Introduction

Notes

Introduction

1. David Perkins, Is Literary History Possible? (Baltimore and London: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1992); David Simpson, “Is Literary History the History of Everything? The Case for ‘Antiquarian’ History”, http:// www.rc.umd.edu/praxis/contemporary/simpson/simpson.html; Lawrence Lipking, “A Trout in the Milk,” in The Uses of Literary History, ed. Marshall Brown (Durham and London: Duke University Press, 1995), 1. Additional studies that address the current status of literary history include Rethinking Literary History: a Dialogue on Theory, ed. Linda Hutcheon and Mario J. Valdés (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002) and Josephine M. Guy and Ian Small, Politics and Value in English Studies: a Discipline in Crisis? (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993). Guy and Small argue that while literary histories framed within the contexts of academic specialization consistently point to the eclipse of the genre, literary histories continue to be written and, ironically, continue to draw for their evidence on canonical works. 2. William Wordsworth, “Essay, Supplementary to the Preface (1815),” in Prose Works of William Wordsworth, ed. W. J. B. Owen and Jane Worthington Smyser (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1974), III.80. 3. For parallels between modern and period developments, see James Chandler, England in 1819: the Politics of Literary Culture and the Case of Romantic Historicism (Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 1998); Jon Klancher, “Godwin and the Genre Reformers: On Necessity and Contingency in Romantic Narrative Theory,” in Romanticism, History, and the Possibilities of Genre: Re- forming Literature 1789–1837, ed. Tilottama Rajan and Julia M. Wright (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), 21–38; Ina Ferris, “Melancholy, Memory, and the ‘Narrative Situation’ of History in Post- Enlightenment Scotland,” in Scotland and the Borders of Romanticism, ed. Leith Davis, Ian Duncan, and Janet Sorensen (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004), 77–93. 4. William St. Clair, The Reading Nation in the Romantic Period (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004), 109; Lee Erickson, The Economy of Literary Form: English Literature and the Industrialization of Publishing, 1800–1850 (Baltimore and London: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996), 21. For an account critical of the prominence given in St. Clair’s work to the 1774 copyright decision, see Thomas F. Bonnell, The Most Disreputable Trade: Publishing the Classics of English Poetry 1765–1810 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008). H. J. Jackson sees the Donaldson v. Beckett ruling as a “crucial date for the history of publishing in Britain” partly for its breaking up of the cartels, but most importantly for its assigning of new powers, and with them new anxi- eties, over copyright decisions to individual authors. See, Romantic Readers: the Evidence of Marginalia (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 2005), 15. See also, Richard D. Altick, The English Common Reader: a Social

161 162 Notes

History of the Mass Reading Public 1800–1900 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1957) and Jonathan Rose, The Intellectual Life of the British Working Classes (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 2001). 5. The consequences of this categorical instability in relation to history writing and the genre repositioning stimulated by its increasing focus on manners are explored in Mark Salber Phillips, Society and Sentiment: Genres of History Writing in Britain, 1740–1820 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2000), in particular, pp. 257–321, “Literary History, Memoir, and the Idea of Commemoration in Early-Nineteenth- Century Britain.” A characteristic example appears in William Russell’s 1779 History of Modern Europe, in which the author concludes that after “the histories of Robertson and Hume appeared, romances were no longer read. [Including the once popular “well- known names of Tom Jones, Roderick Random, Sir Charles Grandison, Clarissa, and Amelia”] A new taste was introduced. The lovers of mere amusement found, that real incidents, properly selected and disposed, setting aside the idea of utility, and real characters delineated with truth and force, can more strongly engage both the mind and the heart, than any fabulous narrative. This taste, which has since given birth to many other elegant historical productions, fortunately for English literature, continues to gain ground.” See, History of Modern Europe (Philadelphia, 1800), V.434–5. 6. As Robert J. Griffin astutely observes, this “heterogeneity of writings” makes evident problems with the description of the period 1790–1832 as “Romantic” by exposing the gap between Romanticism as a chronological measure and the highly selective “subsequent discourse about a period that has a history of its own.” Since that discourse largely excludes the genres of literary history with which I am concerned here, I have tried to avoid the use of “Romantic” as a neutral period designation. See, “The Age of ‘The Age of’ is Over: Johnson and New Versions of the Late Eighteenth Century,” MLQ 62.4 (2001), 383. 7. S. T. Coleridge, On the Constitution of the Church and State, ed. John Colmer, in Collected Works of Samuel Taylor Coleridge Vol. 10 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1976), 43. 8. See, for instance, Jonathan Brody Kramnick, Making the English Canon: Print- Capitalism and the Cultural Past, 1700–1770 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998) and Trevor Ross, The Making of the English Literary Canon from the Middle Ages to the Late Eighteenth Century (Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1998). Even the more sympathetic Jonah Siegel, while acknowledging “the heterogeneous yet consistent project that is [D’Israeli’s] literary history,” finally dismisses it as “far from what is generally called theorizing; he rather assembles examples from an ever more extensive canon of biography in literature and art.” See, Desire and Excess: the Nineteenth- Century Culture of Art (Princeton and Oxford: Princeton University Press, 2000), 98–9. 9. D’ Israeli identifies both radical and conjectural histories as unaccept- ably theoretical in orientation. His objections to the former are usually voiced through attacks on “metaphysics,” the preferred code among 1790s conservatives for radical doctrine. Conjectural history, as practiced by Scottish Enlightenment writers like Millar and Ferguson, is diminished on the grounds that in order to confirm the “inseparable connection of Notes 163

circumstances ... [which] govern society ... the historian sometimes distorted facts, or joined together events which were no otherwise connected than by his own fallacious imagination.” See, Commentaries on the Life and Reign of Charles the First, King of England (London: Henry Colburn, 1828–31), I. iv– v. 10. Ralph Cohen, “Generating Literary Histories,” in New Historical Literary Study: Essays on Representing Texts, Representing History, ed. Jeffrey N. Cox and Larry J. Reynolds (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1993), 48. 11. Johnson’s 1779–81 The Works of the English Poets was released under the pro- visions of the distinct English legal system. Preceding it were Blair’s selection, The British Poets (1773), Boyle’s English Poets (Aberdeen, 1776–6), and Bell’s Poets of Great Britain (Edinburgh, 1777–82). Following Johnson’s Works were Anderson’s The Works of the British Poets (London and Edinburgh, 1792–5), Cooke’s Pocket Edition of Select British Poets (London, 1794–1805), and Alexander Chalmers’ Works of the English Poets (London, 1810). Sequences of Lives modeled on Johnson’s continue well into the nineteenth century. Henry Francis Cary in his Lives, first published in 1821–4 in the London Magazine, comments on his predecessor: “It was the chance of Johnson to fall upon an age that rated his great abilities at their full value. His laborious- ness had the appearance of something stupendous, when there were many literary but very few learned men. His vigour of intellect imposed upon the multitude an opinion of his wisdom, from the solemn air and oracular tone in which he uniformly addressed them. He would have been of less consequence in the days of Elizabeth or of Cromwell.” See Lives of English Poets, From Johnson to Kirke White. Designed as a Continuation of Johnson’s Lives (London: Henry G. Bohn, 1846), 92–3. Numbers of Lives were adapted to specific audiences, as with John Aikin’s Select Works of the British Poets. With Biographical and Critical Prefaces (London, 1820), advertised as “a ‘library of Classical English Poetry,’ and [one that] may safely be recommended to the heads of schools in general, and to the libraries of Young Persons” (sig. A). For an account of these various collections, see Thomas F. Bonnell, The Most Disreputable Trade, and his series of articles: “Bookselling and Canon- Making: the Trade Rivalry over the English Poets, 1776–1783,” in Studies in Eighteenth- Century Culture Volume 19, ed. Leslie Ellen Brown and Patricia Craddock (East Lansing, MI: Colleagues Press, 1989), 53–69; “John Bell’s Poets of Great Britain: the ‘Little Trifling Edition’ Revisited,” Modern Philology 85 (1987): 128–52; “Patchwork and Piracy: John Bell’s ‘Connected System of Biography’ and the Use of Johnson’s Prefaces,” Studies in Bibliography 48 (1995): 193–228. See also, St. Clair, Reading Nation, Appendix 6, “The Old Canon.” 12. Jackson, Romantic Readers, 120. The interest in “organized diversity” to which Jackson points might also be seen to define the contexts governing the new cultural authority of collectivities such as those Jeffrey Cox describes in his analysis of the relationship between Hunt, Shelley, Keats, and Byron, a group whose distinct class affiliations were superseded by fairly uniform political concerns. See, Poetry and Politics in the Cockney School: Keats, Shelley, Hunt and their Circle (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998). 13. Clifford Siskin argues for the reciprocally defining nature of this process; for him “writing” becomes “literature” in the period as “[u]nprecedented numbers of people learned both the skills and – that crucial component of modern literacy – the belief in their transformative power.” See, The Work 164 Notes

of Writing: Literature and Social Change in Britain, 1700–1830 (Baltimore and London: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1998), 6. For Mark Rose, too, copyright is tied to the emergence of new understandings of identity and labor as “a specifically modern formation produced by printing technology, marketplace economics, and the classical liberal culture of possessive individualism.” Authors and Owners: the Invention of Copyright (Cambridge, MA and London: Harvard University Press, 1993), 142. 14. For the shift from patronage to professionalism within a commodity culture, see Frank Donoghue, The Fame Machine: Book Reviewing and Eighteenth- Century Literary Careers (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1996), George Justice, The Manufacturers of Literature: Writing and the Literary Marketplace in Eighteenth- Century England (Newark: University of Delaware Press and London: Associated University Press, 2002), and Mark Rose, Authors and Owners; for the production and marketing of books, see Barbara M. Benedict, “Readers, Writers, Reviewers and the Professionalization of Literature,” in The Cambridge Companion to English Literature 1740 to 1830, ed. Thomas Keymer and Jon Mee (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004), 3–23; for the influence of conflict in America, see Thomas E. Bonnell, “Bookselling and Canon-Making”; for issues relating to reception, see Lucy Newlyn’s exploration of “hermeneutic anxiety” (317) in Reading, Writing, and Romanticism: the Anxiety of Reception (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000); for authorial self- fashioning, see H. J. Jackson, Marginalia: Readers Writings in Books (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 2001); for the emergence of an “intellectual vernacular” (36) see Olivia Smith, The Politics of Language 1791–1819 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1984); for the adoption of literary works to pedagogy, see Richard Terry, Poetry and the Making of the English Literary Past, 1660–1781 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001); for the related tastes for the “Gothic” and a distinct aesthetic domain, see David Fairer’s introduction to his edition of Thomas Warton, Observations on the Faerie Queen of Spenser (London and New York: Routledge, 2001); for the process by which “empathetic” reading prepared for “the emergence of literature in its modern sense” by provoking a “change in how literary value was perceived, a change from production to consumption, invention to reception, writing to reading,” see Trevor Ross, “The Emergence of ‘Literature’: Making and Reading the English Canon in the Eighteenth Century,” ELH 63 (1996), 397. 15. Isaac D’ Israeli, Calamities and Quarrels of Authors. A New Edition edited by his son The Earl of Beaconsfield (London: Frederick Warne and Co., no date [1881]), 231–2.

