Frederick Douglass, Winona, and Civil Rights in Minnesota After the Civil War

The Perils of Peace Frederick Douglass, Winona, and Civil Rights in Minnesota after the Civil War

Wayne Gannaway

of reconstruction and the shortly before been refused lodging salvation of the Union.”1 at a local hotel. While this caused Achieving Douglass’s a stir among Winona’s enlightened vision (shared by the Radical citizens, Douglass was neither sur- faction of the Republican Party) prised nor intimidated. Throughout was in no way certain. Already his years on the lecturing circuit in Northern unity was wavering while Northern cities, his sponsors often a Southern political and paramilitary struggled to find accommodations for insurgency was coalescing. In the lec- him and could do little when railroad ture he delivered on March 16, 1867, conductors or coachmen refused him in Winona, entitled “The Sources of a seat with the rest of the passengers. n 1867, Frederick Douglass left Danger to the Republic,” Douglass The legacy of slavery and bigotry lin- his home in Rochester, New warned his audience that the federal gered even in the North, as Douglass York, to begin a lecture tour of government’s institutions were frag- wrote in his autobiography: “It was in western states, which would ile and the fate of African American the air, and men breathed it and were Iinclude two Minnesota stops: Winona suffrage was bound up with preserv- permeated by it often when they were and St. Paul. With the 1845 publica- ing the costly gains won by the North. quite unconscious of its presence.”3 tion of his first book, Narrative of the In fewer than 20 years, the dangers Still, Minnesotans had fought Life of Frederick Douglass, an American Douglass foresaw would, in fact, for the Union and had advanced the Slave, Douglass had become perhaps consign African Americans in both politics of emancipation. Dozens the most powerful spokesperson for the North and South to almost a of Winona men had volunteered to the destruction of the institution that century of racial bigotry throughout serve in what became Company K of had enslaved him for the first 20 years white society—as Douglass put it, an the First Minnesota Regiment. They of his life. The assassination of Presi- insidious “feeling of color madness” were among the Minnesotans who dent Lincoln and the lingering moral and an “atmosphere of color hate.”2 fought at Gettysburg in 1863, engag- ambiguity about the purpose of the On that Saturday evening, ing in a costly but decisive attack Civil War cast shadows over the glory Douglass stood before a supportive on Confederate forces at Plum Run. and achievement of emancipation audience numbering more than After the war, Winonans celebrated, and the defeat of the Confederacy. a thousand. It was his first visit to healed, and busied themselves in With the Thirteenth Amendment to Minnesota. The Winona Daily Repub- commerce. With its burgeoning the US Constitution removing the lican reported: “Philharmonic Hall, lumber interests, rich farmland, envi- chains of bondage from his brothers the most spacious assembly room able wheat trade, and a busy port, and sisters in the South, Douglass in the city, was fairly crammed with the city on the Mississippi River 113 advocated for yet-to-be-obtained full people, many of whom came from miles south of the Twin Cities exem- citizenship and suffrage for freedmen distant points in the county and from plified the new state’s optimism and as the only safeguards to ensure their neighboring towns.” As adoring as newly gained freedom and “the safety his audience was, Douglass had only above: Frederick Douglass, 1868.

