier society: 54 Contents 5 Protecting the NHS and improving health Better places to live: 62 6 Communities, farming and the natural environment Green Britain guarantee: 68 Five green laws Affordable homes for all: 70 7 Meeting our housing needs Freedom and opportunity: 74 8 Equal rights for all Secure communities: 86 9 Policing, justice and the border force Power to the people: 92 10 Devolution, democracy and citizenship Britain in the World: 104 11 Global action for security and prosperity Scottish Liberal Democrat Manifesto 2015 4 5 Introduction by Nick Clegg and Willie Rennie Introduction Dear friend, When Liberal Democrats launched our 2010 General Election manifesto, few people expected that many of the policies it contained would be implemented by the next Government.
    [Show full text]