Section I: Writing and Rewriting Lives

1. Percival Stockdale, Lectures on the Truly Eminent English Poets (London, 1807), I.134. 2. In his Lectures on the English Poets, Hazlitt contrasts the acknowledgment by “the voice of common fame” of Chaucer, Spenser, Shakespeare, and Milton as the “four greatest names in English poetry,” setting this popular judgment against that of the standard resource, Johnson’s Lives which excludes the “three first … (Shakespeare indeed is so from the dramatic form of his composition): and the fourth, Milton, is admitted with a reluctant Notes 165

and churlish welcome.” “Lecture III. On Shakespeare and Milton,” in The Selected Writings of William Hazlitt, ed. Duncan Wu (London: Pickering & Chatto, 1998), 2, 207. Subsequent Victorian revaluations of Johnson, as Katherine Turner argues, generated a paradigm shift in representations of the eighteenth- century period more generally. See, “The ‘Link of Transition’: Samuel Johnson and the Victorians,” in The Victorians and the Eighteenth Century: Reassessing the Tradition, ed. Francis O’Gorman and Katherine Turner (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2004), 119–43. As Murray Pittock notes, “the struggle over [ Johnson’s] reputation” began immediately after his death, as evidenced by the publication in the seven years following it of eleven biographies. See, “Johnson, Boswell, and their Circle,” in The Cambridge Companion to English Literature 1740–1830, ed. Thomas Keymer and Jon Mee (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004), 157. See also, Robert E. Kelley and O. M. Brack, Jr. (eds), The Early Biographies of Samuel Johnson (Iowa City: University of Iowa Press, 1974). 3. The Most Disreputable Trade, 134. 4. See, Roger Lonsdale, “Introduction,” Samuel Johnson, The Lives of the Most Eminent English Poets; With Critical Observations on their Works, ed. with an introduction and notes by Roger Lonsdale (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 2006). 5. See, Greg Clingham, “Life and Literature in the Lives,” in The Cambridge Companion to Samuel Johnson, ed. Greg Clingham (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), 161–91 and Alvin Kernan, Samuel Johnson and the Impact of Print (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1987), 158–63. Annette Wheeler Cafarelli also makes Johnson’s Lives pivotal, arguing the indebtedness of Romantic prose writers to his model of collective biography by stressing the “interpretative, subjective, fragmentary, allusive, icono- graphic” elements of his writing. See, Prose in the Age of Poets: Romanticism and Biographical Narrative from Johnson to De Quincey (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1990), 1–2. Paul Keen relates the Lives to a range of classificatory projects over the period including dictionaries and general histories in The Crisis of Literature in the 1790s: Print Culture and the Public Sphere (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), 104. 6. William St. Clair, The Reading Nation, 115. St. Clair defines those books “that slipped through … the brief copyright window” from 1774 to 1808 as the “old canon.” After 1808 (and in reinforcements of the 1808 Act by those of 1814, 1837, and 1842), “the brief copyright window came to an end, [and] the number of titles coming out of copyright dropped sharply. As the publishers drove up the price of new books to ever higher levels, the old canon, held fast within the ever tightening economic constraints, stood unchanged, gaining in authority, falling in price, gradually extending its penetration ever deeper and wider into the expanding reading nation, but becoming more obsolete with every year. The closing of the window meant that most of the books written during the romantic period would have to wait until middle or late Victorian times to become as cheap, as accessible, or as widely read within the nation” (121). My focus is on the period following 1774 when the “old canon” works were released to greater numbers of readers but were not yet functioning in the prescriptive and hierarchical terms in which we tend now to consider canonization. 7. Terry, Poetry and the Making of the English Literary Past, 4. For Terry, Johnson’s Lives “sounds the final death- knell of the honourable old idea of fame” and 166 Notes

represents the “extinction of the idea that the preservation of the literary past should be conducted in non- judgemental terms, as an essentially ethical and elegiac activity” (4). Jack Lynch, in turn, argues that while Johnson did not construct systematic literary histories, his writings from the late 1730s to the early 1780s follow the transition toward, and contribute to shaping, an understanding of the Renaissance as the “age of Elizabeth” defined by a distinctive canon, an understanding that then shaped representations of the British character and the modern nation. See, The Age of Elizabeth in the Age of Johnson (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003). For contrasting accounts of Johnson’s Lives as the originating point of modern canon formation or the terminal point of a residual rhetorical model of the canon see, respectively, Lawrence Lipking’s The Ordering of the Arts (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1970) and Trevor Ross’ The Making of the English Literary Canon. 8. René Wellek documents the transitions from traditional forms of what he terms “collective biography,” including encyclopedia and biographical dictionaries, to Johnson’s Lives. See, The Rise of English Literary History (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1941), 137. Terry (Poetry and the Making of the English Literary Past) describes the more specialized authorial dictionaries in the context of the “cult of fame” (chapter 3), turning to the antecedents to Johnson’s Lives in chapter 7. Barbara Benedict’s account of the historical development of anthologies sees them as marked by a gradual loss of agency: the Restoration anthology, she posits, imagines the reader as a “collaborative participant in forging literary culture,” but by the late eighteenth century, the reader is merely “the recipient of commodified literature who reads poetry to train his or her moral response.” This late- century eclipse of anthologies and miscellanies by “periodicals, novels, and series,” not only “promotes the uniqueness of private tastes but also signals the decline of the early form of the miscellany, for it expresses the dissolution of the peculiar dialectic between community and individuality that defines the early genre.” Within this devolutionary paradigm, with its rehearsal of the conventional and limiting distinction of the eighteenth century from the romantic as a turn from community to individuality, and from sociability to personality, there is no place for the presence of forms like the Specimens that I discuss in Chapter 4. See, Making the Modern Reader: Cultural Mediation in Early Modern Literary Anthologies (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996), 6, 11. 9. Linda Colley, Britons: Forging the Nation 1707–1837 (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1992). Colin Kidd suggests that Colley overstates the defining power of xenophobic sentiment on contemporary culture and while conceding aspects of Gerald Newman’s parallel argument (that “each major step in the consolidation of English rule in the British Isles – 1689, 1707, 1745, 1801 – was taken in the context of Anglo- French warfare”) argues the importance of both the Euro- Gothic perspective of many eighteenth- century antiquarians and the cosmopolitanism of Scottish Enlightenment historiography. See, Gerald Newman, The Rise of English Nationalism: a Cultural History, 1740–1830 (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1987), 75 and Kidd, British Identities before Nationalism: Ethnicity and Nationhood in the Atlantic World, 1600–1800 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999). 10. Henry Headley, Select Beauties of Ancient English Poetry (London: 1787), x. The next year, the first issue of the Analytical Review used a similar vocabulary to Notes 167

declare the intent of the “Literary Journal” to give “an account of new publications, as may enable the reader to judge of them for himself” (I [1788] i). The relatively recent practice of selective reviewing suggests interesting parallels with the consolidation of literary history, especially given the status inconsistencies of the two genres; it could be argued that the prestige of its historiographical affiliations initially allowed literary history to claim an authority greater than that available to the periodical, although this discrepancy was somewhat diminished with the enhanced status of the Edinburgh Review and its successors. In any case, if “march of intellect” is the catchphrase of the following generation, the coinage of this one, as will become evident, is “judging for themselves.” 11. William Hazlitt, “The Influence of Books on the Progress of Manners,” in The Complete Works of William Hazlitt, ed. P. P. Howe (London: Dent and Sons, 1930; New York: AMS Press, 1967), XVII.326.

1 Writing Lives

1. Samuel Johnson, “Addison,” in The Lives of the Most Eminent English Poets, III.36, 37. Johnson’s positing of a series of historical transitions from rules to taste to scientific principles intersects in interesting ways with Eric Rothstein’s model for alterations in literary theory between 1650 and 1800. In developing R. S. Crane’s analysis of literary criticism within the eighteenth century in terms that allow for both continuity and change and individual agency and cultural responsiveness, Rothstein posits the gradual exchange of “Personal” for “Civic” socio- political ideals. See, “On Rerouting the History of British Literary Theory, 1650–1800,” in Eighteenth- Century Contexts: Historical Inquiries in Honor of Philip Harth, ed. Howard D. Weinbrot, Peter J. Schakel, and Stephen E. Karian (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 2001), 265–86 and “Diversity and Change in Literary Histories,” in Influence and Intertextuality in Literary History, ed. Jay Clayton and Eric Rothstein (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1991), 114–45. 2. Robert Bisset, The Spectator, with Illustrative Notes. To which are prefixed The Lives of the Authors ... with Critical Remarks on their Respective Writings. A New Edition (London: 1799), I.vii. In the continuation of this passage, Bisset makes a special case for the biographies of writers that are embedded in formal histories: “But though we enter warmly into the situation of those who have been eminent for the exertion of great qualities, yet are we most deeply affected by the history of men who have contributed much to our pleasure and advantage. The Lives, therefore, of excellent Writers have ever been the subject of public curiosity. When we have read the works of a HOMER, a VIRGIL, a THUCYDIDES, a TACITUS, a MILTON, a HUME, we anxiously desire to know the history of personages from whom we have derived united instruction and delight. To gratify this desire has been the reason that persons in all ages, in which Literature has been held in estimation, have taken pains to collect facts respecting the most admired Writers, which might exhibit a view of their lives and characters” (I. vii– viii). 3. Phillips, Society and Sentiment, 131. 4. She does, however, quibble with the earlier suggestion that Addison was solely responsible for the recovery of Paradise Lost: “This admirable poem, which is 168 Notes

