Diverging Local Economic Governance Under Japan's

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Diverging Local Economic Governance Under Japan's Beyond National Uniformity: Diverging Local Economic Governance Under Japan‘s Decentralization Reforms By Jung Hwan Lee A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science in the Graduate Division of the University of California, Berkeley Committee in charge: Professor Steven K Vogel, Chair Professor T.J. Pempel Professor Jonah D Levy Professor Stephen S Cohen Spring 2010 Beyond National Uniformity: Diverging Local Economic Governance Under Japan‘s Decentralization Reforms © 2010 by Jung Hwan Lee Abstract Beyond National Uniformity: Diverging Local Economic Governance Under Japan‘s Decentralization Reforms by Jung Hwan Lee Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science University of California, Berkeley Professor Steven K. Vogel, Chair Well known for its centralized local economic system under the national equity principle, Japan has experimented with transforming this regional redistribution system into a new local economic system of governance for more autonomous local economic growth over the past decade. This new local economic governance has been characterized by the increasing involvement of social actors, such as large private corporations and local communities, in policy processes. This dissertation reveals that new local economic growth strategies for the new local economic governance have operated under very different models in different regions of Japan, although all new local programs have been introduced under the banner of public-private partnership. New partnership programs in the local economic policy arena in the 2000s have moved toward the market model, in which local authorities pursue growth by attracting international business resources, in the major metropolitan areas around Tokyo, Osaka, and Nagoya, whereas they have moved toward the community model, in which local authorities purge growth by mobilizing local organizational resources, in the rest of Japan. The market model is embedded in market reform for deregulation that makes large private corporations‘ freer activities easy, whereas the community model is an attempt to strengthen the structure of endogenous networks among local authorities and local economic and social elites. This dissertation highlights two variables to explain regional variations of local economic growth strategies: dual local economic structures and diverging politico-economic coalitions. First, under the rule of Koizumi Junichiro, a coalition of promoting market reform among neoliberal politicians and large private corporations has won politically over a coalition for maintaining national equity among politicians embedded in traditional conservative center-local linkages, local business groups, and local leadership of underdeveloped areas, in national politics. The regional redistribution mechanism stopped functioning in this political choice. Instead, market reform and local community participation have been introduced as alternatives to regional redistribution mechanisms. Second, the major metropolitan areas and other underdeveloped areas, which 1 came to stand on equal conditions for autonomous local economic growth strategies under decentralization reforms, are characterized by different situations in attracting private investment. The competitive regions of the major metropolitan areas have taken the market model as their main local economic growth strategy because they are competitive to attract private investment. In contrast, the protected regions outside the major metropolitan areas have taken the community model as their key local economic growth strategy because they have less competitive local economic structure of fading industries and scare population for attracting private investment. Over the past decade, reforms for public-private partnership in the local economic policy arena resulted in the disturbance of the Japanese way of balancing market powers and local interests in the postwar period. In the postwar period, the centralized regional redistribution mechanism, led by national politicians and central bureaucracies, functioned as a tool for social integration with consideration for national equity. However, experiments with the new form of local economic governance were not successful in balancing market reform with local community mobilization. The mobilization of local community resources could not match the political role of the regional redistribution mechanism outside the major metropolitan areas. In addition, market reform, which has been more effective in the advanced major metropolitan areas, has produced increasing regional economic disparity. Japan has faced a complicated stand-off between large private corporations detached from specific localities and local communities locked in place, which were connected by national political coordination mechanisms in the postwar period. Although each of two diverging local economic growth strategies has been effective in different regions, there was no national political mechanism for mediating local variations of these localized programs in the 2000s. 2 Tables of Contents Part I Decentralization Reforms and the New Local Economic Governance ...... 1 Chapter 1 Introduction: From National Equity to Local Partnership .......................... 1 Chapter 2 Institutional Changes and the Introduction of Partnership Programs ....... 21 Chapter 3 The Dual Local Economic Structures and Political Alignment Untied .... 38 Part II Balancing Market Reform with Participation ........................................... 