74 MINNESOTA HISTORY prosperity. At the close of 1866, the demanding that Southern states be Winona Daily Republican pointed to compelled to grant African American “a steady and healthy rate of prog- male suffrage. Norton exclaimed to ress in population. There is but one the 1868 Winona County Democratic other prominent town in the state— convention: “When I consider the Minneapolis—whose growth at all monstrous course of the Republican compares.” The editors noted that Party for these three years past, I am since the first rail shipment of wheat overwhelmed with astonishment from western Minnesota in 1859, “the and I renounce it.” Other convention trade has steadily grown, year by year, speakers attacked Republicans for until it has now assumed mammoth expanding federal power and spend- proportions, fully entitling Winona to ing to enforce civil rights and fund rank among the leading grain export- the Freedmen’s Bureau, established ing cities of the world.”4 by Congress in 1865 to assist freed slaves, echoing the positions of the Daniel Sheldon Norton, Republican US national Democratic party.5 senator from Winona, backed away from the Black role in public life debated Democrats had enjoyed a leg up Radical Republican Reconstruction plan. ike Americans in other Northern in Minnesota’s territorial politics, L communities, Winonans with practically no competition until that it was “the first paper in the State debated Reconstruction and the role the Republican Party coalesced in to advocate impartial suffrage.”6 of African Americans in public life. In 1855 with an antislavery platform. Black Minnesotans made their politics and the press (in particular, Statehood in 1858 pitted Democrats opinion on suffrage known in 1865 the Winona Daily Republican), Radical against the newly formed Repub- when the members of the Golden Key Republicans, who advocated for equal licans; the two parties wrestled to Club, a literary association for African treatment and enfranchisement of control natural resources and draw American men in St. Paul, delivered the freed slaves, dominated the dis- state boundaries. After the war, black a petition to the legislature demand- course. Minnesotans were divided, suffrage was another key dividing ing voting rights. In making their however, on how to bring the South- point. In Minnesota, where African case, club members cited the taxes ern states back into the fold and how Americans comprised less than 1 per- they paid, their belief in “American much freedom should be conferred cent of the population, this was more civilization . . . Industry, Intelligence, to emancipated slaves or any African a matter of abstract principle. (The Sobriety and Religion,” and their Americans. Indeed, Winona’s own 1870 census counted just 50 African service in and “hallowed memories” Daniel S. Norton, a moderate Repub- Americans among the 22,319 persons of the Civil War: “It is our boast that lican and US senator, condemned living in Winona County.) Heralding no colored man has yet proved trai- Reconstruction under a Radical Winona as a leading edge of suffrage, tor to our beloved country.” A white Republican congress, which was the Winona Daily Republican boasted Winona County politician, Charles Griswold, joined in their cause. In Second Street, Winona, 1870. 1865, Griswold—Civil War veteran, clergyman, and Minnesota house legislator from St. Charles—introduced a bill to strike “white” from the suffrage provision of the state constitution. He believed that the timing was right for voters to approve a constitutional amendment, arguing to house members: “Seven years full of stirring events ha[ve] passed since [the constitutional convention]. The result of the war has been an entire revolution in public opinion. . . . The fortunate moment has arrived.”7

SUMMER 2018 75 While Griswold’s general premise—that the Civil War had created a sense of unity among Northerners and disposed of Amer- ica’s slave society—was correct, his confidence in a newly enlightened white citizenry proved overly optimistic. Minnesota Democrats and their press held nothing back in attacking pro-suffrage Republicans and black Minnesota civil rights groups. The Chatfield Democrat regularly published grotesque taunts of black Minnesotans and Republicans and beseeched readers to “Stand firm for your sacred rights—for the dignity and good name of your state. Stand firm for white man’s government.” When a committee of black Minne- sotans presented Griswold with a statement of support and gift of an “elegant gold-headed cane” in appre- ciation for his legislative leadership, the Chatfield Democrat sarcastically noted the cane was “black ebony (appropriate that),” derided the Win- ona County legislator as “Brudder Griswold,” and cast his speech in a caricatured dialect. The suffrage measure fell short when put before the voters in November 1865.8 Minnesota was not alone among Northern states that voted to deny suffrage to African Americans at this time; voters in Wisconsin, Ohio, and Connecticut also rejected extending full citizenship, while other states would not even put it on the ballot. Thomas Nast’s 1868 cartoon, “This is a white man’s government,” illustrates the Democratic Meanwhile, in 1866 Radical Republi- Party alliance to block black suffrage: Irish American immigrants, Confederate sympathizers of cans took full advantage of decisive the “Lost Cause,” and wealthy “Fifth Avenue” vote buyers. election gains in the US Congress by passing both the Civil Rights Act, son and his lenient Reconstruction As the political skirmishes which conferred citizenship to all plan in November 1866 gave Douglass between Radical Republicans, Demo- persons born in the United States, hope and a reason to push for suffrage crats, and a Southern-sympathizing and the Reconstruction Act, which for African American men. Holding Johnson continued, Douglass mobi- established military rule in the South Republicans’ feet to the fire, he wrote lized his energies for what he viewed and stipulated the steps by which for- in an article for The Atlantic: “The as key to advancing African American mer Confederate states could re-enter South must be opened to the light of rights: suffrage. To make that happen, the Union, then overrode President law and liberty, and this session of Douglass could not let Johnson and Andrew Johnson’s vetoes of both Congress is relied upon to accomplish other Unionists turn away from the measures. This repudiation of John- this important work.”9 evils that precipitated the war. He