now the boast of every Englishman, was at that time but little noticed. Not that Addison, as some seem to think, discovered the Paradise Lost: it had been long enough before the public to attract the notices of judges: but there had been no large edition before his time, and many circumstances had contributed to prevent its soon becoming a popular work.” A. L. Barbauld, Selections from the Spectator, Tatler, Guardian, and Freeholder, with a preliminary essay, by Anna Laetitia Barbauld (London: J. Johnson, 1804), xx. For the controversy surrounding Milton’s reception, see Marcus Walsh, Shakespeare, Milton, and Eighteenth-Century Literary Editing (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997). 5. In his Lives of Edward and John Philips, Godwin investigates the historical relativizing of critical judgment, particularly in Appendix IV which explores the fall from favor of Jonson’s work by setting it in the context of earlier failures of appreciation, citing Addison’s judgment of Spenser and Pope’s of Cowley as writers no longer read. See Lives of Edward and John Philips, Nephews and Pupils of Milton (London: Longman, Hurst, Rees, Orme, and Brown, 1815). Coleridge’s comments on Addison in an 1810 letter to Poole provide a sharply negative response to what Barbauld presents in more positively affective terms: “the love of Reading, as a refined pleasure weaning the mind from grosser enjoyments, which it was one of the Spectator’s chief Objects to awaken, has by that work, & those that followed ... but still more, by Newspapers, Magazines, and Novels, been carried into excess: and the Spectator itself has innocently contributed to the general taste for unconnected writing – just as if ‘Reading made easy’ should act to give men an aversion to words of more than two syllables, instead of drawing them thro’ those words into the power of reading Books in general.” Quoted in Newlyn, Reading, Writing, and Romanticism, 325, note 62. 6. Sir William Forbes, An Account of the Life and Writings of James Beattie (New York, 1807), II.111. 7. Robert Anderson, The Works of the British Poets, I.[1]. See Bonnell, The Most Disreputable Trade, 207–11 for the bibliographical problems with the title of Anderson’s work. 8. Anderson’s plagiarism of Headley shifts the target of the original. Headley was in fact attacking another version of his chosen form, the “Beauties of English Literature,” in particular, that of Goldsmith. Such works, Headley asserts, are “in a great degree idle and impertinent, and do but multiply books to no good end; by anticipating him, they deprive the reader of the pleasure every one feels, and of that right which every one is entitled to, of judging for himself.” Headley, Select Beauties, ix. 9. Thomas F. Bonnell contradicts this claim, noting that “continuing sales of Bell’s Poets may be traced through the reprints of dozens of volumes between 1786 and 1803, culminating in 1807 when the whole series was republished in expanded form as The Poets of Great Britain in Sixty- One Double Volumes.” See, Bonnell, “John Bell’s Poets of Great Britain,” 152. Terry discusses the “calculated defamation” of Bell’s edition in Poetry and the Making of the English Literary Past, 216–51. 10. Samuel Johnson, “Pomfret,” in Lives, ed. Lonsdale, II.60. 11. Headley, Select Beauties, vii– viii. Headley’s comments here might be seen as bridging what St. Clair describes as two distinct constituencies: the “reading nation” (those who “regularly read English- language printed books”) and the Notes 169

“literate nation,” those whose reading is restricted to reading for employment or to newspapers. See, The Reading Nation, 13. Headley’s argument extends that of earlier advocates for pedagogical change such as Joseph Priestley whose Essay on a Course of Liberal Education for Civil and Active Life (London, 1767) suggests that “revolutions in the state of knowledge” (26) have made it advisable for “Gentlemen who are designed to fill the principal stations of active life” ([1]) to be better informed about civil history and policy. Priestley, however, excludes from the syllabus proposed for boys in their mid- teens “poetry and the Belle-Lettres” on the grounds “that a turn for speculation unfits men for business ... if those speculations be foreign to their employment” (19). 12. Headley also suggests that “the military spirit of the day, in Eliza’s reign, being put upon the stretch far beyond its usual tone by the perilous and alarming situation of the kingdom, served to excite and to diffuse a general inclina- tion for action, that invigorated attempts of every kind, whether literary or political” (xvii). For subsequent assertions of the simultaneity of literary and military advances, see Joseph Berington, A Literary History of the Middle Ages; Comprehending An Account of the State of Learning, From the Close of the Reign of Augustus, To its Revival in the Fifteenth Century (London, 1814) and William Hazlitt, “Lecture I – Introductory General View of the Subject,” Lectures Chiefly on the Dramatic Literature of the Age of Elizabeth in Selected Writings of William Hazlitt 5, ed. Duncan Wu (London: Pickering & Chatto, 1998). Hazlitt describes this “heroic and martial spirit” of the Elizabethans by citing Burke’s “‘age of chivalry’,” and while he suggests that “it was comparatively an age of peace,” he claims that “the spear glittered to the eye of memory” (5.171). 13. This tacit forecasting of another potential “renaissance” pushes Headley’s account of English poetry beyond the terminal point that Jack Lynch identifies in The Age of Elizabeth in the Age of Johnson. Lynch details the ways in which attempts to understand the age of Shakespeare and Elizabeth repeatedly turned back to the present with a bleak sense of its lesser status. Stuart Curran, in turn, sees the Select Beauties as the “key instrument in the [Romantic] Renaissance revival” in his Poetic Form and British Romanticism (New York: Oxford University Press, 1986), 22. 14. Headley suggests that Johnson’s arbitrariness aligns him generically and regres- sively with those writers of “Satyr and Morality” from the previous generation, “Pope, Atterbury, and Swift, who headed one party, Addison, Congreve, and Steele, who led the other, in Queen Anne’s reign.” Just as they with a “Parnassian sneer peculiar to themselves, either neglected or hunted down their poetical predecessors,” so Johnson betrays a general failure of historical imagination when he privileges “later improvements” over the “ancient poets” (xix), and a more particular lapse when he depreciates Milton. Associating Johnson with political factionalism, personal censoriousness, and a suspect preference for satire and overtly didactic modes links him to Augustan writers, while also conveying the additional charge of disregard of current readers. For a contemporary history of what its author views as a long- standing “particular malevolence to Milton” (4) that culminated in Johnson’s Life, see Francis Blackburne’s Remarks on Johnson’s Life of Milton (London, 1780). 15. Laetitia- Matilda Hawkins, Memoirs, Anecdotes, Facts, and Opinions. Collected and Preserved by Laetitia- Matilda Hawkins (London: Longman, Hurst, Rees, Orme, Brown, and Green and C. and J. Rivington, 1824), I.165–6. Hawkins, of 170 Notes

course, aligns herself with this “higher class,” declaring that while his writing “might be entertainment to many: to myself, as I may have hinted, it was the most fatiguing wear and tear of mind, that any writing could inflict” (I.167). 16. Chalmers, The Works of the English Poets, I.v. 17. Chalmers, like Headley, discredits antiquarianism in order to authenticate his own version of literary history, presenting the latter as offering possibilities for narrative that are whole and entire, rather than segmented and partial. Late eighteenth- century and early nineteenth-century writers characteristically referred to “antiquarianism” in this narrow sense to describe forms of historical inquiry modeled on the archaeological attention to minutiae. For the proponents of antiquarian researches, however, awareness of what Samuel Egerton Brydges refers to as the “storehouse of recondite materials” is crucial to the education of a gentleman and the fragmenting of the text is similarly positively construed as a deliberate measure that allows non- sequential reading: “A work of this kind is no more to be read right onward than a dictionary. A portion too, must always be intended to form a store for future reference, as the occasion may demand. New tracks of inquiry and new questions may make that very interesting, which seems at present to lie inert and barren.” See Censura Literaria. Containing Titles, Abstracts, and Opinions of Old English Books, with Original Disquisitions, Articles of Biography, and Other Literary Antiquities. By Sir Egerton Brydges, Bart. K.J.M. Press, second edition (London: 1815), VIII.li–liii. D’Israeli’s satires of antiquarians link them with bibliophiles. See Vaurien: Or, Sketches of the Times: Exhibiting Views of the Philosophies, Religions, Politics, Literature, and Manners of the Age (London: Cadell and Davies, 1797), II.28–30 and Flim-Flams! Or, The Life and Errors of My Uncle, and The Amours of My Aunt! (London: John Murray, 1805), 93. Modern historians, following Arnaldo Momigliano, use antiquarianism in an expanded sense to signify the crucial influence of the eighteenth- century attention to primary documents and archaeological remains on the formation of eighteenth- century historiography. See D. R. Woolf, “Little Crosby and the Horizons of Early Modern Historical Culture,” in The Historical Imagination in Early Modern Britain: History, Rhetoric, and Fiction, 1500–1800, ed. Donald R. Kelley and David Harris Sacks (Cambridge: Woodrow Wilson Center Press and Cambridge University Press, 1997), 93–102, for a succinct account of the “importance of antiquarianism in the creation of modern attitudes to the past, and of modern historical method” (93) and Rosemary Sweet, “Antiquaries and Antiquities in Eighteenth-Century England,” in Eighteenth- Century Studies 34 (2001): 181–206 for the influence of antiquarianism on British national sentiment. 18. Leah Price, The Anthology and the Rise of the Novel: From Richardson to George Eliot (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), 3. 19. Benedict, Making the Modern Reader, 10–11. 20. Benedict, Making the Modern Reader, 28. In a similar vein, Price (citing Benedict and Trevor Ross) asserts that “On or about 1774 ... literary history became anthologists’ job” (The Anthology, 67). Literary history, as her subsequent discussion makes clear, is identified with the codifying activities of canon formation and functions to render reading audiences the passive recipients of a fixed edi- torial vision. On the connections between anthologies and the consolidation of nationalism, see Julia M. Wright, “‘The order of time’: Nationalism and Literary Anthologies, 1774–1831,” Papers on Language and Literature 33 (1997): 339–65. Notes 171

21. Vicesimus Knox, Elegant Extracts: or useful and Entertaining Pieces of Poetry, Selected for the Improvement of Youth, In Speaking, Reading, Thinking, Composing; and in the Conduct of Life; being similar in Design to Elegant Extracts in Prose (London: Charles Dilly, 1784), v, A. 22. Vicesimus Knox, Essays, Moral and Literary. The Second Edition, Corrected and Enlarged (London: Edward and Charles Dilly, 1779), I.37–8. 23. Johnson’s personality – the object of so much previous criticism – here drops away as a key issue, leaving his deference to readers as the central issue. 24. Andrew Franta identifies Wordsworth’s claim as the originating moment of the second- generation Romantic poets’ turn from an expressive poetic to one orientated toward audience responses. See, Romanticism and the Rise of the Mass Public (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007), 9–10. 25. Knox’s literary history is orientated to a transcendent principle of “nature and ... truth” (Essays, I.89) seen to provide an invariable measure of worth: the “vulgar herd of poets” modeled on “Gothic progenitors” (I.91), for instance, deviate from these principles, while Goldsmith heralds the “revival of Attic and Augustan wit” (I.94). Wordsworth’s “hasty retrospect of the poetical literature of this Country for the greater part of the last two Centuries” (III.67) provides an aggrieved catalogue of misplaced attentions, designed to incriminate the “public.” 26. William Hazlitt, Select British Poets, Or New Elegant Extracts from Chaucer to the Present Time, with Critical Remarks. By William Hazlitt. Embellished with Seven Ornamented Portraits, after a Design by T. Stothard, R.A. (London: W. C. Hall, 1824), iii, [i], ii. John Aikin’s Select Works of the British Poets similarly advertises itself as “a ‘library of Classical English Poetry,’ [that] may safely be recommended to the heads of schools in general, and to the libraries of Young Persons,” sig. A. 27. Characteristically, Hazlitt’s position on this issue varied; see Section IV for his passionate defense of a contrary, devolutionary model.