54 Chapter 4 The Megacity versus the Compact City in Local Land Development Policy ........................................................................................................ 54 Chapter 5 Exogenous Investment versus Endogenous Networks in Local Industrial Policy ........................................................................................................ 76 Chapter 6 Professionals versus Social Leaders in Pulbic Facility Management Reform ...................................................................................................... 98 Part III Continuity and Change in Japan‘s Decentralization Reforms ................ 117 Chapter 7 State, Market, Society Under Localized Partnership .............................. 117 Bibliography ................................................................................................................ 131 i List of Figures and Tables Figure 1-1: Divergent Growth Strategies in the Local Economic Policy Arena Figure 1-2: Four Idea Types of Local Governance and Two Local Growth Strategies Figure 1-3: From the Postwar Settlement to Divergent Local Growth Strategies Figure 3-1: New Industrial Cities and Special Industrial Renovation Districts Figure 4-1: National Trends of Private Land Development Projects Applications (November 2001) Figure 4-2: National Trends of City Rehabilitation Special Zone (2007) Figure 4-3: Municipals Designated in the Revised City Planning of Downtown Development Plan (by population, June 2009) Figure 4-4: Municipals Designated in the Revised City Planning of Downtown Development Plan (by regions, June 2009) Figure 5-1: National Trends of Plant Investment, 1985-2007 Figure 5-2: The Annual Growth Rate of Plant Investment (National and Kansai), 1999-2008 Figure 5-3: National Trends of Industrial Cluster Projects, the First Term, 2001-2005 Figure 6-1: Ownership and Management Types of PFI Projects (August 2008) Figure 6-2: Payment Types of PFI Projects (August 2008) Figure 6-3: Leading Companies of PFI Projects (2008) Figure 6-4: Administrator of PFI Projects (2008) Figure 6-5: National Trends of PFI Projects (2008) Figure 6-6: National Trends of the Authorized Manager System (Prefecture, 2009) Figure 7-1: Prefectural Income Gini Indices, 1996-2004 Figure 7-2: Diverging Trends of Prefectural Income per Person, 2002-2004 Table 6-1: Fields and Managers of the Authorized Manager System (2009) ii Acknowledgements I would like to express my gratitude to my committee members at the University of California, Berkeley. Professor Steven K. Vogel has been at the center of everything I have done at UC Berkeley. I cannot image how I could have finished this long journey without his help. His advice, suggestions, and support have always led me in the right direction, from the first-semester seminar to dissertation writing. He has also demonstrated what the ideal of a professional educator and researcher should be. I have also been lucky to be taught by Professor T.J. Pempel. He has always encouraged me to advance my research with generous advice. He intellectually inspired and psychologically revived me whenever I spoke with him. It was my great pleasure to have a chance to study Japanese politics with Professors Steven K. Vogel and T.J. Pempel. I would also like to thank Professor Jonah Levy for his critical advice on theorizing arguments. I greatly appreciate his scrupulous reading of my writings and splendid suggestion for the title. I also benefited from the advice of Professor Stephen Cohen. He offered much insight from the field of city and regional planning. In addition to my committee members, I have received help from several Berkeley faculty members. Professor Hong Yung Lee has always encouraged me to have a positive attitude in an unfamiliar environment. He also gave me the chance to compare my Japanese findings with the Korean case. I would also like to thank Professor Lowell Dittmer for his guidance in academic writing in my first year and Professor
Recommended publications
  • Japan Between the Wars
    JAPAN BETWEEN THE WARS The Meiji era was not followed by as neat and logical a periodi- zation. The Emperor Meiji (his era name was conflated with his person posthumously) symbolized the changes of his period so perfectly that at his death in July 1912 there was a clear sense that an era had come to an end. His successor, who was assigned the era name Taisho¯ (Great Righteousness), was never well, and demonstrated such embarrassing indications of mental illness that his son Hirohito succeeded him as regent in 1922 and re- mained in that office until his father’s death in 1926, when the era name was changed to Sho¯wa. The 1920s are often referred to as the “Taisho¯ period,” but the Taisho¯ emperor was in nominal charge only until 1922; he was unimportant in life and his death was irrelevant. Far better, then, to consider the quarter century between the Russo-Japanese War and the outbreak of the Manchurian Incident of 1931 as the next era of modern Japanese history. There is overlap at both ends, with Meiji and with the resur- gence of the military, but the years in question mark important developments in every aspect of Japanese life. They are also years of irony and paradox. Japan achieved success in joining the Great Powers and reached imperial status just as the territo- rial grabs that distinguished nineteenth-century imperialism came to an end, and its image changed with dramatic swiftness from that of newly founded empire to stubborn advocate of imperial privilege. Its military and naval might approached world standards just as those standards were about to change, and not long before the disaster of World War I produced revul- sion from armament and substituted enthusiasm for arms limi- tations.
