Northern Ireland Assembly Election Study 2003
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LIST of POSTERS Page 1 of 30
LIST OF POSTERS Page 1 of 30 A hot August night’ feauturing Brush Shiels ‘Oh no, not Drumcree again!’ ‘Sinn Féin women demand their place at Irish peace talks’ ‘We will not be kept down easy, we will not be still’ ‘Why won’t you let my daddy come home?’ 100 years of Trade Unionism - what gains for the working class? 100th anniversary of Eleanor Marx in Derry 11th annual hunger strike commemoration 15 festival de cinema 15th anniversary of hunger strike 15th anniversary of the great Long Kesh escape 1690. Educate not celebrate 1969 - Nationalist rights did not exist 1969, RUC help Orange mob rule 1970s Falls Curfew, March and Rally 1980 Hunger Strike anniversary talk 1980 Hunger-Strikers, 1990 political hostages 1981 - 1991, H-block martyrs 1981 H-block hunger-strike 1981 hunger strikes, 1991 political hostages 1995 Green Ink Irish Book Fair 1996 - the Nationalist nightmare continues 20 years of death squads. Disband the murderers 200,000 votes for Sinn Féin is a mandate 21st annual volunteer Tom Smith commemoration 22 years in English jails 25 years - time to go! Ireland - a bright new dawn of hope and peace 25 years too long 25th anniversary of internment dividedsociety.org LIST OF POSTERS Page 2 of 30 25th anniversary of the introduction of British troops 27th anniversary of internment march and rally 5 reasons to ban plastic bullets 5 years for possessing a poster 50th anniversary - Vol. Tom Williams 6 Chontae 6 Counties = Orange state 75th anniversary of Easter Rising 75th anniversary of the first Dáil Éireann A guide to Irish history -
A Democratic Design? the Political Style of the Northern Ireland Assembly
A Democratic Design? The political style of the Northern Ireland Assembly Rick Wilford Robin Wilson May 2001 FOREWORD....................................................................................................3 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY .................................................................................4 Background.........................................................................................................................................7 Representing the People.....................................................................................................................9 Table 1 Parties Elected to the Assembly ........................................................................................10 Public communication......................................................................................................................15 Table 2 Written and Oral Questions 7 February 2000-12 March 2001*........................................17 Assembly committees .......................................................................................................................20 Table 3 Statutory Committee Meetings..........................................................................................21 Table 4 Standing Committee Meetings ..........................................................................................22 Access to information.......................................................................................................................26 Table 5 Assembly Staffing -
Northern Ireland Peace Initiative
Northern Ireland Peace Initiative JOURNEY TO BELFAST AND LONDON Report and Policy Recommendations by William J. Flynn and George D. Schwab February 1999 Contents • Acknowledgment • Foreword • Policy Recommendations • From Hate to Hope • Conclusion ACKNOWLEDGMENT At the invitation of the British Foreign and Commonwealth Office, a National Committee on American Foreign Policy mission consisting of William J. Flynn, chairman, and George D. Schwab, president, spent a week (November 2-7, 1998) in Belfast discussing the peace process in Northern Ireland and in London where we also discussed U.S. and British global security interests with leading statesmen, politicians, diplomats, and academics. The meetings took place at Stormont Estate, 10 Downing Street, the Foreign and Commonwealth Office, the House of Commons, think tanks, and the American embassy in London, among other sites. Before embarking, Dr. Schwab was briefed at the State Department by James I. Gadsden, deputy assistant secretary of state for European and Canadian affairs; James M. Lyons, special adviser to the president and the secretary of state for economic initiatives in Ireland; Katharine E. Koch, special assistant, office of the special adviser to the president and the secretary of state for economic initiatives in Ireland; and Patricia Nelson-Douvelis, Ireland desk officer. Although this report and the policy recommendations it contains focus on Northern Ireland, the material gathered on U.S. and British national security interests will be incorporated in relevant NCAFP publications, including those forthcoming on NATO and the Middle East. The sensitivity of some of the issues discussed led a number of people to request that they not be quoted by name or identified in other ways. -
February 2004