2 Rewriting Lives: Revolution, Reaction, and Apostasy

1. Chalmers, Works of the English Poets, I.vii. 2. Charles Mahoney, Romantics and Renegades: the Poetics of Political Reaction (Basingstoke and New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003), 15. Mahoney mini- mizes the significance of Romantic apostasy as an historical phenomenon, focusing instead on its functions as an ironic trope for “an abiding crisis in literary signification” (12). Kevin Gilmartin discusses the modern historical debate about the credibility and force of conservative thinking in the period and, citing H. T. Dickinson, Ian R. Christie, Frank O’Gorman, Mark Philip, Gregory Claeys, David Eastwood, James J. Sack, Don Herzog, and Robert R. Dozier, suggests that their work makes it possible to “demonstrate the enterprising and productive (rather than merely negative or reactive) presence of counterrevolutionary voices in the culture of the romantic period.” Gilmartin, Writing Against Revolution: Literary Conservatism in Britain, 1790–1832 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007), 9. 3. Ann Rigney, Imperfect Histories: the Elusive Past and the Legacy of Romantic Historicism (Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 2001), 1. 4. Samuel Egerton Brydges, Autobiographical Memoir, 22–3. The only dating is provided by a superscript, January 1, 1826. 172 Notes

5. Hazlitt, Complete Works, ed. Howe, V.347. 6. While expressing the loyalist perception of a widening gap between the stable forces of government and the dangerously volatile ones of public opinion, Brydges does not follow Coleridge and Southey in advocating institutional renovations, to be directed by a clerisy, of both the Anglican Church and the existing school system. 7. Samuel Egerton Brydges, The Green Book; or Register of the Order of the Emerald Star (no date), 11. This work repeats the charge that the French Revolution precipi- tated epochal change: “With the revolutionary politics of the Continent came its revolutionary taste ... The work of thousands of years was overturned; all the sages of past times were deemed fools and drivellers; and every one began to build anew according to his own rash ignorance and ideotism [sic]” (16). 8. Samuel Egerton Brydges, Arthur Fitz- Albini (London: J. White, 1798), I.271. The Monthly Review 27 (1798) notes that the “chief object of this well- written novel seems to be to plead the cause of birth against fortune. It represents loftiness of sentiment, and disinterestedness of character, as exclusively allotted to the high- born; and as sources of perpetual mortification and disappointment to the possessor” (318). 9. Robert Bisset, The Life of Burke (London: George Cawthorn, 1800), I.3–4. 10. In The Ruminator; Containing a Series of Moral and Sentimental Essays reprinted in Censura Literaria, Brydges contrasts Pitt, who “imagined that the temper of the public mind might be, not only best, but exclusively, influenced through the channel of parliamentary oratory” with Fox, who carefully cultivated writers and “now enjoys the effect of it in the adulation paid to his memory” (Censura VIII.102–3). Fox’s recognition that the management of public opinion entails attention to posterity has allowed a carefully crafted personal reputation to modulate into a positive historical judgment. An encomiastic account of the “Character of Dr. Samuel Johnson” appeared in Bisset’s Historical, Biographical, Literary, and Scientific, Magazine (London: 1799), 191–2. 11. See Oxford Dictionary of Literary Biography. For Beloe’s involvement with the conservative press, and especially his co- editorship with Robert Nares of the British Critic in 1793, see Gilmartin, Writing against Revolution. James L. Sack cites Beloe as an instance of the patronage system as it applied to edi- tors and journalists before the Liverpool administration. See, From Jacobite to Conservative: Reaction and Orthodoxy in Britain c.1760–1832 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993). 12. On the discovered manuscript trope, see Michael McKeon, The Origins of the English Novel, 1600–1740 (Baltimore and London: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1987), 56–7. Beloe was dismissed from his post at the British Museum in 1806, on the charge of negligence, after numbers of engravings were stolen by James Deighton, whom he had allowed into the library. 13. William Beloe, The Sexagenarian; Or The Recollections of a Literary Life (London: J. and C. Rivington, 1817), I.6. 14. See John Barrell, Imagining the King’s Death: Figurative Treason, Fantasies of Regicide, 1793–1796 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000), 157–69, for an account of Gerrald’s trial and subsequent transportation to Australia. Southey’s “To Joseph Gerald” is discussed by Lynda Pratt, in “Robert Southey, Writing and Romanticism” in Romanticism on the Net, Issues 32–33, November 2003–February 2004, http://www.erudit.org/revue/ron/2003/v/n32_33/009255ar.html Notes 173

15. Beloe includes “Dr. Priestley, Mr. Henley, Dr. Price, Horne Tooke, Dr. Aikin, Mrs. Barbauld, Bishop Percy, the venerable Bishop Douglas, Dr. Gregory and Mrs. Wolstoncraft” among the participants in the pre- revolutionary salons. Jon Mee, in tracing Barbauld’s early attraction to and subsequent rejection of the bluestocking circle’s version of politeness, affirms the continuity of Dissenting models of conversational exchange with 1790s radicalism in “‘Severe contentions of friendship’: Barbauld, Conversation, and Dispute,” in Repossessing the Romantic Past, ed. Heather Glen and Paul Hamilton (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006), 21–39. 16. H. T. Dickinson identifies the special status accorded 1789 with the attempts of historians of early British radicalism to argue that only the intervention of the French Revolution prevented parliamentary reform, Kevin Gilmartin with the ways in which “the Burke problem” or the “Burke–Paine debate” for many years framed British Romantic studies. See, Dickinson, Liberty and Property: Political Ideology in Eighteenth- Century Britain (London: Methuen, 1977), 270–2 and Gilmartin, Writing Against Revolution, 8–9. Jon Klancher considers the extended literary history of Romanticism through critical readings of 1789 in “Romantic Criticism and the Meanings of the French Revolution,” Studies in Romanticism 28 (1989): 463–91. 17. Godwin, Lives of Edward and John Philips, v– vi. 18. Jack Lynch notes that radical commentators from Toland to Shelley acknowl- edged and celebrated Milton’s politics, but for large numbers of eighteenth- century commentators, particularly early in the period, Milton was defined as an apologist for regicide. See, The Age of Elizabeth, 148–9, and Lucy Newlyn, Paradise Lost and the Romantic Reader (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1993), 19–62. 19. As William St. Clair notes, “In the year of Waterloo to praise an author as a ‘patriot of the world’ was to flaunt lack of commitment to a narrow nationalism.” For St. Clair, the work more generally comments on “anti- Jacobin England as much as on the nation’s last great political reaction.” See St. Clair, The Godwins and the Shelleys: a Biography of a Family (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1989), 391. 20. William Godwin, “Of History and Romance,” Appendix IV, Things As They Are or The Adventures of Caleb Williams, ed. Maurice Hindle (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1988), 362–3. 21. William Godwin, The Enquirer. Reflections on Education, Manners, and Literature in a Series of Essays (London: G. G. and J. Robinson, 1797), x. 22. Tilottama Rajan, “Uncertain Futures: History and Genealogy in William Godwin’s The Lives of Edward and John Philips, Nephews and Pupils of Milton,” Milton Quarterly 32 (1998), 81. 23. St. Clair, The Godwins and the Shelleys, 406–7. 24. Klancher, “Godwin and the Genre Reformers,” 28. 25. The parody, Godwin writes, with “an utter oblivion of and indifference to the most sacred ties; has taken the opportunity of Eneas’s descent into the shades, to exhibit Harrison and Bradshaw and Vane, and their fellow- patriots and victims for the public cause, in hell” (149). 26. Godwin further stresses the links between Milton and Edward by describing the latter as “the first person, so far as has come down to us, that committed to the press his feeling of the merits of Paradise Lost” (144) in his essay 174 Notes

“Compendious Enumeration of the Poets,” “the germ” (159) of the 1675 Theatrum Poetarum. See Richard Terry, Poetry and the Making of the English Literary Past, 1660–1781 for an assessment of Phillips’ work and its importance to eighteenth- century biographical dictionaries. 27. Wellek concurs: “The honour of having founded English biographical literary history must be reserved for Edward Phillips, Milton’s much maligned nephew.” See, English Literary History, 17. 28. In the “Essay, Supplementary to The Preface,” also published in 1815, Wordsworth takes “a hasty retrospect of the poetical literature of this Country for the greater part of the last two Centuries” (with a particular focus on Johnson’s Works) and seizes on the supposed failure of Milton’s contemporaries to appreciate his genius in order, by aligning himself with him, to argue that contemporary inattention is in fact a mark of enduring genius. See, “Essay,” III.67. As Jack Lynch notes, Wordsworth’s sense that sublime poetry was eclipsed with Milton represents the culmination of a long trajectory beginning very nearly with Milton’s death and articulated with increasing urgency over the course of the eighteenth century. See, Age of Elizabeth, 158. 29. James Mackintosh’s review suggests that the faults of the work – “digressions too expanded, and details too minute” – give the Lives “the air of openings of chapters in an intended history of England,” but also concedes that such criticism may appear “ungracious in an age distinguished by a passion for bibliography, and a voracious appetite for anecdote.” More positively, he sees the Lives as “not only interesting as a fragment of the history of Milton, but curious as a specimen of the condition of professed authors in the seventeenth century.” Edinburgh Review 25 (1815): 485–501, reprinted in William Godwin Reviewed: a Reception History 1783–1834, ed. Kenneth W. Graham (New York: AMS Press, 2001), 330.