    [Show full text]
  • America's Withdrawal from Siberia and Japan-US Relations
    The Japanese Journal of American Studies, No. 24 (2013) America’s Withdrawal from Siberia and Japan-US Relations Shusuke TAKAHARA* INTRODUCTION Japan-US relations after the Russo-Japanese War (1904–5) were gradually strained over the Open Door in Manchuria, the naval arms race in the Pacific, and Japanese immigration into the United States. After the Russo-Japanese War, Japan emerged as a regional power and proceeded to expand its interests in East Asia and the Pacific. The United States also emerged as an East Asian power in the late nineteenth century and turned its interest to having an Open Door in China and defending the Western Pacific. During World War I the relationship of the two countries deteriorated due to Japanese expansion into mainland China (Japan’s Twenty-One Demands on China in 1915). As the Lansing-Ishii agreement (1917) indicated, their joint war effort against Germany did little to diminish friction between Japan and the United States. After World War I, however, the Wilson administration began to shift its policy toward Copyright © 2013 Shusuke Takahara. All rights reserved. This work may be used, with this notice included, for noncommercial purposes. No copies of this work may be distributed, electronically or otherwise, in whole or in part, without permission from the author. *Associate Professor, Kyoto Sangyo University 87 88 SHUSUKE TAKAHARA Japan from maintaining the status-quo to warning against Japanese acts. Wilson hoped to curb Japanese expansion in East Asia and the Pacific without isolating it by cooperating in the establishment of a new Chinese consortium and a joint expedition to Siberia, as well as in founding the League of Nations.
    [Show full text]
  • The Interpreter
    Japan: grasping for hope in a new imperial era | The Interpreter https://www.lowyinstitute.org/the-interpreter/japan-grasping-hope-ne... Tets Kimura Japan has three New Year’s Days this year. 1 January, the calendar new year was the obvious beginning, then followed 1 April, the start of the financial and academic year that is famously symbolised by seasonal cherry blossoms – and now 1 May, the once-only celebration of the first day of what will be known as the Reiwa era of imperial reign. The transition from the current Heisei era to the next era of Reiwa will occur as the Reigning Emperor has decided to abdicate his position to the Crown Prince, even though this was not constitutionally permissible. No Emperor has stepped down from the position in Japan in the last 200 years, but it was the Emperor’s wish to do so as he found it difficult to be responsible in his role at his age. He is 85. Tuesday will be his last day as the Emperor, and under the “one generation, one title” rule, the era of Heisei will consequently end. According to the newspaper Yomiuri Shimbun, 58% of Japanese think Japan will move to a better direction in the new era of Reiwa, whereas 17% see a negative future. The current era of Heisei started on 8 January 1989, a day after the Showa Emperor passed away. When the dramatic Showa era (1926-1989) ended, a time in which Japan experienced wars, the Allied Occupation, and the rapid post- Second World War recovery, Japan decided to name the following imperial reign period Heisei.
    [Show full text]
  • Collecting Karamono Kodō 唐物古銅 in Meiji Japan: Archaistic Chinese Bronzes in the Chiossone Museum, Genoa, Italy
    Transcultural Perspectives 4/2020 - 1 Gonatella Failla "ollecting karamono kod( 唐物古銅 in Mei3i Japan: Archaistic Chinese 4ronzes in the Chiossone Museum, Genoa, Ital* Introduction public in the special e>hibition 7ood for the The Museum of Oriental Art, enoa, holds the Ancestors, 7lo#ers for the ods: Transformations of !apanese and Chinese art collections #hich Edoardo Archaistic 4ronzes in China and !apan01 The e>hibits Chiossone % enoa 1833-T()*( 1898) -athered during #ere organised in 5ve main cate-ories: archaistic his t#enty-three-year sta* in !apan, from !anuary copies and imitations of archaic ritual 2ronzes; 1875 until his death in April 1898. A distinguished 4uddhist ritual altar sets in archaistic styleC )aramono professor of design and engraving techniques, )od( hanaike, i.e0 Chinese @o#er 2ronzes collected in Chiossone #as hired 2* the Meiji -overnment to !apan; Chinese 2ronzes for the scholar’s studioC install modern machinery and esta2lish industrial !apan’s reinvention of Chinese archaismB 2ronze and production procedures at the Imperial Printing iron for chanoyu %tea ceremony), for 2unjincha %tea of 4ureau, T()*(, to instruct the youn- -eneration of the literati,, and for @o#er arrangement in the formal designers and engravers, and to produce securit* rik)a style0 printed products such as 2anknotes, state 2ond 4esides documenting the a-es-old, multifaceted certificates, monopoly and posta-e stamps. He #as interest of China in its o#n antiquit* and its unceasing #ell-)no#n also as a portraitist of contemporaneous revivals, the Chiossone 2ronze collection attests to historic 5-ures, most nota2ly Philipp-7ranz von the !apanese tradition of -athering Chinese 2ronzes 9ie2old %1796-1866, and Emperor Meiji %1852-1912, r.
