DOCSLIB.ORG

Saudi Arabia

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Saudi Arabia FREEDOM HOUSE Freedom on the Net 2012 1 SAUDI ARABIA 2011 2012 Not Not POPULATION: 29 million INTERNET FREEDOM STATUS Free Free INTERNET PENETRATION 2011: 48 percent Obstacles to Access (0-25) 14 14 WEB 2.0 APPLICATIONS BLOCKED: No NOTABLE POLITICAL CENSORSHIP: Yes Limits on Content (0-35) 27 26 BLOGGERS/ICT USERS ARRESTED: Yes Violations of User Rights (0-40) 29 31 PRESS FREEDOM STATUS: Not Free Total (0-100) 70 71 * 0=most free, 100=least free INTRODUCTION While the recent wave of protests and demonstrations in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia has not changed the political landscape in the country as in other Arab countries such as Tunisia, Egypt, and Libya, the internet freedom landscape in the Kingdom has no doubt changed considerably over the past year. Inspired by the Arab Spring events in 2011, millions of people in Saudi Arabia flooded social media sites such as Facebook, YouTube, and Twitter, and hundreds, if not thousands, participated in political campaigns to demand political, social, and economic reforms, fostering the emergence of innumerable political activists on social media. However, as soon as Saudis went online to express their opinions, demand actions, and organize demonstrations, the Saudi government took immediate steps to respond to what it regarded as a national security threat. The government issued warnings banning protests, reminded people via email of the ban, and threatened the youth through the BlackBerry multi-media message service (MMS) to discourage them from participating in demonstrations. The authorities also detained and intimidated hundreds of online political activists and online commentators, implemented strict filtering mechanisms to block sensitive political content from entering the Saudi internet, recruited thousands of online supporters to warn against the call for protests and demonstrations as a counter measure, and continued to apply its excessive monitoring of internet users. SAUDI ARABIA FREEDOM HOUSE Freedom on the Net 2012 2 OBSTACLES TO ACCESS Saudis first gained access to the internet in 1998. In 2011, 47.5 percent of the population had access to the internet, up from 19.5 percent in 2006, according to the International Telecommunication Union (ITU).1 While in the early years, the vast majority of Saudi users accessed the internet through dial-up connections that were often slow and frustrating, less than 22.6 percent of the internet population still uses dial-up service today, with the rest using broadband connections.2 There were 11.9 million mobile broadband connections and 2.2 million fixed broadband connections in the country as of May 2012.3 Internet penetration is highest in major cities such as Riyadh and Jeddah and in the oil-rich Eastern Province. Residents of provinces like Jizan in the south and Ha’il in the north are the least likely to use the internet. The younger generations make up the majority of the user population, according to the Communications and Information Commission (CITC).4 Arabic content is widely available on the internet, as are Arabic versions of applications like chat rooms, discussion forums, and social media sites. Monthly expenditure on broadband services ranges between 42 SAR (US$11) and 334 SAR (US$89) on average,5 representing a sharp drop from the 2003 price of 700 SAR (US$187) a month.6 That said, the cost of the internet is still considered high by the vast majority of those who participated in a CITC online survey who were predominantly male (95.3 percent) and between the ages of 20 and 39 (82.7 percent).7 Connection speed for broadband varies between 724 Kbps and 1.22 Mbps, depending on the service purchased (i.e. DSL broadband or High-Speed Packet Access networks). While the majority of participants in the CITC survey were not satisfied with their connection speeds8 (possibly because of excessive filtering) and a large number of those surveyed 1 International Telecommunication Union (ITU), “Percentage of individuals using the Internet, fixed (wired) Internet subscriptions, fixed (wired)-broadband subscriptions,” 2006 & 2011, accessed July 13, 2012, http://www.itu.int/ITU- D/ICTEYE/Indicators/Indicators.aspx#. According to the latest statistics in 2012 by the Communications and Information Commission (CITC), there are 14.2 million internet users, for a penetration rate of 49.1 percent as of mid-2012. Internet Services Unit (ISU), “User’s Survey,” King Abdulaziz City for Science & Technology, 2006, accessed July 17, 2012, http://www.isu.net.sa/surveys-&-statistics/new-user-survey-results.htm. 2 CITC, “ICT Indicators, Q1 – 2012.” 