3 Bibliomania and Antiquarianism

1. Thomas Frognall Dibdin, The Director; A Weekly Literary Journal (London: Longman, Hurst, Rees, and Orme, J. Hatchard, W. Miller, 1807), II.279–80. 2. Dibdin’s views on “furniture” offer an interesting index to changing responses to commodification. In the 1809 Bibliomania, he cites Ferriar’s “satirical verses” on Thomas Hope’s “magnificent volume, Household Furniture” as one of the provocations to the writing of his own work: “The first question is, does the subject admit of illustration? and, if so, has Mr. Hope illustrated it properly? I believe there is no canon of criticism which forbids the treating of such a subject; and while we are amused with archaeological discussions on Roman tiles and tesselated pavements, there seems to me no absurdity in making the decorations of our sitting rooms, including something more than the floor we walk upon, a subject at least of temperate and classical disquisition ... Upon what principle, a priori, are we to ridicule and condemn it? I know of none. We admit Vitruvius, Inigo Jones, Gibbs, and Chambers, into our libraries: and why not Mr. Hope’s books? ... These sentiments are not the result of partiality or prejudice, for I am wholly unacquainted with Mr. Hope. They are delivered with zeal, but with deference. It is quite consolatory to find a gentleman of large fortune, of respectable ancestry, and of classical Notes 175

attainments, devoting a great portion of that leisure time which hangs like a leaden weight upon the generality of fashionable people, to the service of the Fine Arts, and in the patronage of merit and ingenuity.” The Bibliomania; Or Book Madness; Containing Some Account of the History, Symptoms, and Cure of this Fatal Disease. In an Epistle Dedicated to Richard Huber (London, 1809), 2–3. He sounds a different note in the 1832 Bibliophobia: “Are the gewgaws of jewellery, the tawdryness of furniture, the trickery of horse dealing, the brittleness of Dresden and Sèvre ware, and ‘such- like,’ to form paramount objects of purchase and speculation, by those, whose purses are usually well lined with pistoles? In what an age of effeminacy among men, and of utter nonchalance and apathy among women, do we now live!” See, Bibliophobia. Remarks on the Present Languid and Depressed State of Literature and the Book Trade. In a Letter Addressed to the Author of the Bibliomania. By Mercurius Rusticus. With Notes by Cato Parvus (London: Henry Bohn, 1832), 8–9. 3. Subsequent commentators generate more jaundiced interpretations. John Corry, for example, conveys the complexity of the book trade in detail- ing its economic effects on different social sectors: “those book- fanciers may discover, that it would be more praiseworthy to endow a school for the education of the children of their tenantry, than to pay one or two thousand pounds for the worthless and illegible production of a departed scribbler. The sober- minded friend of literature must, indeed, smile at the foolish competitions of black letter amateurs, when he is informed that an English nobleman paid upwards of two thousand pounds for the Decameron of Boccacio! But it is by the extravagance of such ninnies that tradesmen live; and those booksellers who are now so active for the accommodation of the excellent critics of the puerile madrigals, the absurd tales, and the obscene narratives of the half- taught bards, who amused James the First and Charles the Second with their ribaldry, may well be terms the resurrection- men of anti- quated literature.” John Corry, The English Metropolis; Or, London in the Year 1820 (London: 1820), 263–4. The reference is to the sale of the Roxburghe library in 1812, details of which had recently been repeated in Dibdin’s The Bibliographical Decameron; Or, Ten Days Pleasant Discourse Upon Illuminated Manuscripts, and Subjects Connected with Early Engraving, Typography, and Bibliography (London: Shakspeare Press, 1817). 4. Dibdin, Bibliomania, 14–15. Gary Kelly argues that Bibliomania should be seen as “an extravaganza, clearly not meant to be read through, a monument to its subject, the classic of Romantic bibliophilia, and a challenge to commercial, professional, and utilitarian ideas of the book,” in “The Limits of Genre and the Institution of Literature: Romanticism between Fact and Fiction,” in Romantic Revolutions: Criticism and Theory, ed. Kenneth R. Johnston, Gilbert Chaitin, Karen Hanson, and Herbert Marks (Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 1990), 168. 5. Nathan Drake makes a parallel argument: “In the present hour of difficulty and danger, when politics and finance appear so entirely to occupy the public mind, it is little to be expected that subjects of fancy and mere elegant literature should greatly excite attention, or meet with adequate support. Long however as our eyes have been now turned on scenes of turbulence and anarchy, long as we have listened with horror to the storm which has swept over Europe with such ungovernable fury, it must, I should imagine, 176 Notes

prove highly grateful, highly soothing to the wearied mind, to occasionally repose on such topics as literature and imagination are willing to afford.” See Drake, Literary Hours or Sketches Critical and Narrative (Sudbury: 1798), i– ii. 6. Philip Connell, “Bibliomania: Book Collecting, Cultural Politics, and the Rise of Literary Heritage in Romantic Britain,” Representations 71 (2000), 32. See also, Jackson, Romantic Readers, 208–12; Deidre Lynch, “‘Wedded to Books’: Bibliomania and the Romantic Essayists,” Praxis Series: Romantic Libraries, ed. Ina Ferris; and Ina Ferris, “Bibliographic Romance: Bibliophilia and the Book- Object,” the latter two at www.rc.edu/praxis/libraries/ferris 7. E. J. O’Dwyer, Thomas Frognall Dibdin: Bibliographer and Bibliomaniac Extraordinary 1776–1847 (Pinner: Private Libraries Association, 1967), 13, 17. 8. See, Thomas Frognall Dibdin, Reminiscences of a Literary Life; By the Reverend. Thos. Frognall Dibdin D.D. (London: John Major, 1836), 231–9, and O’Dwyer, Dibdin, 12. 9. As part of his defense of studies in the “ancient literature of our country,” he suggests that knowledge of black- letter texts not only enhances the pleasures of reading later “classical” authors, but also allows a parallel, highly flattering to his audience, between readers and writers: “why do we feel such frequent transport in the perusal of Spenser, of Shakspeare, and of Milton? It is because the minds of those great men had been stored by a perusal of some of the most celebrated productions of their predecessors” (237). Solitary black- letter reading of “classical authors,” in short, gives simultaneous access to their distinctive genius and their mediation of previous texts; literary historical lectures turn the reader’s private affective experience into a social and pedagogical one. And as Dibdin is quick to note, the Royal Institution attracted an elite audience. 10. James Beresford parodies the range of activities – invention of neologisms, institutional lecturing, black- letter studies – to which Dibdin refers in the Reminiscences and Bibliomania: “Perfect originality in any project for general, or particular benefit, it is now, perhaps, too late in the long history of man, to hope with reason. In the great object with which I now teem, I am, in part, forestalled. To the active and enlightened spirit of the present times, we are already indebted for four literary ‘INSTITUTIONS.’ – I am ready with Proposals for a fifth; – an INSTITUTION, for Young BOOK- COLLECTORS, whom, in their combined capacity, I would call THE COLLECTORIAT. – The scite, [sic] and dimensions, of the future Edifice, are points which it would be obviously needless to bring into view, until it be seen whether the great object to which they would have reference, shall be encouraged by the Parties concerned in it.” After attending lectures, young book- collectors would be granted specific Bachelor’s or Master’s degree, as in B.L.P.C. Bachelor of Large Paper Copies, etc. (the acronyms continue for a full paragraph). James Beresford, Bibliosophia; or Book- Wisdom. Containing some account of the pride, pleasure, and privileges, of that glorious vocation, book- collecting. By an Aspirant. II. The Twelve Labours of an Editor, separately pitted against those of Hercules (London: William Miller, 1810), 66. 11. Intertextual references confirm the strong connections between these writers on books and bookishness: Dibdin’s Lectures to Mathias’ Pursuits, Dibdin’s Bibliomania to Ferrier’s Bibliomania, Beresford’s Bibliosophia to Dibdin’s Bibliomania; the running title of Dibdin’s 1832 Bibliophobia announces that the text is addressed to “The Author of the Bibliomania” and opens with an account Notes 177

of the “excessive astonishment and chagrin which I experienced at the sale of the Autograph Novels of the renowned AUTHOR of WAVERLEY” (8). 12. Brydges, Censura (1815), I.xxxii. 13. In what was originally a postscript to Volume I of the first edition, Brydges laments the erosion of civic humanist values: “Society is thus turned topsy- turvy; there is no permanence in rank or in estates; adventurers and stock- jobbers rise above all that is venerable for wisdom or virtue or station; and the people habituated to a constant sight of changes lose all reverence for establishments, and become ripe for insurrections, revolutions, and plunder.” Censura (London: 1815), I.xiii. 14. Brydges, Censura, VII.236; Samuel Egerton Brydges and Joseph Haslewood, The British Bibliographer (London: R. Triphook and T. Bensley, 1810–14), II.iv. Brydges was, with Dibdin, a founding member of the Roxburghe Club, formed after the auctioning of the collection ended. 15. Brydges and Haslewood, British Bibliographer, II.v. Writing before the emergence of widespread concern with the negative effects of collecting and book sales, Thomas Warton had lamented the fact “that English literature and English poetry suffer, while so many pieces of this kind still remain concealed and forgotten in our manuscript libraries.” See, The History of English Poetry, intro. David Fairer (London: Routledge and Thoemmes Press, 1998), I.208–9. Beresford satirizes “the Collector” by contrasting his literal possessiveness with the reliance of the hapless “Student” on an imperfect “Memory” in terms that emphasize the bibliophile’s lack of interest in learning or scholarship. See, Beresford, Bibliosophia, 5–6. For a discussion of negative representations of antiquarianism, see Joseph Levine, Dr. Woodward’s Shield: History, Science and Satire in Augustan England (Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 1977). 16. Brydges and Haslewood, British Bibliographer IV.ii–iii; IV.ii. 17. Samuel Egerton Brydges, Desultoria; Or, Comments of a South- Briton on Books and Men (Lee Priory, Kent: printed at the private press Lee Priory by Johnson and Warwick, 1815), 2; Lynch, “‘Wedded to Books’.” 18. Brydges’ claim to “liberal” interests here refers presumably to the humanist distinction between liberal and servile activities, and thus maintains the hierarchical class affiliations (as opposed to the more specialized contemporary vocabulary of liberalism to which writers like John Aikin refer in their mapping out of a literary history accessible, through new print media including cheap reprints, miscellanies, anthologies, and journals, to a much broader reading audience). Elsewhere, the aggressively elitist tone of Brydges’ comments on readers defines them through reference to social status. 19. Brydges, Anti- Critic, vii; Censura VII.2–3. 20. Brydges, Censura, I.li; I.xxxiii; I.lii. 21. Edinburgh Review 4 (1804), 153. 22. Alexander Pope, Epistles to Several Persons. Epistle IV, To Richard Boyle Earl of Burlington, ll. 8–9, in The Poems of Alexander Pope, ed. John Butt (London: Methuen & Co., 1963). 23. Joseph Levine, Humanism and History: Origins of Modern English Historiography (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1987), 72–106. See also, his Dr. Woodward’s Shield and The Battle of the Books: History and Literature in the Augustan Age (Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 1977). Susan Manning argues that the relation of antiquarian writing to historiography was defined in terms 178 Notes