    [Show full text]
  • Race Begins for Japan's Top Spot
    As of 12 p.m. ET DJIA 10132.62 À 1.08% FTSE 100 5151.32 g 0.23% Nikkei 225 9603.24 g 1.12% Shanghai Comp. 2571.42 À 0.12% Hang Seng 19471.80 g 0.13% Sensex 16741.84 À 1.02% S&P/ASX 200 4381.03 g 0.73% Hon Hai to increase wages Japan looks for a new for its workers in China by 30% leader and new ideas BUSINESS & FINANCE 17 EDITORIAL & OPINION 11, 13 KKDN PPS 648/11/2010 (028507)Malaysia: RM6.00, Pakistan: Rs140.00, Philippines: KKDN Peso80.00,Australia: PP A$6.00(Incl Singapore: 9315/10/2010 S$4.00(Incl GST), (025811) Brunei: GST), Sri B$5.00, Lanka: China: Slrs180(Incl RMB25.00, VAT), Hong Taiwan: Kong: NT$60.00, MICA HK$18.00, Thailand: (P) India: Baht50.00, NO. Rs25.00, 048/10/2009 Vietnam: Indonesia: US$2.50 Rp18,000(Incl PPN), Japan: Yen500 SK. MENPEN R.I. NO: 01/SK/MENPEN/SCJJ/1998 TGL. 4 SEPT 1998 VOL. XXXIV NO. 192 (India facsimile Vol. 1 No. 253) ** ASIA Thursday, June 3, 2010 asia.WSJ.com Race begins for Japan’s top spot Kan plans to run; In the wings | Potential Hatoyama successors U.S. plan to shift a big job will be Okinawa base to ease voter ire Naoto Kan, 63 stays contentious BY YUKA HAYASHI Finance Minister BY YUKA HAYASHI TOKYO—After Prime Min- Kan won fame in the 1990s TOKYO—The contentious ister Yukio Hatoyama’s sud- as health minister for issue of relocating U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • Political Outcomes of the Slips of the Tongue of Japanese Ministers
    『広島平和科学』24 (2002) pp. 197-221 ISSN0386-3565 Hiroshima Peace Science 24 (2002) Political Outcomes of the Slips of the Tongue of Japanese Ministers Noriyuki KAWANO International Radiation Information Center, Research Institute for Radiation Biology and Medicine, Hiroshima University Masatsugu MATSUO Institute for Peace Science, Hiroshima University SUMMARY “Slips of the tongue” of Japanese cabinet ministers have attracted the attention of scholars. But, focusing mainly on the backgrounds of these slips, the scholars have not paid sufficient attention to the outcomes. The present paper is an attempt at empirical identification of the political outcomes of such slips of the tongue. We distinguishs two levels of outcomes: the personal level and the government or party level. At the personal level, acknowledgment of individual responsibility is the most important of the outcomes. The ministers in question have to bear responsibility for their verbal missteps in one of three ways: resignation, apology or explanation. If they have to resign from the ministerial posts, they will never be appointed again to the post of a minister. Nevertheless, most of them will be successful in holding their seats in the Diet even - 197 - after the slips of the tongue. At the government or party level, there are three major outcomes, two or all of which frequently occur simultaneously. First, slips of the tongue may cause a split in the diplomatic relations of Japan with other countries. Secondly, they may threaten the stability of a coalition government. Thirdly, they may be used as a means of attack against the government or government party by the opposition parties.