76 MINNESOTA HISTORY Minnesotans were divided on how much freedom should be conferred to emancipated slaves or any African Americans. began his work in 1867 by warning in ered “uncivilized” Indigenous people another Atlantic article, “The young to be largely incompatible with citi- men of the South burn with the desire zenship. While Dakota men seeking to regain what they call the lost cause. citizenship had to abandon their cul- In fact, all the elements of treason and ture and speak English, immigrants rebellion are there under the thinnest (i.e., white aliens) did not. Women’s Future Minnesota supreme court justice disguise which necessity can impose.” suffrage was another wedge used William Mitchell (shown here in 1870), The South, in its quest to “have the to political advantage. Democrats was one of the Douglass lecture organizers. negro left under its political control,” looked for any opportunity to conflate stood ready to game the Constitution. women’s suffrage with that for black Theodore Tilton (a New York poet Indeed, the antebellum South “early men, thereby hoping to derail the and newspaper editor), prominent mastered the constitution, became efforts.11 abolitionist Wendell Phillips, and superior to the Union, and enthroned Douglass knew his conservative “Petroleum V. Nasby,” a shameless itself above the law.”10 adversaries sought to use the right Confederate sympathizer, portrayed If race polarized Democrats and to vote to divide excluded groups, by satirist David Ross Locke.12 Republicans in Minnesota and the particularly between women and Why was Winona a stop on the nation, citizenship was the tool black men. He advocated a capa- circuit of such well-known writers party partisans used to gain political cious view of American citizenry and speakers? As a gateway to Min- advantage. The Civil War had rup- and suffrage, as outlined in his 1869 nesota, one of the largest cities in the tured antebellum norms regarding “Composite Nation” speech. As he state, and location of the first teach- citizenship and the right to vote. arrived in Winona, Douglass was er’s college west of the Mississippi Property-owning white men had focused on voting rights for black River, in Winona a lecturer from the enjoyed exclusive suffrage. After the men and had reason to believe that Northeast could expect a sizable, war, those who had joined the Con- his lecture would be well attended by engaged audience. For this reason, federate cause lost their citizenship, a generally supportive audience. The Winona’s Young Men’s Library Asso- at least temporarily, while freedmen Young Men’s Library Association of ciation, possibly the only chapter in moved closer to it with the passage Winona sponsored his visit as part of Minnesota at the time, was able to of the Thirteenth and Fourteenth its 1867 lecture series. Other speakers draw the marquee writers, many of Amendments. Both parties consid- included Ralph Waldo Emerson, whom lectured at library associations in the East. Douglass traveled the same lecture circuit as these men and admired them for standing with him as he faced bigotry in the North. The Winona Daily Republican reported that Tilton, who spoke in Winona one Season ticket for month before Douglass, had been the 1867 lecture scathing in his criticism of President series that included Johnson’s lenient treatment of the Douglass, sponsored by the Young Men’s South, suggesting that the entire Library Association nation would express great relief with of Winona. his impeachment.13

SUMMER 2018 77 Lecture organizers, which included future Minnesota supreme Incidents of discrimination court judge William Mitchell, expected a heavy turnout for the were so common as Douglass Douglass lecture. The audience likely included those less interested in Afri- traveled from town to town that can American suffrage than intrigued by Douglass’s notoriety and physical he regarded them as a genre. presence. Over six feet tall, he would have appeared even more impressive on the stage. Years later, one Win- spirit, I shall criticize our government While Johnson was a Unionist onan remembered Douglass as having tonight.”15 and had no love for the antebellum “a massive frame and brain with a mat Douglass praised the Founding planter class, the native Tennessean of hair like a lion’s mane, a deep bass Fathers for devising the US Con- and former slaveholder had no inter- voice like a lion’s growl or the low stitution: “In the eye of that great est in African American citizenship, rumble of distant thunder.” Another instrument, the Constitution, we are much less suffrage. On inauguration observer noted, “He spoke calmly and neither Jew nor Greek, Barbarian day for Lincoln’s second term, Lincoln deliberately at first; but as he went nor Cythian, black nor white, but pointed out Douglass to Johnson and . . . his voice grew louder, clearer and fellow citizens of a common coun- the two men acknowledged each deeper.” John W. Blassingame, edi- try, embracing all men of all colors.” other from a distance. From that tor of The Frederick Douglass Papers, Nevertheless, he believed the war memorable encounter, Douglass observed: “Douglass was a master of represented a failure of both the discerned Johnson’s character and this introductory technique and used Constitution and the political insti- where his sympathies lay. Douglass it effectively to establish rapport with tutions born of it. In describing the recalled: “[Johnson’s] first glance was his audiences.” As he continued, he political crisis, he had one person in the frown of the man; the second was impressed audiences with his “ris- mind: President Andrew Johnson. the bland and sickly smile of the dem- ing crescendo . . . matched by [his] For Douglass, Johnson’s ascension to agogue.” To a companion standing by increasing gestures, changes in facial the presidency after the assassination him, Douglass observed, “Whatever expression, and movements about the of Abraham Lincoln epitomized the Andrew Johnson may be, he certainly platform.”14 weaknesses of the Constitution, the is no friend of our race.”17 compromises rife in Washington, DC, Douglass’s reading of Johnson and the vulnerability of Reconstruc- proved prescient and became widely Winona turns out for Douglass tion; the vice presidency, he said, shared and affirmed by an over- peaking to the packed Winona was “a useless piece of governmental whelmingly Republican congress. Shall, Douglass began by dis- furniture—a mere inducement to After overriding Johnson’s vetoes pelling any notion that the Civil War assassination.”16 of robust Reconstruction measures or the Union victory affirmed the strength of the US Constitution. “I know of fewer misfortunes that can happen to a nation greater than an over confidence in the perfection of its government,” Douglass warned. He declared that he no longer spoke to the American people as “the advocate merely of an enslaved race, but in Advertisement from the high and commanding character the Winona Daily of an American citizen, having the Republican promoting the 1867 lecture by interest that every true citizen should Frederick Douglass have in the welfare, the stability, sponsored by the the permanence and the prosperity Young Men's Library of our free institutions, and in this Association.