3 CITC, “ICT Indicators, Q1 – 2012.” 4 CITC, “The State of ICT Market Development in Saudi Arabia,” Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, 2010, http://www.citc.gov.sa/English/Reportsandstudies/Studies/Documents/PL-PM-015-E- The%20State%20of%20ICT%20Market%20Development%20in%20Saudi%20Arabia.pdf. 5 Ibid. 6 ISU, “User’s Survey.” 7 CITC, “The State of ICT Market Development in Saudi Arabia.” 8 Ibid. SAUDI ARABIA FREEDOM HOUSE Freedom on the Net 2012 3 planned to upgrade their internet speeds, overall infrastructure is not considered a barrier to access except in remote and sparsely populated areas. The Saudi internet is connected to the international internet through two data-services providers, the Integrated Telecom Company and Bayanat al-Oula for Network Services, up from a single gateway in years past. These providers offer service to licensed internet service providers (ISPs), which in turn sell connections to dial-up and leased-line clients. The number of ISPs in the country has risen from 23 in 2005 to 36 in 2011.9 Broadband and mobile phone services are provided by the three largest telecommunications companies in the Middle East: Saudi Telecom Company (Saudi Arabia), Etisalat (United Arab Emirates), and Zain (Kuwait). WiMAX, a technology that allows users to access the internet wirelessly from any location through a USB modem, is widely used in Saudi Arabia because it offers affordable prepaid broadband internet. Saudis access the internet from home, from their place of employment, or in internet cafes, which offer a cost-effective alternative, though the latter option has become less popular because the availability of prepaid broadband has made it easier to access the internet from home, and internet cafes do not offer secure access. Many Saudis also access the internet from their mobile telephones. While there were fewer than 20 million mobile phone subscriptions only five years ago, there were nearly 54 million at the end of 2011, representing a penetration rate of over 191 percent.10 Similarly, the average number of household mobile lines is estimated at 4.6 lines per household.11 All forms of internet and mobile phone access are available in the country, including WiMAX broadband, third-generation (3G), and fourth-generation (4G) mobile networks, internet via satellite, and High Speed Packet Access (HSPA) technologies. While smart phones like the iPhone and Galaxy tablets are banned at security organizations for fear of being targeted by hackers,12 they are available to the public at affordable prices. Service for BlackBerry hand-held mobile devices, however, was banned from August 1-10, 2010 due to concerns over BlackBerry’s encryption services,13 but the ban was lifted after the company 9 CITC, “Annual Report, 2011” [in Arabic], Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, 2012, http://www.citc.gov.sa/arabic/MediaCenter/Annualreport/Documents/PR_REP_007.pdf. 10 International Telecommunication Union (ITU), “Mobile-cellular telephone subscriptions,” 2011, accessed July 13, 2012, http://www.itu.int/ITU-D/ICTEYE/Indicators/Indicators.aspx#. 11 CITC, “ICT Indicators 2011,” Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, 2011, http://www.citc.gov.sa/English/Reportsandstudies/Indicators/Indicators%20of%20Communications%20and%20Information %20Techn/2011_ICT%20Indicators%20_English.pdf. 12 “Saudi Arabia bans iPhones and Galaxy ‘tablets’ at security organizations,” Al-Arabiya, July 15, 2011, http://english.alarabiya.net/articles/2011/07/15/157742.html. 13 “Saudi Ban on BlackBerry from Friday,” Al-Jazeera, August 4, 2010, http://english.aljazeera.net/news/middleeast/2010/08/2010844243386999.html. SAUDI ARABIA FREEDOM HOUSE Freedom on the Net 2012 4 agreed to provide the Saudi authorities with the means to access the devices’ encrypted messages.14 Major video-sharing, social-networking, and micro-blogging sites like YouTube, Facebook, and Twitter are freely available, as are international blog-hosting services. However, specific pages particularly on social media sites like YouTube, Facebook and Twitter are instantly blocked if they contain sensitive political content or call for people to join political campaigns and movements. One example is the “Constitutional Monarchy” page on Facebook, which was founded on March 5, 2011 by Ali Ashmlan and presumably blocked because it called for constitutional monarchy in the Kingdom, a taboo subject in Saudi Arabia. Another example is the Facebook page, “I want my rights...I don’t want to drive,” which called for reforms in public transportation for women to use