Nations and Regions: The Dynamics of Devolution Quarterly Monitoring Programme Northern Ireland Quarterly Report February 2004 The monitoring programme is jointly funded by the ESRC and the Leverhulme Trust Devolution Monitoring Programme Northern Ireland report 18 February 2004 • Assembly election ends in triumph for DUP, SF • Result means continued suspension of devolution • Review of Belfast agreement opens amid low expectations • Ministers continue business-as-usual decision-making 2 Contents 1. Summary Robin Wilson ..............................................4 2. The ‘peace process’ Rick Wilford & Robin Wilson ..................5 2.1 The post-election scene ......................................................................................5 2.2 The review...........................................................................................................5 2.3 Prospects ...........................................................................................................13 3. Devolved government Robin Wilson ............................................16 3.1 Does it matter? .................................................................................................16 3.2 Programme for Government ..........................................................................16 3.3 Community relations .......................................................................................17 4. The assembly Rick Wilford & Robin Wilson ................20 5. The media Robin Wilson ............................................21 -
Party Politics in Ireland In
CORE Metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk Provided by University of Huddersfield Repository REDEFINING LOYALISM —A POLITICAL PERSPECTIVE David Ervine, MLA —AN ACADEMIC PERSPECTIVE James W McAuley IBIS working paper no. 4 REDEFINING LOYALISM —A POLITICAL PERSPECTIVE David Ervine, MLA —AN ACADEMIC PERSPECTIVE James W McAuley No. 4 in the lecture series “Redefining the union and the nation: new perspectives on political progress in Ireland” organised in association with the Conference of University Rectors in Ireland Working Papers in British-Irish Studies No. 4, 2001 Institute for British-Irish Studies University College Dublin IBIS working papers No. 4, 2001 © the authors, 2001 ISSN 1649-0304 ABSTRACTS REDEFINING LOYALISM— A POLITICAL PERSPECTIVE Although loyalism in its modern sense has been around since the 1920s, it ac- quired its present shape only at the beginning of the 1970s. Then it was reborn in paramilitary form, and was used by other, more privileged, unionists to serve their own interests. Yet the sectarianism within which loyalism developed disguised the fact that less privileged members of the two communities had much in common. Separation bred hatred, and led to an unfounded sense of advantage on the part of many Protestants who in reality enjoyed few material benefits. The pursuit of ac- commodation between the two communities can best be advanced by attempts to understand each other and to identify important shared interests, and the peace process can best be consolidated by steady, orchestrated movement on the two sides, and by ignoring the protests of those who reject compromise. REDEFINING LOYALISM— AN ACADEMIC PERSPECTIVE In recent years a division has emerged within unionism between two sharply con- trasting perspectives. -
Extremist Outbidding in Ethnic Party Systems Is Not Inevitable: Tribune Parties in Northern Ireland
Political Science and Political Economy Working Paper Department of Government London School of Economics No. 6/2006 Extremist Outbidding In Ethnic Party Systems Is Not Inevitable: Tribune Parties in Northern Ireland Paul Mitchell (LSE) Geoffrey Evans (Oxford) Brendan O'Leary (University of Pennsylvania) Extremist Outbidding In Ethnic Party Systems Is Not Inevitable: Tribune Parties in Northern Ireland Paul Mitchell, Geoffrey Evans and Brendan O’Leary Contacts : Dr Paul Mitchell (all correspondence please) Department of Government and the Methodology Institute London School of Economic and Political Science Houghton Street London WC2A 2AE UK [email protected] Tel: 44+207-79556340 Professor Geoffrey Evans Director, Centre for Research Methods in the Social Sciences University of Oxford Official Fellow & Senior Tutor Nuffield College, Oxford OX1 1NF UK [email protected] Tel: 44+1865-278613 Professor Brendan O'Leary Lauder Professor of Political Science Director of the Solomon Asch Center for the Study of Ethnopolitical Conflict University of Pennsylvania 3819-33 Chestnut Street, Suite 305, Philadelphia, PA 19104, USA [email protected] Extremist Outbidding In Ethnic Party Systems Is Not Inevitable: Tribune Parties in Northern Ireland Abstract Ethnic out-bidding models correctly suggest that democratic stability is much more difficult to achieve in divided societies with fully mobilised ethnic party systems. But they are not correct when they predict that ethnic party systems inevitably lead to perpetual extremist outbidding leading to inevitable democratic collapse. We argue that the incentives of power- sharing institutions combined with Downsian vote-seeking motivations can encourage the development of electoral strategies based on ‘ethnic tribune appeals’, where parties combine robust ethnic identity representation with increased pragmatism over political resource allocation. -
Northern Irish Political Contention from Sunningdale to the Good Friday Agreement