78 MINNESOTA HISTORY common as Douglass traveled from town to town that he regarded them as a genre.” Douglass never hesitated to call out bigotry, whether to offenders as they sought to treat him differently than his fellow passengers or diners, or during a lecture, where he would use “sarcasm, invective, and ridicule.” He subverted insults with humor: “‘How do you feel,’ said a friend to me, ‘when you are hooted and jeered on the street on account of your color?’ ‘I feel as if an ass had kicked, but had hit nobody,’ was my answer.”20 In Winona, Douglass’s sponsors secured alternative, and no doubt superior, accommodations in the The Republican Building, on the southwest corner of Third and Center streets, home of the home of W. S. Drew, a prominent Winona Daily Republican, 1875. local lawyer and businessman (and ironically, a Democrat), who would intended to provide federal aid and licly cast upon him in coming here,” later serve a single term as a state protection to freedmen and -women, referencing the hotelier who refused senator. Joining Douglass and the Republicans attempted to impeach to serve him. The Winona Daily Repub- Drew family for dinner at the Drew him in 1868, falling just one vote lican speculated that if the offender house were an impressive list of local short of convicting and removing him “was present and heard Mr. Douglass’s and state notables, including Thomas from office. The Winona Daily Repub- scathing rebuke, [he] will feel his long Wilson, chief justice of the Minnesota lican was lukewarm on impeachment, ears tingle in consequence down to supreme court; district court judge noting that Johnson’s “usurpations the latest moment of his existence.” William Mitchell; the mayor of Win- and defiance of the will of the people As noted above, such episodes were ona, Royal D. Cone; publisher of the can last but a little over a year.”18 hardly new to Douglass. Douglass Winona Daily Republican, D. Sinclair; Douglass’s Winona speech was papers editor Blassingame notes that and the Reverend Dr. William McKin- about more than political skirmishes. “Incidents of discrimination were so ley, who later wrote about Douglass’s “The growing antagonisms” between Radical Republicans and Johnson, as serious as they were, paled in compar- ison to the retribution being visited upon loyal Americans in the South, namely, African Americans, Douglass said. “Loyal men by the score, by the hundred, have been deliberately and outrageously, and in open daylight, slaughtered by the known enemy of this country and thus far the mur- derers are at large; unquestioned by the law, unpunished by justice, unre- buked even by the public opinion of the localities where the crimes were committed.”19 In the midst of his lecture, Doug- lass paused “to rebuke a mean and cowardly insult which had been pub- Winona's Huff's Hotel denied Douglass accommodations.

SUMMER 2018 79 voted against it, while only a small Newly enfranchised blacks fraction of the Republicans did.” The Winona Daily Republican also took an throughout the state planned optimistic view, insisting the loss at the county level “is but temporary, and to attend a mass meeting at which, by the grace of God and the energy of the Republican party, will be St. Paul. fully restored within one short year.”23