instead of driving. The page was blocked for unknown reasons, according to Maha Al-Hadlaq, one of the group’s members.15 Nevertheless, Saudis are among the largest adopters of Twitter in the Arab world, with 38 percent of all Arab tweets coming from Saudi Arabia.16 Saudis are also well-represented on Facebook, with 4.9 million users and a penetration rate of 19.1 percent as of early 2012.17 Similarly, millions of Saudis visit YouTube on a regular basis for alternative information on the country’s current affairs that differs from official media. The Internet Services Unit (ISU), a department of King Abdulaziz City for Science & Technology (KACST), is responsible for managing the internet infrastructure in Saudi Arabia and reports to the Vice President for Scientific Research Support. All retail ISPs, government organizations, and universities obtain access through the ISU. Established in 1998, the ISU initially acted as a regulatory body, but governance of the Saudi internet, including licensing issues, was relegated to the CITC in 2003.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Program Occasional Paper Series Summer 2012
    MIDDLE EAST PROGRAM OCCASIONAL PAPER SERIES SUMMER 2012 MIDDLE EAST PROGRAM SUMMER OCCASIONAL PAPER SERIES 2012 Saudi Arabia’s Race Against Time The Saudi offi- The overwhelming impression from a two- David B. Ottaway, cial from the week visit to the kingdom is that the House Senior Scholar, Ministry of of Saud finds itself in a tight race against time Woodrow Wilson International Interior’s “ideo- to head off a social explosion, made more Center for Scholars and former Bureau logical security” likely by the current Arab Awakening, that Chief, Washington Post, Cairo department was could undermine its legitimacy and stabil- relaxed and ity. Ironically, the threat stems partly from confident. The King Abdullah’s deliberate policy to stimulate government had uprooted scores of secret reform by sending a new generation of Saudis al-Qaeda cells, rounded up 5,700 of its fol- abroad for training in the sciences, technolo- lowers, and deafened Saudi society to its siren gy, and critical thinking—skills that his king- call to jihad to overthrow the ruling al-Saud dom’s own educational system, dominated by royal family. For the kingdom, the threat ultra-conservative Wahhabi religious clerics, from Islamic terrorists had become manage- has failed to provide. able. So, what is the main security concern Thousands of beneficiaries from the King of the Saudi government today? The answer Abdullah Foreign Scholarship Program, came as something of a surprise: the return of underway since 2005, have returned from U.S. 150,000 Saudis who have been sent abroad to colleges and universities to face bleak prospects study, nearly one half of whom are now in the for a job, house, or marriage.
    [Show full text]
  • Congressional Record—Senate S6183
    August 1, 2013 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD — SENATE S6183 where he received a commendation for thrown in jail for having the temerity A few weeks ago, hundreds of pro- outstanding service. to run against his country’s testers were detained by Russian Inte- Following his military service, Dr. strongman, President Lukashenko. rior Ministry personnel when pro- Poshard returned to Illinois and used Many of my colleagues here have testing Navalny’s dubious conviction— the G.I. bill to earn a bachelor’s degree helped with these efforts, including 11 a fate met by scores of nonviolent pro- in secondary education, a master’s de- other Senators who recently joined in a testers in recent years; gree in health education, and a Ph.D. letter to Uzbek President Karimov ask- As of March of this year, the Russian in higher education administration. He ing for the release of activist Akzam Federal Security Service accompanied received all three degrees from South- Turgunov and journalists Dilmurod by tax enforcement and other govern- ern Illinois University at Carbondale. Saidov and Salijon Abdurakhmanov. ment personnel has raided thousands of Appointed to the Illinois State Sen- Others have also championed the NGOs across Russia, seizing documents ate in 1984, Dr. Poshard held the seat cause of political freedom around the and interrogating staff—all in an or- until the people of the 22nd Congres- world, including Senators MCCAIN and chestrated intimidation campaign; sional District sent him to the U.S. CARDIN, who have been leaders in try- Opposition leader Boris Nemtsov has House of Representatives in 1989. Dur- ing to hold our Russian friends to a been arrested multiple times for peace- ing his 10 years in Congress, Dr.