Syracuse University SURFACE Syracuse University Honors Program Capstone Syracuse University Honors Program Capstone Projects Projects Spring 5-1-2012 The "Troubles:" Northern Irish Political Contention from Sunningdale to the Good Friday Agreement Daniel J. Foley Follow this and additional works at: https://surface.syr.edu/honors_capstone Part of the Comparative Politics Commons, and the Other Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Foley, Daniel J., "The "Troubles:" Northern Irish Political Contention from Sunningdale to the Good Friday Agreement" (2012). Syracuse University Honors Program Capstone Projects. 174. https://surface.syr.edu/honors_capstone/174 This Honors Capstone Project is brought to you for free and open access by the Syracuse University Honors Program Capstone Projects at SURFACE. It has been accepted for inclusion in Syracuse University Honors Program Capstone Projects by an authorized administrator of SURFACE. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The "Troubles:" Northern Irish Political Contention from Sunningdale to the Good Friday Agreement A Capstone Project Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements of the Renée Crown University Honors Program at Syracuse University Daniel J. Foley Candidate for Bachelor of Arts Degree and Renée Crown University Honors May 2012 Honors Capstone Project in Political Science Capstone Project Advisor: _______________________ Advisor Title & Name Capstone Project Reader: _______________________ Reader Title & Name Honors Director: _______________________ -
Electoral Systems and Ethnic Conciliation: a Structured, Focused Analysis of Vote-Pooling in Northern Ireland Elections 1998–2011
University of Denver Digital Commons @ DU Electronic Theses and Dissertations Graduate Studies 1-1-2014 Electoral Systems and Ethnic Conciliation: A Structured, Focused Analysis of Vote-Pooling in Northern Ireland Elections 1998–2011 Callum J. Forster University of Denver Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.du.edu/etd Part of the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Forster, Callum J., "Electoral Systems and Ethnic Conciliation: A Structured, Focused Analysis of Vote- Pooling in Northern Ireland Elections 1998–2011" (2014). Electronic Theses and Dissertations. 972. https://digitalcommons.du.edu/etd/972 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate Studies at Digital Commons @ DU. It has been accepted for inclusion in Electronic Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ DU. For more information, please contact [email protected],[email protected]. Electoral Systems and Ethnic Conciliation: A Structured, Focused Analysis of Vote-Pooling in Northern Ireland Elections 1998-2011 __________ A Thesis Presented to The Faculty of the Josef Korbel School of International Studies University of Denver __________ In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Master of Arts __________ by Callum J. Forster June 2014 Advisor: Timothy Sisk ©Copyright by Callum J. Forster 2014 All Rights Reserved Author: Callum J. Forster Title: Electoral Systems and Ethnic Conciliation: A Structured, Focused Analysis of Vote-Pooling in Northern Ireland Elections 1998-2011 Advisor: Timothy Sisk Degree Date: June 2014 Abstract This research project examines the role of electoral system rules in affecting the extent of conciliatory behavior and cross-ethnic coalition making in Northern Ireland. -
Unionism S Last Stand? Contemporary Unionist Politics And
The Global Review of Ethnopolitics Vol. 3, no. 1, September 2003, 60-74 Special Issue: Northern Ireland Unionism’s Last Stand? Contemporary Unionist Politics and Identity in Northern Ireland James W. McAuley, University of Huddersfield Since its inception, on the back of London’s declaration of virtual neutrality, the peace process has had a chequered career. It brought comparative peace on the streets, broken only occasionally by the crack of bones under baseball bats or iron bars wielded by republican or loyalist paramilitary law-enforcers, but failed to produce the political stability that was to follow. It was an uneasy peace, between Protestant and Catholic communities that still did not mix at the level where it counted, in the working class, and who still had little trust in each other (Barry White, 2000:163-4). The present system increases nationalist and republican confidence because it offers them progress. … The same cannot be said for the unionist community. This present Agreement is built upon the same faulty foundation that has been tried before. … Unionists need convincing that an Agreement is capable of addressing unionist concerns and grievances (Gregory Campbell, Belfast Telegraph, 8th January 2002). Introduction Ulster unionism1 is in no small state of confusion and schism. Since the current phase of the ‘peace process’ has begun, political unionism has increasingly fragmented. Moreover, many unionists now regard the social consequences of the contemporary period with some alarm. They perceive recent events as a direct challenge to their culture and identity and at an extreme to the very existence of Northern Ireland. Such viewpoints are reflected directly in the declining political and electoral support from within unionism for the political and organizational settlements brought about by the peace process, some of which is outlined below. -