    [Show full text]
  • Crime and Criminal Policy in Japan Analysis and Evaluation of the Showa Era, 1926–1988
    M. Shikita, S. Tsuchiya Crime and Criminal Policy in Japan Analysis and Evaluation of the Showa Era, 1926–1988 Series: Research in Criminology The Showa Era in Japan commenced in December 1926, when Emperor Showa ascended the Throne, and came to an end in January 1989, when His Majesty passed away, ushering in the new Heisei Era. The Showa Era was marked by drastic changes in the economy, society, and political and legal sys tems, which brought about an ebb and flow in criminality and precipitated various criminal policies. From an economical, political, and criminological perspective, the Showa Era stands out as a remarkable period in Japanese his tory. The Research and Training Institute of the Ministry of Justice, which has annually published the White Paper on Crime in Japan since 1960, received Cabinet approval to introduce a special topic section, "Criminal Policy in Sho wa" in the White Paper for 1989, which was published in October the same year. This White Paper is the first comprehensive publication that deals not only with the crime situation but also with the various activities of the criminal justice system, including the police, public 1992, XXXVIII, 415 p. prosecutors' offices, courts, correctional institutions, and probation and parole supervision organisations for 63 years. Printed book Hardcover ▶ 169,99 € | £149.99 | $219.99 ▶ *181,89 € (D) | 186,99 € (A) | CHF 200.50 eBook Available from your bookstore or ▶ springer.com/shop MyCopy Printed eBook for just ▶ € | $ 24.99 ▶ springer.com/mycopy Order online at springer.com ▶ or for the Americas call (toll free) 1-800-SPRINGER ▶ or email us at: [email protected].
    [Show full text]
  • 1 Reexaminating TERAUCHI Masatake's Character
    February 2019 Issue Reexaminating TERAUCHI Masatake's Character - As a “Statesman”- KANNO Naoki, Cheif, Military Archives, Center for Military History Introduction What comes to mind when you think of TERAUCHI Masatake (1852 - 1919)? For example, at the beginning of the Terauchi Cabinet (October 1616 - September 1918), it was ridiculed as being both anachronistic and a non-constitutional cabinet. Using NISHIHARA Kamezo, also known as Terauchi's private secretary, he provided funds of up to 110 million yen to the Duan Qirui government in northern China (the Nishihara Loans). The so-called Rice Riots broke out in his final year, and Siberian Intervention began. Terauchi was also called a protégé of YAMAGATA Aritomo, the leading authority on Army soldiers from former Choshu domain (Choshu-han). On the other hand, what about the succeeding Hara Cabinet (September 1918 - November 1921)? Exactly 100 years ago, HARA Takashi had already started the cabinet that consists of all political party members, except for the three Ministers of the Army, Navy, and Foreign Affairs. After the World War I, a full-on party politics was developed in Japan as global diplomatic trends drastically changed. Compared to Hara, Terauchi has not been evaluated. After Chinese-Japanese relations deteriorated following the Twenty-One Demands in 1915, the aforementioned Nishihara Loans, implemented for recovery, were over-extended to the only northern part of China, the Duan Qirui government only for a limited time. Then, ultimately, the Loans did not lead an improvement in relationships. Thus it can be said that, until recently, Terauchi's character has been almost entirely neglected by academia.
    [Show full text]
  • Nationalism in Japan's Contemporary Foreign Policy
    The London School of Economics and Political Science Nationalism in Japan’s Contemporary Foreign Policy: A Consideration of the Cases of China, North Korea, and India Maiko Kuroki A thesis submitted to the Department of International Relations of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London, February 2013 Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of <88,7630> words. Statement of use of third party for editorial help I can confirm that my thesis was copy edited for conventions of language, spelling and grammar by Josh Collins and Greg Demmons. 2 of 3 Abstract Under the Koizumi and Abe administrations, the deterioration of the Japan-China relationship and growing tension between Japan and North Korea were often interpreted as being caused by the rise of nationalism. This thesis aims to explore this question by looking at Japan’s foreign policy in the region and uncovering how political actors manipulated the concept of nationalism in foreign policy discourse.
    [Show full text]
  • Growing Democracy in Japan: the Parliamentary Cabinet System Since 1868
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by University of Kentucky University of Kentucky UKnowledge Asian Studies Race, Ethnicity, and Post-Colonial Studies 5-15-2014 Growing Democracy in Japan: The Parliamentary Cabinet System since 1868 Brian Woodall Georgia Institute of Technology Click here to let us know how access to this document benefits ou.y Thanks to the University of Kentucky Libraries and the University Press of Kentucky, this book is freely available to current faculty, students, and staff at the University of Kentucky. Find other University of Kentucky Books at uknowledge.uky.edu/upk. For more information, please contact UKnowledge at [email protected]. Recommended Citation Woodall, Brian, "Growing Democracy in Japan: The Parliamentary Cabinet System since 1868" (2014). Asian Studies. 4. https://uknowledge.uky.edu/upk_asian_studies/4 Growing Democracy in Japan Growing Democracy in Japan The Parliamentary Cabinet System since 1868 Brian Woodall Due to variations in the technical specifications of different electronic reading devices, some elements of this ebook may not appear as they do in the print edition. Readers are encouraged to experiment with user settings for optimum results. Copyright © 2014 by The University Press of Kentucky Scholarly publisher for the Commonwealth, serving Bellarmine University, Berea College, Centre College of Kentucky, Eastern Kentucky University, The Filson Historical Society, Georgetown College, Kentucky Historical Society, Kentucky State University, Morehead State University, Murray State University, Northern Kentucky University, Transylvania University, University of Kentucky, University of Louisville, and Western Kentucky University. All rights reserved. Editorial and Sales Offices: The University Press of Kentucky 663 South Limestone Street, Lexington, Kentucky 40508-4008 www.kentuckypress.com Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Woodall, Brian.