Minnesota extends the franchise visit in the Winona Daily Republican. Hall responded to him favorably: The Winona Democrat gleefully noted “Such were the views of the lecturer. f an energetic and massive con- the hotel’s rejection of Douglass and They were presented with force, Ivention rally could be seen as an mocked the Young Men’s Library and in most instances commended indicator of success at the polls, then Association’s efforts to accommodate themselves to the approval of the Winona Republicans had reason to “the African gentleman of Ameri- audience.” As Douglass continued his be cheered. The Minneapolis Daily can descent.” The editor sneeringly lecture tour, Minnesota Republicans Tribune reported that 4,000 attended reported that Douglass’s sponsors once again put impartial suffrage “The Great Republican Meeting at finally “found quarters for the ‘sweet on the ballot for the November 1867 Winona” on September 16, 1868. scented cuss’ in a house which will elections; once again the measure “Cheer after cheer greeted every result in a decided saving of perfume failed. In Winona County voters speaker,” including Senator Alexan- for some time to come.”21 opposing suffrage (1,953) outnum- der Ramsey, Congressman Ignatius For Douglass, the challenges and bered those in favor (1,119). Suffrage Donnelly, and the governors of Min- threats he spoke of that evening were advocates took heart in the fact that nesota, William R. Marshall, and far greater than any scorn or insult the statewide margin between those Wisconsin, Lucius Fairchild, among that the Winona Democrat could inflict for and those against the measure other politicians and civic leaders. upon him. As historian David Blight was narrower, less than 2 percent, As election day 1868 approached, the notes, Douglass was aware that “win- than the year before. In a speaking Winona Daily Republican exhorted ning the peace would be a matter of engagement with women’s suffrage readers: “Show your regard for the power, but it would also be a struggle activists, who were critical of Repub- glorious principles of the freedom over moral will and historical con- licans’ stance against their cause, enunciated in the Declaration of sciousness.” He realized that how the Douglass defended his close alliance American Independence by voting public remembered the war was crit- with Republicans, pointing out that tomorrow for Impartial Suffrage in ical to consummating full citizenship “Minnesota lacked only 1,200 votes to Minnesota.” The Winona Democrat, and human dignity for African Amer- carry negro suffrage. All Democrats meanwhile, derided voting rights for icans. The Winona Daily Republican noted Douglass’s frequent reference Philharmonic Hall, site of Douglass’s Winona lecture. to patriotic motifs, depicting the Civil War as the prelude to a final struggle, fusing this theme to the civil rights he pleaded for on behalf of African Americans: “Happy will it be for us— happy for the land—happy will it be for coming generations—if we shall now complete, from choice, the work which we began under the pressure of a stern military necessity.”22 Despite Douglass’s candor in criticizing the government and singling out a Winona hotelier for bigotry, his audience at Philharmonic

80 MINNESOTA HISTORY black men and declared the national Democrats “the white man’s ticket and poor man’s friend.”24 This time, voters passed the measure to strike “white” from the suffrage provision in Minnesota’s constitution, joining Iowa as the only Northern state to extend the franchise to African American men. The Win- ona Daily Republican quickly poked its adversaries, noting that, while the Winona Democrat conceded the measure had prevailed, “It consoles itself, however, with the reflection that the whole thing was a ‘Radical fraud,’ and that the people of the State did not know what they were voting for.” Nevertheless, Winona Republicans had to keep their crowing in check given that the measure’s margin of victory in the county was only 61 votes out of 4,317 cast; at the state level the margin was more than 9,000 votes. In all likelihood, Republicans could thank the presence on the ballot of popular war hero and presidential candidate Ulysses S. Grant for spurring turnout.25 Republicans and black Minneso- tans had real reasons to celebrate. African American men had the vote, and with Grant’s election, both groups had an advocate in the White Some 300 delegates attended the "Jubilee of Emancipation and House. In his autobiography, Doug- Enfranchisement" meeting in St. Paul, January 1, 1869. lass recalled that the state-by-state struggle for suffrage became nation- Shortly after the 1868 election, present, all neatly dressed, and show alized and “a part of the policy of the African Americans in St. Paul an aggregate of intelligent faces Republican party, and President U. S. formed a committee “to celebrate equal, from all accounts, to what Grant, promptly recommended the the victory and show gratitude to the would be presented by any miscella- great amendment to the Constitu- politicians who had championed the neous congregation of white people.” tion by which colored men are today cause.” Newly enfranchised blacks The African American participants of invested with complete citizenship— throughout the state, including rep- the gathering elected officers of the the right to vote and to be voted for resentatives from Winona, planned convention, including Winona barber in the American Republic.” But that to attend a mass meeting at St. Paul and entrepreneur A. Miles as one of reality, ratification of the Fifteenth to be held on the first of January, the vice presidents. Between 1866 and Amendment (which stated that the Douglass’s likeness, as well as those 1870 Miles posted dozens of adver- right to vote could not be denied by of other abolitionists, festooned the tisements for services and his special race or skin color), was still two years hall. Calling it a “Jubilee of Emanci- hair tonic in the Winona Daily Republi- away; meanwhile, black and white pation and Enfranchisement,” the can. One even poked fun at the fallen Republicans in Minnesota savored the Minneapolis Daily Tribune reported: slave-owning class in an ad headlined crucial victory on the state level.26 “About 300 colored people were “Will Jefferson Davis Live?”27