    [Show full text]
  • NBIM V/ Carine Smith Ihenacho, Leder for Eierskapsavdelingen
    Faktanotat Til: NBIM v/ Carine Smith Ihenacho, leder for eierskapsavdelingen Fra: Amnesty International Dato: 27.11.2017 Ang investeringen til Statens pensjonsfond Utland i Saudi Telecom Company NBIM foretok den første investeringen på det saudiske markedet i 2. kvartal 2015. Blant de 34 saudiske selskapene fondet kjøpte aksjer i, er Saudi Telecom Company (STC). Investeringen i STC har gjort oljefondet til medeier i det største telekom-selskapet i Saudi-Arabia som er kontrollert av den saudiske staten. 1. Problemstilling Amnesty International vil med dette faktadokumentet redegjøre for den dokumentasjon vi har kunnet fremskaffe om STC, det statlige overvåkningsregimet i Saudi-Arabia samt rollen til STC og andre telekom- operatører på det saudiske markedet. Dokumentasjonen tilsier at det er en kobling mellom STC, direkte og indirekte gjennom selskapets majoritetseier, den saudiske staten, og overvåkning av saudiske mobil- og nettkunder som fører til straffeforfølgelse, inkludert bruk av dødsstraff, mot saudiske menneskerettighetsforkjempere. Norge har definert arbeid for menneskerettighetsforkjempere som en utenrikspolitisk topp-prioritet, og, i tillegg til de etiske retiningslinjene NBIM er pålagt å følge, har NBIM et eget forventningsdokument på menneskerettigheter som skal følges. Amnesty International mener oljefondet bør foreta en gjennomgang av hvorvidt fondets investering i STC er i samsvar med fondets etiske retningslinjer. Vi anbefaler videre at en tilsvarende gjennomgang gjøres for de øvrige investeringene i statskontrollerte saudiske selskaper. 2. Bakgrunn 2.1. Oljefondets investeringer i Saudi-Arabia Såvidt Amnesty International forstår, investerte Norges Bank Investment Management (NBIM) for første gang i selskaper på det saudiske markedet 2. kvartal 2015. I juni 2015 annonserte Saudi-Arabia at de ville åpne for at internasjonale investorer for første gang kunne investere i aksjemarkedet gjennom tildelte kvoter.
    [Show full text]
  • National Human Rights Institutions
    Mapping the Saudi State, Chapter 9: National Human Rights Institutions I. Introduction Throughout 2015, Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain (ADHRB) has identified the Saudi government ministries and agencies most consistently implicated in human rights violations. The abuses stemming from the Saudi system of criminal justice are particularly serious. Domestic law enforcement officials, under the oversight of the Ministry of Interior,1 engage in the arbitrary arrest, prolonged detention, and even torture of accused individuals. The Ministry of Justice, directing the nation’s non-independent judiciary, consistently fails to confront these violations and at times formalizes them through harsh sentencing practices.2 This criminal justice system enforces the country- wide repression of basic freedoms by further empowering religious police to administer gender segregation3 and imposing severe restrictions on domestic media.4 People within Saudi Arabia have repeatedly organized to publicize and remedy these violations. In recent years, however, these organizers have found themselves under interrogation, at court, and in prison. The founders of the Saudi Arabian Civil and Political Rights Association (ACPRA)5 and the Monitor of Human Rights in Saudi Arabia (MHRSA),6 two organizations that documented human rights abuses and called for major political reforms, are either on trial or serving prison terms of four years or more. The Union for Human Rights and the Adala Center for Human Rights have closed under government pressure.7 The government has even halted the activities of the Baladi Initiative, a civil society group that trained women to participate in politics at the local level.8 Yet these groups do not represent the sum total of human rights activism within the country.