Leninist Perspective on Triumphant Irish National-Liberation Struggle
Only he is a Marxist who extends the rec- Subscriptions (£30 p.a. or £15 six months - pay og Bulletin Publications) and circulation: £3 nition of the class struggle to the recogni- Economic & tion of the dictatorship of the proletariat. p&p epsr, po box 76261, This is the touchstone on which the real Philosophic London sw17 1GW [Post Office Registered.] Books understanding and recognition of Marxism e-Mail: [email protected] is to be tested. V.I.Lenin Science Review Website — WWW.epsr.orG.uk Vol 22 EPSR books Volume 22 fear and shattered confidence, or failed to understand why the visit was so damaging in the Leninist perspective on triumphant first place. Giving a US visa and full freedom to be internation- Irish national-liberation struggle ally reported and quoted to the figure most publicly associated Part 3 (Feb 1994–Feb 1996) with the armed revolutionary challenge to British imperial- ism’s continued domination over a colonised part of Ireland, is sensationally damaging in more ways than one. Obviously, all the cadres of the national-liberation struggle and all of its supporters world- wide will receive an enormous boost from seeing Adams dance rings round the plodding British attempts to hide the truth about its vicious repression and to tell lies about the resistance to it by the IRA and Sinn Féin. Obviously, the representa- tives of British imperialism on the ground, – the soldiers, the administration of the police- military dictatorship, and the Orange colonist settler commu- nity posing as ‘British Irishmen’, – will feel more disheartened than ever and are already show- ing the signs of making more and more of the mistakes that will come from demoralisation. -
Ulster Unionist Dimension in the Usa 2004
ULSTER UNIONIST DIMENSION IN THE USA Prioritising Neutrality or Leverage, Third Party mediation with a reluctant actor: The U.S. government and Ulster Unionists as a case study By Elodie Aviotte PhD 2004 ULSTER UNIONIST DIMENSION IN THE USA Prioritising Neutrality or Leverage, Third Party mediation with a reluctant actor: The U.S. government and Ulster Unionists as a case study By Elodie Aviotte, DEUG, Licence, Maîtrise For the Degree of PhD Dublin City University School of Law and Government Supervisor: Dr. John Doyle October 2004 I hereby certify that this material, which I now submit for assessment on the programme of study leading to the award of a Ph.D. is entirely my own work and has not been taken from the work of others save and to the extent that such work has been cited and acknowledged within the text of my work. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS In memory of Alain Janey, my grand-father, without whom, all of this would never have been possible. To my family and friends who constantly supported me. This thesis is theirs as without them, the road to achievement would have been considerably more difficult. I would like to thank Dr. John Doyle, my Ph.D. supervisor, for his guidance and hard work during all those years. I would also like to express my deepest gratitude to Prof. David E. Schmitt for showing me the way when I did not know which direction to take. 1 am very grateful to all the people who helped me, all the interviewees and those who contributed to make this thesis feasible by providing crucial material or the right context at the right time. -
Women's Political Participation in the UK
Women's political participation in the UK Women have fraditionally been under-represented in UK politica~institutions. Although women won the right to vote in 1918 they remained fewer than one in ten members of parliament until 1997. Since 1997 significant improvements have been made The number of women in parl~amenthas roughly doubled, and new institutions have been established with high proportions of women members These new institutions have also set out to operate in different hays, iislng new policy-making processes which are more inclusive of women and their concerns Political parties are makiig greater efforts to ensure that Nomen are represented, and rn one part of the UK a women's party has Deen formed Although there remains a iong way to go, the UK provides a useful case study of a co~ntryin transition Womer's representation is increasing and a new pol~ticalculture may be developing There is much debate currently about the d fference that women representatives will make The UK is also a case study of some of the obstacles preventing greater women's representation, and how they may be overcome Long traditions, and the design of political institutions, mean :hat the barriers to women s participation have been particularly high Recent changes have been helped by institutional reform, but have resuited primarily from positive action' adopted by political partles, following sustained campaigns by women activists These positive actlon systems, which have rigidly required selection of women candidates, have been controversial But they have proven to be effective, and their results in terms of women s representation have been widely welcomed Author Iioies Meg Russell has been Senior Research Fellow at the Constitution Unit, University College London since 1998.