    [Show full text]
  • THERE IS SOMETHING YOU CAN DO Northern Japan Earthquake Relief Fund Relief • Recovery • Rebuild
    THERE IS SOMETHING YOU CAN DO Northern Japan Earthquake Relief Fund Relief • Recovery • Rebuild On March 11, 2011, the JCCCNC established the Northern Japan This grassroots relief effort is an action Earthquake Relief Fund to aid the victims and survivors of the campaign. Schools have hosted bake sales Great Eastern Japan Earthquake and Tsunami. Our relief fund is a and car washes, children have sold their community-based, volunteer, citizen-to-citizen effort to help turn toys, parents have hosted birthday parties hopelessness into hope. for their children asking guests to donate to the relief fund instead of buying presents. Many The Northern Japan Earthquake Relief Fund has become the largest of the contributions have come from ordinary people wanting to Japanese American community-based relief fund in the United States get involved and make a difference. Our hope is that one by one with close to 8,000 donors contributing close to $2,229,865.00 to we can all make a difference, helping us all to realize that we are date. Ordinary citizens, non-profit organizations, schools, businesses truly citizens of the world. and professional organizations are coordinating over 80 fundraising events and over 400 volunteers have supported various events and One dollar, one act of humanity at a time, we are making come to our office on a daily basis to help administer the fund. a difference in the lives of so many. MESSAGE FRO M THE EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR JAPAN RELIEF Discovering the True Meaning of a JCCCNC’s Northern Japan Earthquake Relief Events Community Center in the Midst of Tragedy San Francisco Giants On Friday, March 11, we were set to go out with our spring newsletter, with the cover On March 16, the San Francisco Giants announced their commitment th to support the people of Japan as they recover and rebuild by making story “Opening its Doors,” featuring this year’s 25 Anniversary of the JCCCNC.
    [Show full text]
  • Download the Publication
    A TIME FOR CHANGE? JAPAN’S “PEACE” CONSTITUTION AT 65 Edited by Bryce Wakefield Available from : Asia Program Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars One Woodrow Wilson Plaza 1300 Pennsylvania Avenue NW Washington, DC 20004-3027 www.wilsoncenter.org Photo: A supporter of Article 9 protests outside the National Diet of Japan. The sign reads: “Don’t change Article 9!” © 2006 Bryce Wakefield ISBN: 978-1-938027-98-7 ©2012 Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, Washington, D.C. www.wilsoncenter.org The Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars is the national, living memorial honoring President Woodrow Wilson. In provid- ing an essential link between the worlds of ideas and public policy, the Center addresses current and emerging challenges confronting the United States and the world. The Center promotes policy-relevant research and dialogue to in- crease understanding and enhance the capabilities and knowledge of leaders, citizens, and institutions worldwide. Created by an Act of Congress in 1968, the Center is a nonpartisan institution headquartered in Washington, D.C., and sup- ported by both public and private funds. Jane Harman, President, CEO and Director Board of Trustees: Joseph B. Gildenhorn, Chair; Sander R. Gerber, Vice Chair Public Members: Hon. James H. Billington, Librarian of Congress; Hillary R. Clinton, Secretary, U.S. Department of State; G. Wayne Clough, Secretary, Smithsonian Institution; Arne Duncan, Secretary, U.S. Department of Education; David Ferriero, Archivist of the United States; James Leach, Chairman, National Endowment for the Humanities; Kathleen Sebelius, Secretary, U.S. Department of Health and Human Services Private Citizen Members:Timothy Broas, John Casteen, Charles Cobb, Jr., Thelma Duggin, Carlos M.
    [Show full text]