SUMMER 2018 81 White politicians and supporters offered advice and congratulations. Charles Griswold, the Winona County state representative who had initiated impartial suffrage in the legislature four years prior, proclaimed that the victory acknowledged black Minne- sotans as “men among men” who had a “bright future with the promise of better things.” Robert Banks, an Afri- can American barber from St. Paul, offered advice to young black men: “Be sober; be industrious; accumu- late property. Keep your children at school.” Other speakers made clear that black men in Minnesota would now be more closely watched. Jacob Stewart, the mayor of St. Paul, a Democratic-dominated city, foresaw a skewed bargain: “There would be whites who ‘shut [blacks] out’ from schools, but would raise a ‘hue and cry’ if a black voter could not read his ballot; whites would provide little in the way of ‘openings and opportunities for work’ but would be quick to insist on the ‘sin of colored idleness.’”28 Douglass would likely have agreed with Stewart’s cautious sentiments. David Blight sums up the dilemma: “So conditioned were whites to see blacks as inferior, said Douglass, that ‘in his [the Negro’s] downward course he meets with no resistance, but his course upward is resented at every step of his progress.’” As disastrous US Supreme Court rulings eroded equal Winona Decoration Day program, 1872, conveys the formality of the ceremony. protection laws for African Americans and as the Republican Party retreated the moral lessons of the war. He was the enslaved and creating a more just from Reconstruction and civil rights fully aware that a segment of Amer- society. He told his Winona audience: policies with the Compromise of 1877 ica, primarily Democrats, loathed “It is sad to think [. . .] that half the that installed Rutherford B. Hayes as attempts “to go into their closet and glory, half the honor, due to the great president, Douglass saw hard-won drag out ghastly skeletons.” They act of emancipation was lost in the gains slipping away.29 preferred reconciliation. Douglass tardiness of its performance. It has wondered, “If the war among the now gone irrevocably into history, whites brought peace and liberty to not as an act of sacred choice by a Resisting moral lessons of the war? the blacks, what will peace among the great nation, of the right as against ouglass laced his 1867 talk in whites bring?” Douglass argued that the wrong, of truth against falsehood, DWinona with vivid references the Civil War was not just about sav- of liberty as against slavery, but as a to the Civil War because he was con- ing the Union but also about saving military necessity!” Douglass realized vinced that the nation was resisting the soul of America by emancipating that if Americans viewed the war and

82 MINNESOTA HISTORY Douglass argued that the Civil War was not just about saving the Union but also about saving the soul of America.

zens,” and African American troops, The Winona Daily Republican noting, “Graves will be decorated continued to report on the nation’s today containing the precious dust of ambivalence with Reconstruction and those belonging to a once despised civil rights. In 1881 the newspaper Douglass’s last appearance in Minnesota and enslaved race, but now rising and reprinted a review by the Philadel- was probably in 1892. free. . . . The colored man has won his phian of “Fool’s Errand,” a political freedom and conquered his right to play depicting Ku Klux Klan violence emancipation as an expedient mea- the proudest position of American and intimidation against black sure to save the Union, they would see citizenship.” While Fallows insisted Southerners. In addition to noting full citizenship and equality for Afri- that the South must encourage and the casting of a Winona native in the can Americans as secondary.30 protect the liberty of freedmen and performance, the Daily Republican For its part, the Winona Daily -women, he also spoke of a magna- highlighted the conservative Phil- Republican called out Northern (typ- nimity among all parties at the end adelphian’s “caution and coolness.” ically Democratic) voices seeking to of the war. “We come in no sectional Reflecting the mood of the time, the bury the meaning of the Civil War. In spirit to honor our own patriotic dead. reviewer claimed the issues the play 1870, as Decoration Day (now Memo- The spirit animates us, I think, which dealt with were no longer relevant; rial Day) approached, the editors took animated the soldiers and the nation Reconstruction was a story about “an issue with the Cincinnati Enquirer’s when the war was ended; the spirit of ephemeral phase of political excite- solicitation of funds to erect a statue forgiveness and love. And this is not a ment that has passed away, and that in Lexington, Virginia, of Confederate spirit of weakness or injustice.”32 nobody cares to recall.” But white general Stonewall Jackson—whom Despite the good intentions of supremacist terrorism was not reced- the Enquirer called “a good man and Fallows and others, Douglass recog- ing as the reviewer implied; it was heroic antagonist.” The Winona nized the dangers of magnanimity being codified into law.34 newspaper retorted: “We have yet to expressed by white political and reli- At what was probably his last hear of a federal soldier who would gious leaders. In an 1878 Memorial appearance in Minnesota, Doug- find any great enjoyment in contrib- Day speech delivered to a New York lass attended the 1892 Republican uting to a memorial monument to City chapter of the Grand Army of National Convention in Minneapo- ‘Stonewall Jackson.’”31 the Republic, Douglass once again lis. By this time, African Americans A month later, a large procession reminded Republicans that gains for could see that the war to end slavery of Winona veterans, politicians, and freedom and civil rights won on the and the Republican Party of Lincoln other community members paraded battlefield were slipping away. He and Grant had faded into distant to Woodlawn Cemetery to present “a acknowledged, “Good, wise, and gen- memory. Despite the recognition he floral tribute to the brave, who rest erous men . . . would have us forget received at the convention, Douglass, from the labors.” After the flowers and forgive, strew flowers alike and too, was fading from the scene; he had been laid and remarks made lovingly, on rebel and loyal graves,” noted, “I don’t belong to the rising by veterans and officials, Reverend and while such expressions have their generation.”35 Samuel Fallows spoke for an hour. place, “there was a right side and Shortly after Douglass’s death He recognized immigrants, whose wrong side in the late war, which no on February 20, 1895, at the age of service to the Grand Army of the sentiment ought to cause us to for- 77, the Winona Daily Republican pub- Republic meant that they were “no get.” But, in fact, many Americans did lished an article in which Douglass longer foreigners, but fellow citi- want to forget.33 lamented the prospects for civil rights