of a marginal to a master narrative, a messy to a coherent one, a disruptive and obfuscatory to a progressive and shaping one. It is also a relation that set the antiquarian’s miserly and exclusively proprietorial response to materials in conflict with the “circulating economic and sympathetic currencies of Civil Society” (67) as described by eighteenth- century philosophical history. See, “Antiquarianism, the Scottish Science of Man, and the Emergence of Modern Disciplinarity,” in Scotland and the Borders of Romanticism, ed. Leith Davis, Ian Duncan, and Janet Sorensen (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004), 57–76. For Clifford Siskin, the emergent understanding of writing as “the imaginative product of mind” (“Literature”), as the best examples of the national language (“English Literature”), and as something to be taught, shared, and cherished by the nation (the discipline of “English Literature”) is strongly indebted to the concentring functions of the version of Scottish Enlightenment philosophy that Manning describes. See, The Work of Writing, 94. 24. Nick Groom, The Making of Percy’s Reliques (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999), 104. On the plagiarism and forgery scandals, see Paul Baines, The House of Forgery in Eighteenth- Century Britain (Aldershot: Ashgate, 1999); Bertrand Goldgar, “Imitation and Plagiarism: the Lauder Affair and its Critical Aftermath,” Studies in Literary Imagination 34.1 (2001): 1–16; Ian Haywood, Faking It: Art and the Politics of Forgery (Brighton: Harvester Press, 1987); Peter Martin, Edmond Malone Shakespearian Scholar: a Literary Biography (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995); Margaret Russett, Fictions and Fakes: Forging Romantic Authenticity, 1760–1845 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006). On the Macpherson/Percy debate, see, in addition to Nick Groom, Fiona J. Stafford, The Sublime Savage: a Study of James Macpherson and the Poems of Ossian (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1988) and Howard Weinbrot, Britannia’s Issue: the Rise of British Literature from Dryden to Ossian (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993). On the relation between, and political resonances of, folklore and antiquarianism, see Robert Folkenflik, “Folklore, Antiquarianism, Scholarship and High Literary Culture,” in Cambridge History of English Literature, 1660–1780, ed. John Richetti (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005), 602–21. For the ideological significance of Percy’s work, see Philip Connell, “British Identities and the Politics of Ancient Poetry in Later Eighteenth- Century England,” Historical Journal 49 (2006): 161–92. 25. Warton, History of English Poetry, II.463; I.13. 26. Quoted in Fairer, “Introduction,” Warton, History of English Poetry, I.18. 27. Brydges, Anti- Critic, 95. 28. Brydges, Censura, VII.266–7. 29. Warton, History of English Poetry, I.ii–iii. The decision to open his study not with the Saxons, but with the Norman accession is again used as an occasion to display the social and political underpinnings that shape the methodology of his literary history: “every reader that reflects but for a moment on our political establishment must perceive, that the Saxon poetry has no connection with the nature and purpose of my present undertaking. Before the Norman accession, which succeeded to the Saxon government, we were an unformed and unset- tled race. That mighty revolution obliterated almost all relation to the former inhabitants of this island; and produced that signal change in our policy, constitution, and public manners, the effects of which have reached modern Notes 179

times. The beginning of these annals seems therefore to be most properly dated from that era, when our national character began to dawn” (I.vi). 30. See Fairer, “Introduction,” Warton, History of English Poetry, I.6. 31. Joseph Ritson is a striking exception to the commendation of Warton as literary historian. His 1782 Observations on the First Three Volumes of Warton’s History of English Poetry (London: J. Stockdale and R. Faulder) notes that “[n]ext to the civil history of a country, an account of its language, literature and poetry is, both to natives and strangers, the most interesting and important subject that can be conceived” (47); Warton’s, however, is not a “History,” but “an injudicious farrago, a gallimawfry of things which both do and do not belong to the subject, thrown and jumbled together, without system, arrangement, or perspicuity” and hence will “remain a monument of disgrace to yourself and your country” (48). 32. Brydges’ contrast of Johnson with Warton is typical: “No taste could have been more dissimilar, than that of Johnson and the Wartons! No minds formed in more opposite moulds! The Wartons were classical scholars of the highest order, embued with all the enthusiasm, and all the prejudices, if you will, of Greece and Rome, heightened by the romantic effusions of the ages of chivalry, by the sublimities of Dante and Milton, the wildness of Ariosto and Spenser, the beauties of Tasso and Petrarch. Johnson was a severe moral- ist, who, thinking merely from the sources of his own mind, endeavoured to banish all which he deemed the useless and unsubstantial eccentricities of the mind. He loved the ‘Truth severe,’ but he could not bear to see it ______‘in fairy fiction drest.’ How could such discordant tempers agree?” (Censura, VII.264). 33. Joseph Ritson’s identifying of Thomas Warton’s language in the History of English Poetry as “easy and elegant” coupled with the charge of “indolence in collecting and examining materials” might be construed as an attack on privilege. See, Ritson, Observations, 47, 48.

4 Literary History and Literary Specimens

1. Charles Lamb’s Specimens of the English Dramatic Poets who lived about the Time of Shakspeare (London: Longman, Hurst, Rees, and Orme 1808) and Charles Abraham Elton’s Specimens of the Classic Poets in a chronological series from Homer to Tryphiodorus (London, 1814) testify further to the popularity of the form and the perception of the interrelations between distinct sets. 2. Brydges and Haslewood, British Bibliographer, II.vi. 3. See Ina Ferris, “Antiquarian Authorship: D’ Israeli’s Miscellany of Literary Curiosity and the Question of Secondary Genres,” Studies in Romanticism 45 (2006): 523–42. 4. George Ellis, Specimens of the Early English Poets (London: Edwards, 1790), iv; Robert Southey, Specimens of the Later English Poets, with Preliminary Notices (London: Longman, Hurst, Rees and Orme, 1807), a2; Thomas Campbell, Specimens of the British Poets; with biographical and critical notices, and An Essay on English Poetry (London: John Murray, 1819), I. 62. 5. For literary history as “mortuary discourse,” see Terry, Poetry, 251. 6. The “Digression on the Private Life of the English” follows the manner of Hume’s Fourth Appendix in that Ellis’ “Digression” marks the break between 180 Notes

the historical narrative and the post- Henry VIII “specimens.” The dramatic expansion of the historical narrative between the 1790 and subsequent editions of Ellis’ Specimens has intriguing parallels with the contemporary reorientation of reviewing practices that followed the 1802 decision of the Edinburgh Review to deviate from the established practice of briefly noting new publications and to pursue instead more lengthy articles on select subjects. 7. The status implications of the distinction emerge in Ellis’ comment that he has excluded ballads from the Specimens because their primary interest lies in their revelation of “ancient manners and opinions” and they are hence “less connected with the history of our poetry,” a history that he plots through reference to a model of progressive refinement. As Nick Groom notes, only after the publication of Percy’s Reliques in 1765 do ballads begin to shed their association with low street culture when “Percy’s nationalist antiquarian approach to cultural heritage [helps] to defuse the explosive revolutionary politics of ballads” (The Making of Percy’s Reliques, 25). While a sense of ballads as disreputable still clings to the 1790 comments, the inclusion of Percy among the pantheon of literary historians Ellis names in later editions of the Specimens confirms Groom’s point. 8. This is not to suggest that literary history was in fact the exclusive preserve of commentary relating to manners and opinion; across an historiographical spectrum marked by increasing responsiveness to competing modes, similar claims are made in works ranging from traditional political history to more vanguard forms, including literary histories. 9. The elitism might be seen as predictable, given Southey’s imminent affiliation with the Quarterly Review and his very public apostasy, although, as noted above, Ellis’ loyalist sentiments apparently did not color his advocacy of increasing opportunities for a range of readers to gain access to the past. As Elizabeth Eger notes, Southey’s was one of the few male-edited compilations before Alexander Dyce’s 1825 Specimens of Women Poetesses to include representation from women. See, “Fashioning a Female Canon: Eighteenth- Century Women Poets and the Politics of the Anthology,” in Women’s Poetry in the Enlightenment: the Making of a Canon, 1730–1820 (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1999), 213–14. But as his contemporary Lucy Aikin noted tartly, “I am persuaded that he [Southey] hated most literary women; and latterly, all dissenters.” See, Memoirs, Miscellanies and Letters of the Late Lucy Aikin, ed. Philip Hemery Le Breton (London: Longman, Green, Longman, Roberts & Green, 1864), 164. 10. The OED defines birmingham or brummagem as “counterfeit, sham, not genuine; of the nature of a cheap or showy imitation.” 11. Reviewer identified in Wellesley Index as possibly Henry Brougham. Edinburgh Review 11 (1807), 31. 12. Pope, too, had favored the “encyclopaedic and taxonomic,” but, as Fairer suggests, Warton’s History made this approach obsolete. See, “Introduction,” Warton, History of English Poetry, I.5. For a detailed account of alternative taxonomic histories, see James M. Osborn, “The First History of English Poetry,” in Pope and his Contemporaries: Essays Presented to George Sherburn, ed. James Clifford and Louis A. Landa (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1949; rpt. New York: Oxford University Press, 1968), 230–50. 13. In “On the Comparative Refinement of the Age that preceded, and that which followed, the Commonwealth,” John Scott presents a more insistent version Notes 181

of Southey’s anti- French and elitist argument: “The truth is, that there is not an intelligent critic in England who does not consider the age of Charles the Second, – held out by the French critics as one of literary improvement – to be remarkable for the decline of the national literature, and as the period when it took a false direction, acquired a depraved character, and assumed a vicious manner.” But he insists, at length, that this is not an opinion “dictated by the successively- continued prejudices of the mass of the people”; it “is rather to be considered as a lately triumphant truth, established with difficulty by the action of our finer intellects on the more indurated comprehensions and feelings of the multitude – who have never any quickness to see excellence in what is not sanctioned by some common rule, or order, in what they cannot count on their fingers’ ends. The decision to which we have at length happily come on this point, cannot be said to have been carried by the popular voice, but, on the contrary, it is one that has been forced upon the public understanding by the natural leaders in intellectual questions, and, above all, by the experience of protracted years.” London Magazine 3 (1820): 264–5. 14. Both, in short, extend the key premises of the genres they ostensibly condemn. While Southey names only Warton as a precursor, he does thank Heber, Isaac Reed, Mr. Hill, and Grosvenor Charles Bedford for their “personal assistance” (I.v). His failure to identify himself as operating within a tradition of literary historical commentary bears suggestively on Godwin’s charge that Samuel Johnson similarly refused to acknowledge his predecessors. 15. In his review of the Specimens in the Edinburgh, Brougham demolishes Southey’s logic: “The taste of no age is to be deduced from the mere existence of a swarm of scribblers. Their existence may arise from the want of brighter geniuses to eclipse them, or they may be scintillations struck off from superior luminaries, like the train which follows the comet. If such petty sparks of literature fly up in the dark during a particular era, they may indeed prove the want of genius, but not the want of taste, in the age which tolerates them ... The existence of men of genius, such as Pope, Thomson and Gray, proves something definite and certain; it proves that there was genius in the eighteenth century, and taste to feel and revere it. The existence of half an hundred scribblers, proves nothing at all.” Edinburgh Review 21 (1807): 35–6. 16. Francis Jeffrey challenges Southey’s dismissal of public opinion in a review of Campbell’s Specimens that uses the earlier text as foil: “Present popularity, whatever disappointed writers may say, is, after all, the only safe pres- age of future glory; – and it is really as unlikely that good poetry should be produced in any quantity where it is not relished, as that cloth should be manufactured, and thrust into the market, of a pattern and fashion for which there was no demand.” Edinburgh Review 31 (1819): 466–7. 17. Robert J. Griffin, Wordsworth’s Pope: a Study in Literary Historiography (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), 390; Griffin, “The Age of ‘The Age of’ is Over,” 389. 18. Campbell subsequently uses Donne as an exemplary instance of the limitations of organizing literary history either by the dates of monarchs or by their formative influence on “the poetical spirit of the age” (I.199). 19. Edinburgh Review 31 (1819): 466. 20. While Jeffrey commends Ellis’ Specimens, he suggests they were “too scanty” to accomplish the ends he anticipates for Campbell’s; Southey’s, in turn, are 182 Notes