    [Show full text]
  • Tom Lantos Human Rights Commission Defending Freedoms Project Prisoner List – 11/12/14
    Tom Lantos Human Rights Commission Defending Freedoms Project Prisoner List – 11/12/14 For more information or to adopt a prisoner’s case, please contact: Daniel Hall – [email protected] (Rep McGovern) Shellie Bressler – [email protected] (Rep Wolf) Kalinda Stephenson – [email protected] (USCIRF) Adotei Akwei – [email protected] (Amnesty International USA) AZERBAIJAN Zaur Gurbanli (m) is a blogger and youth political activist from Azerbaijan. A member of the board of the youth movement, N!DA, Gurbanli has been in detention since April 1, 2013, on fabricated charges of illegal possession of explosives. Six other N!DA activists were arrested under spurious charges on March 7, March 14 and March 30, in what seems to be authorities’ retaliation linked with anti- government protest on March 10. On September 12, 2013, Gurbanli and seven others who were arrested from March-May 2013 and charged with possession of drugs and explosives, and hooliganism, were additionally charged with planning to organize acts of public disorder and using Molotov cocktails at the March 10 protest against deaths in the army. NIDA and family members deny the validity of these charges, claiming that the police planted the weapons and drugs in order to have a legal pretext to put Gurbanli in jail. Despite no substantial evidence linking him to the charges, he was sentenced to eight years of imprisonment on May 6, 2014. Avaz Zeynalli (m) is the editor-in-chief and founder of the Xural newspaper. He was arrested on October 28, 2011 and accused of trying to extort money from an Azerbaijani MP, Gular Ahjmadova, who has since been charged with involvement in a corruption scam.
    [Show full text]
  • Anti-Blasphemy Offensives in the Digital Age: When Hardliners Take Over
    The Brookings Project on U.S. Relations with the Islamic World AnaLYSIS PAPER | No. 25, September 2016 Anti-blasphemy offensives in the digital age: When hardliners take over BY JOELLE FISS The Brookings Institution is a nonprofit organization devoted to independent research and policy solutions. Its mission is to conduct high-quality, independent research and, based on that research, to provide innovative, practical recommendations for policymakers and the public. The conclusions and recommendations of any Brookings publication are solely those of its author(s), and do not reflect the views of the Institution, its management, or its other scholars. Brookings recognizes that the value it provides to any supporter is in its absolute commitment to quality, independence and impact. Activities supported by its donors reflect this commitment and the analysis and recommendations are not determined by any donation. Copyright © 2016 Brookings Institution 1775 Massachusetts Avenue, NW Washington, D.C. 20036 U.S.A. www.brookings.edu Table of contents 1 Acknowledgments 3 The author 5 Introduction 9 Religious speech and technology: Individuals caught in the crossfire 17 Cross-border repercussions, diplomatic strains 24 Censorship and surveillance: What can be done to protect Internet users accused of blasphemy? 28 Recommendations 30 About the Project on U.S. Relations with the Islamic World 31 The Center for Middle East Policy 1 | Anti-blasphemy offensives in the digital age: When hardliners take over Acknowledgments would like to thank William McCants of the Brookings Institution for commissioning this paper. I gratefully acknowledge the assistance Iof Anne Peckham, as well as the helpful comments made by two anonymous reviewers.
    [Show full text]
  • Saudi Arabia
    FREEDOM ON THE NET 2014 Saudi Arabia 2013 2014 Population: 30.1 million Not Not Internet Freedom Status Internet Penetration 2013: 60 percent Free Free Social Media/ICT Apps Blocked: Yes Obstacles to Access (0-25) 14 15 Political/Social Content Blocked: Yes Limits on Content (0-35) 24 24 Bloggers/ICT Users Arrested: Yes Violations of User Rights (0-40) 32 33 TOTAL* (0-100) 70 72 Press Freedom 2014 Status: Not Free * 0=most free, 100=least free Key Developments: May 2013 – May 2014 • At least 35 news websites were blocked in December for failing to register with authorities, in the first signs that the government is enforcing e-publishing legislation passed in 2011 (see Limits on Content). • Similarly, the General Commission for Audiovisual Media announced in April that it will begin monitoring YouTube videos produced in the country for compliance with local laws (see Limits on Content). • A new anti-terrorism law criminalizes online expression that promotes atheism, insults the state’s reputation, harms public order, or threatens state security, among other things. Limits on arbitrary detention were also repealed, allowing security forces to detain individuals indefinitely and without charge (seeViolations of User Rights). • Prison sentences related to online activism and free expression have grown over the past year, with prominent human rights activists Mukhlif al-Shammari, Waleed Abu al-Khair, and Fadhel al-Manafes jailed for 5 to 15 years. Seven men from the Eastern province were sentenced to 5 to 10 years under the Anti-Cyber Crime Law for allegedly inciting protest and damaging public order through Facebook.