SUMMER 2018 83 in the coming presidential election: ica’s happiness had always been power. They would go on to shape “I have my fears that the victory of intertwined with racial slavery, he sectional and national policies—and the Republicans may make them warned that the tragedy of abandoned the historical record, just as Doug- even a little more indifferent about Reconstruction policies and civil lass feared. Douglass’s remarks in an protecting human rights under the rights laws would be felt by the entire undated speech encapsulate the fate constitution than when they were in nation for generations to come. As of African American civil rights well power before.”36 Douglass receded, first from the lec- into the twentieth century—and argu- In the wake of a bloody civil war, ture halls and stages, then from public ably beyond: “Slavery has always had Douglass saw the perils of peace for memory, former slave owners and a better memory than freedom, and African Americans. Because Amer- their scions gained and consolidated was always a better hater.”37

Notes

1. Frederick Douglass, The Frederick Douglass 8. “An Interesting Scene,” St. Paul Press, Mar. Daily Republican, Nov. 2, 1868, 2, as quoted in Papers, Series One: Speeches, Debates, and Inter- 1, 1865; “Presentation of Cane,” Chatfield Demo- Chatfield (MN) Democrat, July 18, 1868. views, Vol. 4: 1864–1880, ed. John W. Blassingame, crat, Mar. 18, 1865; “Stand Firm,” Chatfield Demo- 25. Winona Daily Republican, Nov. 13, 1868, 2; et al. (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, crat, June 3, 1865. Minnesota Legislative Manual: 1869 (St. Paul, MN: 1991), 178. Douglass escaped and became a fugi- 9. Frederick Douglass, “Reconstruction,” The Office of the Press Printing Co., 1869), 89. tive slave at the age of 20. Atlantic (Dec. 1866). 26. Douglass, Life and Times, 289. 2. David Blight, Race and Reunion: The Civil 10. Frederick Douglass, “An Appeal to Con- 27. Green, A Peculiar Imbalance, 148, 151; Win- War in American Memory (Cambridge, MA: Har- gress,” The Atlantic (Jan. 1867). ona Daily Republican, Dec. 8, 1868; “The Jubilee of vard University Press, 2001), 308. The lecture 11. “Legislature of Minnesota.” Emancipation and Enfranchisement,” Minneapo- Douglass gave in Winona, as reported by the Win- 12. FD Papers, Series One, Vol. 4, 240-259; lis Daily Tribune, Jan. 5, 1869, 2; “Will Jefferson ona Daily Republican, was representative of his “Lecture Course for the Season,” Winona Daily Davis Live?” Winona Daily Republican, Dec. 27, lecture tour and tracks very closely to the lec- Republican, Jan. 12, 1867. 1866. Conference committee members had ture he gave in St. Louis on February 7. The full 13. “Theodore Tilton on Reconstruction,” invited Douglass, but he was not able to attend. text can be found in FD Papers, Series One. Winona Daily Republican, Feb. 23, 1867. 28. As quoted in Leslie A. Schwalm, Emanci- 3. “Frederick Douglass’s Lecture,” Winona 14. “Frederick Douglass: Rev. William McKin- pation’s Diaspora: Race and Reconstruction in the Daily Republican, Mar. 18, 1867; Frederick Doug- ley Writes an Interesting Article,” Winona Repub- Upper Midwest (Chapel Hill: University of North lass, The Life and Times of Frederick Douglass lican Herald, Jan. 11, 1902; Frederick Douglass, Carolina Press, 2009), 199, 200; “The Jubilee of (Mineola, NY: Dover, 2003), 330. The Frederick Douglas Papers, Series One: Speeches, Emancipation and Enfranchisement.” 