harshly judged: “Southey’s continuation of Ellis did harm rather than good; for though there is some cleverness in the introduction, the work itself is executed in a crude, petulant, and superficial manner, – and bears all the marks of being a mere bookseller’s speculation. – As we have heard nothing of it from the time of its first publication, we suppose it has had the success it deserved” (467). 21. James Chandler, “The Pope Controversy: Romantic Poets and the English Canon,” Critical Inquiry 10 (1984): 481–509. 22. Isaac D’ Israeli, Quarterly Review 23 (1820): 408.

Section III: Isaac D’ Israeli and Literary History

1. Isaac D’ Israeli, The Illustrator Illustrated (London: Edward Moxon, 1838), 3, 6. The Illustrator Illustrated was written in response to Bolton Corney’s Curiosities of Literature, illustrated by Bolton Corney, Esq., Honorary Professor of Criticism in the République des Lettres, and Member of the Society of English Bibliophiles (1837), which was itself an attack on D’Israeli’s Curiosities. Corney replied to The Illustrator Illustrated with his Ideas of Controversy (1838). 2. David Hume, Essays, Moral, Political, and Literary, ed. Eugene Miller ( Indianapolis: Liberty Press, 1987), 112. 3. Benjamin Disraeli, “On the Life and Writings of Mr. Disraeli by his Son,” in Isaac D’ Israeli, Curiosities of Literature. By Isaac D’Israeli. A New Edition, Edited with Memoir and Notes, by his son, the Earl of Beaconsfield (London and New York: Frederick Warne and Co., 1881), I.xxvi.

5 Apostasy and Exclusion

1. Marilyn Butler, Romantics, Rebels, and Reactionaries: English Literature and its Background 1760–1830 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1981), 78. James Ogden places D’ Israeli “on the fringe of the ‘Jacobin’ circle during the Revolutionary decade. Whether he knew Godwin himself is uncertain, though they were on friendly terms later, when he helped with the prepa- ration of Godwin’s History of the Commonwealth (1824–29).” Ogden, Isaac D’ Israeli (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1969), 43. D’Israeli’s representation of Godwin as Subtile in Vaurien, however, is devastating: “Subtile in his dismal retreat, was in a similar situation with the religious visionary, whose prolific and atrabilarious fancy, procreates a monstrous brood, which feed and gorge on the entrails of their mother; that species of insanity which takes posses- sion of the melancholy being, who severed from all human interests, yields itself with phrenetic fervour to one solitary and bewitching contempla- tion. With a fearless hand he drew a circle round nature, and became that unreasonable being who reduced every thing to the line and compass of human reason; and with whom to vary in opinion was to wander in error. An emphatic monotony, gigantic ideas, and hyperbolical truths formed his genius, his rigid mind could not change its attitude; but, firm and massy, made every thing yield to its superior pressure” (I.61–4). 2. Isaac D’ Israeli, Domestic Anecdotes of the French Nation, During the Last Thirty Years. Indicative of the French Revolution (London: Kearsley, 1794), 3. Notes 183

3. Isaac D’ Israeli, Essay on the Manners and Genius of the Literary Character (London: Cadell and Davies, 1795), 167. In a later essay in the same volume, still referring to the “revolution in the human mind,” Locke will appear with Pope and Addison, as writers who “have subjugated the minds of millions by the energy of an intellectual sovereignty” (182–3). 4. Benjamin Disraeli, “Life and Writings of Mr. Disraeli by his Son,” I.32. 5. Isaac D’ Israeli, Miscellanies; Or, Literary Recreations (London: Cadell and Davies, 1796), xxi. 6. In Domestic Anecdotes, for example, he describes in highly ironic terms how “at some distant day, the pencil of history” will produce an apparently “faithful” (A7) but in fact almost completely mistaken account of the revolution in France. 7. Isaac D’ Israeli, Eliot, Hampden, and Pym, Or, A Reply of “The Author of a Book” entitled “Commentaries on the Life and Reign of Charles the First,” to “The Author of a Book” Entitled “Some Memorials of John Hampden, His Party, and His Times” (London: Henry Colburn and Richard Bentley, 1832), 35. 8. The 1796 Miscellanies or Literary Recreations appear in 1801 in a much- expanded, retitled version as Literary Miscellanies: Including A Dissertation on Anecdotes. A New Edition, Enlarged (London: Murray and Highley). For the modern definition of the miscellany, see St. Clair, The Reading Nation where the index directs those interested in miscellanies to the discussion of commonplace books (775); Benedict (Making the Modern Reader) describes miscellanies as “bundled together from contemporary, fashionable material by booksellers” (3) and argues that “anthologies and miscellanies consti- tute the same genre” in the period (4). D’Israeli’s model is probably Francis Bacon’s Essays; Bacon’s “inductive” methods were frequently invoked by anti- Jacobin authors as counter to the supposed “metaphysical” theorizing of radical philosophers. See, for example, Robert Bisset, Sketch of Democracy (London: Smeeton, Mathews, Dilly, White, 1796), i– v. 9. The technique of playing off a prestigious genre against a less established one in order to question the methodological grounds and epistemological certain- ties claimed by the dominant form can also be seen in Godwin’s later, and until recently unpublished, essay, “Of History and Romance.” But as I argue in “Radical Utopias: History and the Novel in the 1790s,” Eighteenth- Century Fiction 16 (2004), 783–802, Godwin reluctantly reasserts the pre- eminence of formal history on the grounds that its limited truths can be empirically confirmed, while those of imagination cannot. D’Israeli, in contrast, continues to press the claims of emergent and conventionally subordinate genres. 10. D’ Israeli, Literary Miscellanies, 7. 11. In “Historical Characters are False Representations of Nature” in the 1796 Miscellanies, D’Israeli demonstrates the problems with the convention of invented speech by quoting Robertson’s acknowledgment that over- emphasizing “political motives” when considering historical figures such as Queen Elizabeth, unduly diminishes the “‘passions with which they feel in common with the rest of mankind. In order to account for Elizabeth’s present, as well as her subsequent conduct towards Mary, we must not always consider her as a queen, we must sometimes regard her merely as a woman.’” D’Israeli responds indignantly: “This is precisely what the refining ingenuity of this writer does as rarely as any historian ... He explains projects 184 Notes

that were unknown, and details stratagems which never took place. We often admire the fertile conceptions of the queen regent; of Elizabeth; and of Bothwell; when in truth, we are defrauding Robertson of whatever praise may be due to political invention” (70–1). 12. Isaac D’ Israeli, Calamities and Quarrels of Authors, 5. 13. Isaac D’ Israeli, Literary Miscellanies: Including A Dissertation on Anecdotes, 7. The Dissertation on Anecdotes was first published in 1793. 14. Elizabeth Wanning Harries, The Unfinished Manner: Essays on the Fragment in the Later Eighteenth Century (Charlottesville and London: University Press of Virginia, 1994), 47. 15. The “opinions and feelings” that have caused him anxiety and that are referred to here collectively as “errors” appear in the particular essays as his subjects’ madness, melancholy, suicide, superstition, and jealousy. 16. D’Israeli’s exchange of intellectual for religious marginalization has additional resonances, carrying as it does a peculiar mix of injured pride and sense of failure. In this light, Benjamin Disraeli’s account of his grandmother, Isaac’s mother, is provocative. She was, he says, a woman who “had imbibed that dis- like for her race which the vain are too apt to adopt when they find that they are born to public contempt. The indignant feeling that should be reserved for the persecutor, in the mortification of their disturbed sensibility, is too often visited on the victim” (“On the Life and Writings of Mr. Disraeli by his Son,” x). Ogden comments on the “fanciful genealogy” of Benjamin Disraeli’s memoir of his father, noting that the family can be traced only back to the opening of the eighteenth century, and were not Italian Jews “more aristocratic than the English aristocracy” (Isaac D’Israeli , 9). Michael Ragussis regards such attempts to link the crypto- Judaism of fifteenth- century Spain to nineteenth- century England as preoccupations of both Isaac D’Israeli and Benjamin Disraeli, tracing considerations of the topic from the father’s Curiosities of Literature and Genius of Judaism through to the political trilogy of his son’s Coningsby, Sybil, and Tancred. See Ragussis, Figures of Conversion: ‘The Jewish Question’ and English National Identity (Durham and London: Duke University Press, 1995), 177–211. 17. Michael Scrivener, “British- Jewish Writing of the Romantic Era and the Problem of Modernity: the Example of David Levi,” in British Romanticism and the Jews: History Culture, Literature, ed. Shelia Spector (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002), 159. Stuart Peterfreund, in contrast, argues com- pellingly against the inference that D’Israeli’s Anglophilia represents a form of assimilation, suggesting that “something far more significant than cultural affiliation” shapes his aggressively English and European learning, namely, an attempt, denominated by Peterfreund, Talmudical, to identify and elabo- rate “the paradigms by which literature generally, and the literary imagination, in particular, may be understood.” See, “Not for ‘Antiquaries,’ but for ‘Philosophers’: Isaac D’Israeli’s Talmudic Critique and His Talmudical Way with Literature,” in British Romanticism and the Jews, 191. Todd Endelman argues that “anti- Jewish views ... shared the stage with countervailing forces and ideas that, in practice, made the conditions of Jewish life in eighteenth- century Britain more tolerable than elsewhere in Europe at this time.” See, The Jews of Georgian England: Tradition and Change in a Liberal Society (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, [1979] 1999), xx– xxi. Ogden interprets the account of D’Israeli that he quotes from “A Biographical Sketch of Notes 185