    [Show full text]
  • Saudi Arabia U.S
    SAUDI ARABIA U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom: 2013 Annual Report Bottom Line: Despite improvements in religious freedom, Saudi Arabia remains unique in the extent to which it restricts the public expression of any religion other than Islam. Not a single church or other non- Muslim house of worship exists in the country. The government privileges its own interpretation of Sunni Islam over all other interpretations. It also arrests and detains Shi’i Muslim dissidents and continues to imprison individuals for apostasy, blasphemy, and sorcery. The Saudi government made improvements in policies and practices related to freedom of religion or belief. However, the government continues to commit violations of freedom of religion or belief including banning most forms of public religious expression other than that of the government’s own interpretation of one school of Sunni Islam; prohibiting any public non-Muslim places of worship; and periodically interfering with the private religious practice of non-Muslim expatriate workers in the country. Because of the government’s systematic, ongoing, and egregious religious freedom violations, USCIRF again recommends in 2013 that Saudi Arabia be designated as a “country of particular concern” (CPC), under the 1998 International Religious Freedom Act (IRFA). Although the State Department has designated Saudi Arabia a CPC since 2004, an indefinite waiver on taking any action in consequence of the CPC designation has been in place since 2006. Background Saudi Arabia is a Muslim country with a sizeable population of expatriate workers of various faiths. Nevertheless, the Saudi government persists in restricting most forms of public religious expression inconsistent with Sunni Islam and especially with its narrow interpretation.
    [Show full text]
  • Saudi Arabia
    Saudi Arabia freedomhouse.org /report/freedom-press/2014/saudi-arabia Freedom of the Press The media environment in Saudi Arabia remained extremely restricted in 2013. Article 39 of the Basic Law of 1992 does not guarantee freedom of the press, and certain provisions of the law allow authorities to exercise broad powers to prevent any act that may lead to disunity or sedition. It also prohibits publishing materials that harm national security or that “detract from a man’s dignity.” The 2003 Press and Publications Act governs the establishment of media outlets and stipulates penalties for press violations, such as fines and imprisonment. Under Royal Decree 1700/Mim Ba, issued in March 2005, jurisdiction over the media was transferred from the court system to the Ministry of Culture and Information, which is authorized to shut down any media outlet that it finds to have violated the press law. In April 2011, as uprisings across the Middle East and North Africa gained momentum, the monarchy issued a decree banning the reporting of news that contradicts Sharia (Islamic law), undermines national security, promotes foreign interests, or slanders religious leaders. The decree also amended several articles of the 2003 press law, allowing authorities to impose lifetime professional bans on journalists and levy fines of up to $133,000 for violations of the law. Other amendments barred publication of anything harmful to the state or the coverage of trials without first obtaining permission from judicial authorities. An antiterrorism bill proposed in July 2011 included a minimum 10-year prison sentence for “questioning the integrity” of the king or crown prince, but had not yet been passed by the end of 2013.