4. Richard Moe, The Last Full Measure: The Debates, and Interviews, Vol. 1: 1841–1846 (New 29. Blight, Race and Reunion, 308. Life and Death of the First Minnesota Volunteers Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1979), xxx–xxxi; 30. FD Papers, Series One, Vol. 4, 578; Blight, (St. Paul: Minnesota Historical Society Press, FD Papers, Series One, Vol. 4, 240–59. Race and Reunion, 98; “Frederick Douglass’s Lec- 1993), 272; “Population,” Winona Daily Republi- 15. FD Papers, Series One, Vol. 4, 149–52. ture.” can, Dec. 31, 1866; “Wheat Trade: The Season’s 16. “Frederick Douglass’s Lecture.” 31. Winona Daily Republican, Apr. 29, 1870, 2. Operations,” Winona Daily Republican, Dec. 31, 17. Douglass, Life and Times, 264. 32. “The Day,” Winona Daily Republican, May 1866; “Building Operations in Winona the Past 18. “The impeachment resolution,” Winona 29, 1870, 3; “Oration,” Winona Daily Republican, Year,” Winona Daily Republican, Dec. 31, 1867. Daily Republican, Dec. 10, 1867. June 1, 1870, 2 (emphasis in original). 5. Norton had been originally elected to the 19. FD Papers, Series One, Vol. 4, 151. 33. “There Was a Right Side in the Late War: US Senate as a Unionist (one who supported 20. “Frederick Douglass’s Lecture”; “Freder- An Address Delivered in New York, New York on preservation of the Union but not necessarily ick Douglass,” Mantorville (MN) Express, Mar. 22, 30 May 1878,” FD Papers, Series One, Vol. 4, 491. political and social rights for blacks) and later 1867; FD Papers, Series One, Vol. 1, xxxiii, xxvi; 34. Winona Daily Republican, Nov. 2, 1881. aligned himself with the moderate Republican Douglass, Life and Times, 338. 35. Iric Nathanson, “African Americans and faction. “The Democratic Gathering,” Winona 21. For McKinley’s reminiscence on this visit, the 1892 Republican National Convention, Min- Daily Republican, Sept. 22, 1868. see “Interesting Reminiscence: Visit of Fred. neapolis,” Minnesota History 61, no. 2 (Summer 6. Eugene V. Smalley, A History of the Republi- Douglass to Winona Recalled by Dr. McKinley,” 2008): 79. can Party from Its Organization to the Present Time coverage by Winona Democrat as reported in 36. “Just Criticism: The Late Frederick Doug- (St. Paul, MN: E. V. Smalley Publishing, 1896), Winona Daily Republican, Mar. 25, 1895. lass on the Enforcement of Human Rights,” 149–50; Social Explorer, “US Demography 1790 22. “Happy will it be . . . ,” quoted in Winona Winona Daily Republican, Feb. 23, 1895, 2. to Present”; “Whom Shall We Allow to Vote?” Daily Republican, Mar. 15, 1867; David Blight, Fred- 37. As quoted in Blight, Frederick Douglass’ Winona Daily Republican, Nov. 20, 1868. erick Douglass’ Civil War: Keeping Faith in Jubilee Civil War, 234. 7. William D. Green, A Peculiar Imbalance: The (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, Fall and Rise of Racial Equality in Early Minnesota. 1991), 221; “Frederick Douglas’s Lecture.” (St. Paul: Minnesota Historical Society Press, 23. “Frederick Douglas’s Lecture”; Green, Photos p. 74, 76, 83, Library of Congress; p. 75, 2007), 142; “Negro Suffrage: Memorial of Colored A Peculiar Imbalance, 147; FD Papers, Series One, 77 (top), 79 (bottom), 81, 82, MNHS Collections; Citizens of Minnesota to the Legislature,” St. Paul Vol. 4, 179; “The State,” Winona Daily Republican, p. 77 (bottom), 78, Minnesota Reflections, Pioneer Press, Jan. 20, 1865; “Legislature of Min- Nov. 7, 1867, 2. Minnesota Digital Library; p. 79 (top), 80, nesota: Seventh Session,” St. Paul Pioneer Press, 24. “The Great Winona Republican Meeting,” courtesy Winona County Historical Society. Feb. 7, 1865. Minneapolis Daily Tribune, Sept. 17, 1868; Winona

84 MINNESOTA HISTORY

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