    [Show full text]
  • Saudi Arabia 2012 International Religious Freedom Report
    SAUDI ARABIA 2012 INTERNATIONAL RELIGIOUS FREEDOM REPORT Executive Summary Freedom of religion is neither recognized nor protected under the law and the government severely restricted it in practice. According to the 1992 Basic Law, Sunni Islam is the official religion and the country’s constitution is the Quran and the Sunna (traditions and sayings of the Prophet Muhammad). The trend in the government’s respect for religious freedom did not change significantly during the year. The legal system is based on the government’s application of the Hanbali School of Sunni Islamic jurisprudence. The public practice of any religion other than Islam is prohibited, and there is no separation between state and religion. The government generally permitted Shia religious gatherings and non-Muslim private religious practices. Some Muslims who did not adhere to the government’s interpretation of Islam faced significant political, economic, legal, social, and religious discrimination, including limited employment and educational opportunities, underrepresentation in official institutions, restrictions on religious practice, and restrictions on places of worship and community centers. The government executed at least one individual sentenced on charges of “witchcraft and sorcery” during the year. There were fewer reported charges of harassment and abuse for religious reasons at the hands of the Committee for the Promotion of Virtue and Prevention of Vice (CPVPV) compared with the previous year, although online criticism of the organization increased. The government continued to revise school textbooks, removing some objectionable content. However, objectionable content remains, even in revised textbooks, including justification for the social exclusion and killing of Islamic minorities and “apostates;” claims that Jews, Christians, and Islamic minorities violate monotheism; and intolerant allusions to Shia and Sufi Muslims and other religious groups.
    [Show full text]
  • Waleed Abu Al-Khair
    LAWYERS FOR LAWYERS American Bar Association (ABA) Inaugural Human Rights Award 2015 Via e-mail: [email protected] Friday, December 11, 2015 Re: Nomination of Waleed Abu al-Khair for the Inaugural ABA Human Rights Award Nominee: Waleed Abu al-Khair Date of birth: 17 June 1979 Nationality: Saudi Arabian Address of usual residence: Saudi Arabia, Jeddah JOINT REFERENCE LETTER Dear Sir/Madam, In accordance with the request of the American Bar Association (ABA) for nominees for the Inaugural American Bar Association International Human Rights Award, the following international human rights organizations—Fédération internationale des ligues des droits de l'Homme (FIDH), Lawyers’ Rights Watch Canada (LRWC), Lawyers for Lawyers(L4L), the Law Society of England and Wales (LSEW) and the Union Internationale des Avocats (UIA)—recommend and nominate human rights lawyer Waleed Abu al-Khair of Saudi Arabia for the ABA Human Rights Award. Waleed Abu al-Khair is one of the best-known advocates for democratic and human rights reform in Saudi Arabia. He has used the written and spoken word coupled with his legal knowledge to fearlessly advocate for reforms to improve the lives of all in Saudi Arabia by calling on the Government of Saudi Arabia to allow its citizens to enjoy internationally protected rights to freedom of expression, association, assembly and the right to participate directly and indirectly in public affairs. He has done this work through writing and public speaking, by representing causes and clients unpopular with the Government of Saudi Arabia, by providing a safe space for peaceful discussion of issues of public concern and by providing people with an example of responsible advocacy for justice for all.
    [Show full text]
  • Negotiating Identity in the Kingdom a Conversation with Five Young Saudi Arabian Women About Identity Development and Expression
    5RT938 January/2014 Supervisor: Brian Palmer Department of Theology Negotiating Identity in the Kingdom A Conversation with Five Young Saudi Arabian Women about Identity Development and Expression Irina Bernebring Journiette ___________________________________________________________________________ MASTER THESIS FROM THE DEPARTMENT OF THEOLOGY Box 256, 751 05 Uppsala Abstract “One is not born, but rather becomes, a woman,” Simone de Beauvoir once famously said presenting the hypothesis that the idea of a woman, the female identity, is constructed as a reflection of its context. The purpose of this paper is to discover one aspect of this construction by exploring the identity development and expression of five young women, in the context of Saudi Arabia, to theorize about how they construct their ego identity and sense of self in the context in which they exist. Though in-depth conversations it is established how the women view themselves and their expression. This material is then reflected upon through the prism of defining identity and the identity status’ as explored by Eric Erikson and James Marcia as to create a further understanding of the women’s creation of self. The conclusion is that young women in Saudi Arabia construct their identity through negotiation. Faced with blurred lines of personal, religious and national identity, negotiation is unavoidable in the complex structure in which the women’s expression and development takes place. Key words: Saudi Arabia, Identity Development, Negotiating Expression, Women Abbreviations and glossary Abaya: Robe like garment worn by women to cover the whole body except the face, feet, and hands. In Saudi Arabia it is traditionally black. EIPQ: Ego Identity Process Questionnaire Hijab: A veil worn by women to cover the head and chest.
    [Show full text]