I. D’Israeli Esq.” in the Monthly Review for 1796 – “He is a rare instance of a person of [Jewish] origin acquiring any literary reputation. But he is truly a philosopher, and we believe, though a descendant of Israel, is disgraced by no vulgar superstition, and, as he says, has quite forgotten his Hebrew alphabet” (Isaac D’Israeli , 193–4) – as consistent with the views expressed in D’ Israeli’s own early publications. 18. Benjamin Disraeli discusses his father’s failure as a poet, but claims that “the poetical temperament was not thrown away upon him … [I]t was this great gift which prevented his being a mere literary antiquary; it was this which animated his page with picture and his narrative with interesting vivacity; above all, it was this temperament, which invested him with that sympathy for his subject, which made him the most delightful biographer in our language. In a word, it was because he was a poet, that he was a popular writer, and made belles- lettres charming to the multitude” (“On the Life and Writings of Mr. Disraeli by his Son,” xxvi). 19. Carte was, in fact, closely involved with the Jacobite cause, living in exile in France between 1722 and 1728 to escape arrest under a charge of high treason and arrested again in 1744. 20. The individual poet, committed to “creating the taste by which he is to be enjoyed” speaks to, and will finally be rewarded by, the “Spirit of human knowledge” from which issues the “Vox populi which the Deity inspires.” Wordsworth’s famous phrase echoes D’Israeli’s comment in Calamities and Quarrels that any bookseller attempting to “create a taste will find himself anticipating a more cultivated curiosity by half a century” (87). See, “Essay, Supplementary to the Preface (1815),” in Prose Works of William Wordsworth III, 81. 21. Samuel Taylor Coleridge, Biographia Literaria or Biographical Sketches of My Literary Life and Opinions, ed. James Engell and W. Jackson Bate. The Collected Works of Samuel Taylor Coleridge Vol. 7 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1983), 2.29. 22. As M. H. Abrams’ The Mirror and the Lamp: Romantic Theory and the Critical Tradition (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1953, 1980) documents, the organic images of spark and fountain are commonplace in Romantic poetry. But their principal use there is to approximate the processes of creative genius, and not, as in D’ Israeli, to describe patterns of intellectual inheritance. The inheritance patterns he invokes, moreover, involve complex patterns of innovation and material transmission, as evidenced by D’Israeli’s use of Camden who drew on Robert Cotton’s manuscript collection in writing his history of Elizabethan England. 23. Isaac D’ Israeli, Commentaries on the Life and Reign of Charles the First, II.317–18. Leah Price suggests that while twentieth- century critics were in the main inattentive to bibliographic matters, the ambition of current book historians “to reverse center with periphery” represents a new direction. D’Israeli’s alertness to the revelatory possibilities of the book, while characteristic of his period, is more speculative than such contemporaries as Dibdin or Brydges, particularly because he pursues his attraction to the exceptional and marginal both biographically and methodologically. See Price, “Introduction: Reading Matter,” PMLA 121 (2006), Special Topic: The History of the Book and the Idea of Literature, 13. 186 Notes

6 The Structures of Opinion

1. D’ Israeli, Manners and Genius of the Literary Character, 175–6, 182–3. 2. D’ Israeli, Vaurien, I.xvii. 3. Hume, Essays, 32. 4. Phillips, Society and Sentiment, 49. 5. Isaac D’ Israeli, An Enquiry into the Literary and Political Character of James the First (London: 1816), 12. Ina Ferris suggests that D’ Israeli’s work was prompted by the republication of Sir Anthony Weldon’s Court and Character of James the First (1650) in a collection, Secret History of the Court of James the First (1811), edited anonymously by Walter Scott. See, Ferris, “The ‘Character’ of James the First and Antiquarian Society,” The Wordsworth Circle 37 (2006), 74. 6. Isaac D’ Israeli, Amenities of Literature, Consisting of Sketches and Characters of English Literature, ed. Benjamin Disraeli (London: Frederick Warne and Co., 1881), 9. Significantly, at this late point in his career, D’ Israeli represents the expansion of reading not as politically fraught – as he did in the 1790s – but as a noteworthy stage in the development of the nation: “We were now at the crisis of that great moral revolution in the intellectual history of a people, when the people become readers, and the people become writers” (Amenities, 11). 7. D’ Israeli, James, 5. 8. In Vaurien, the case against literary antiquarianism is made by the aptly named Mr. Acrid: “‘Mere antiquaries are ever to be duped,’ replied Mr. Acrid with a dictatorial tone. ‘Without taste to discern, penetration to decide, or that illumi- nating sagacity that combines it’s unerring calculations; with a brainless head and sightless eyes, you pore on inscriptions, sepulchral monuments, and manuscripts that would never have been such, had they merited literary honours. You only read the dullness of other times, and call this erudition; the gross jests of our gross forefathers, and you conceive you are men of wit ... The dullest of a dull age becomes to the mere antiquary the most precious of his own times; and yet such bear no other resemblance to Midas than by his exterior sign, their touch cannot turn lead into gold. You have already stifled Shakespeare by your commentaries, the text cannot breathe freely amidst your incumbrances. Here is a man who writes with an orthography of his own invention, and in a style that has no invention at all; and every fool of learning is summoned to admire a modern skeleton in an ancient leaden coffin’” (II. 29–30). 9. According to Seamus Deane, the “most ferocious and absurd of all the versions of the conspiracy thesis” was the enormously popular account offered by Abbé Barruel who identified the French Revolution with the activities of an international cabal of intellectuals who plotted for decades to overthrow all traditional values. See, The French Revolution and Enlightenment in England, 1789–1832 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1988), 11. For a contemporary English rendering of Barruel’s argument, see the anonymous Jacobinism Displayed; In An Address to the People of England The Second Edition (Birmingham: E. Piercy, 1798), 4–5. 10. D’ Israeli’s early indebtedness to the scandal chronicle and romans-à-clef can be seen in his comments on the secret power women exercise in matters of state: “We are apt to be surprised ... that while an invasion takes place, a monarch is assassinated, or an inquisition erected, the motive- power of this vast machine is a little unperceived spring, touched and played upon by the dexterity of a Notes 187

woman.” See, Essay on the Manners and Genius of the Literary Character, 257. By the end of the decade, however, he positions the scandal chronicle as foil to his own “masculinised” secret history, and uses the trope of powerful women to attack republican sympathizers whom he charges with endorsing a volatile mixture of gender contraventions, class antagonism, and radical politics. The class connotations of the condemned secret histories emerge clearly in D’ Israeli’s contrast between them and the secret histories on which he draws, one of the sources of which is the “voluminous correspondence ... carried on between residents in the metropolis and their country friends” in the era before “newsbooks, as the first newspapers were called ... Great men then employed a scribe who had a talent this way, and sometimes a confi- dential friend, to convey to them the secret history of the times; and, on the whole, they are composed by a better sort of writers” ( James, 165–6). The conventions of the romans-à-clef are briefly revived in the anti- Jacobin novel, Vaurien (where Holcroft, for example, appears as Reverberator and Thelwall as Dragon). For an account of the most significant of the scandal chroniclers in the early eighteenth century, Delarivier Manley, see Ros Ballaster, Seductive Forms: Women’s Amatory Fiction from 1684 to 1740 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1992). For Michael McKeon, early eighteenth- century secret histories prob- lematize the boundary between the private and public at the transitional historical moment of an emergent modernity. See, McKeon, “The Secret History of Domesticity: Private, Public, and the Division of Knowledge,” in The Age of Cultural Revolutions: Britain and France, 1759–1820, ed. Colin Jones and Dror Wahrman (Berkeley, Los Angeles, and London: University of California Press, 2002), 171–89, and The Secret History of Domesticity: Public, Private and the Division of Knowledge (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2005). 11. In the opening pages of James, D’Israeli describes how the character of the king had “to pass through the lengthened inquisitorial tortures of the sullen sectarism of Harris. It was branded by the fierce, remorseless republican Catherine Macaulay, and flouted by the light sparkling whig Horace Walpole. A senseless cry of pedantry had been raised against him by the eloquent invective of Bolingbroke, from whom doubtless Pope echoed it in verse, which has outlived his Lordship’s prose” (7–9). His subsequent more detailed attack on Macaulay (203–20) interprets her hostile representation of James as an outgrowth of her republican sympathies. 12. Isaac D’ Israeli, Despotism: Or The Fall of the Jesuits. A Political Romance, Illustrated by Historical Anecdotes (London: John Murray, 1811), II.344. 13. Joel Fineman, Annabel Patterson, and Lionel Gossman have separately described how the anecdote provides an alternative to the grand narrative. Fineman’s interest is in determining precursors to New Historicism, Patterson’s in establishing the anecdote as a quintessentially Whiggish genre, and Gossman’s in distinguishing historiographic modes that authorize, from those that subvert, established views. None of these perspectives easily accommodates D’Israeli’s achievements – Fineman’s narrative builds on the classical and Renaissance texts that the New Historicists themselves privilege, Patterson’s makes little room for “Tory” writers, while Gossman argues that the anecdote has limited exploratory value and serves princi- pally as “an illustrative rhetorical device” (163). See, Fineman, “The History of the Anecdote: Fact and Fiction,” in The New Historicism, ed. H. Aram 188 Notes

Veeser (New York and London: Routledge, 1989), 49–76; Patterson, Early Modern Liberalism (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997); Gossman, “Anecdote and History,” History and Theory 42 (May 2003): 143–68. Ogden provides a brief history of the fashion for anecdotes in the late seventeenth century, their decline in popularity and subsequent revival in the 1770s, as witnessed by Horace Walpole’s Anecdotes of Painting in England, James Pettit Andrews’ Anecdotes Ancient and Modern, William Seward’s Anecdotes of Distinguished Persons, and Boswell’s Life of Johnson. James Chandler, in turn, explores the relation of the anecdote to the “conversational model of representing culture,” citing Hazlitt’s Round Table as exemplary. See, England in 1819, 283. 14. For an account of the technique, closely related to Warton’s and D’Israeli’s of “writing double, critical narratives in English” that was developed by Gibbon, Hume, and Robertson, see Anthony Grafton, The Footnote: a Curious History (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1997), 103–4. 15. Patterson, Early Modern Liberalism, 160. 16. D’ Israeli, Literary Miscellanies, 14. 17. David Hume, The History of England from the Invasion of Julius Caesar to The Revolution in 1688 (Indianapolis: Liberty Press, 1983), V.121. Lucy Aikin’s nearly contemporary letter to Mrs. Taylor (August 1816) on the subject of her own work on Queen Elizabeth’s court (eventually published in 1819) reveals a similar awareness of the need for a new kind of historiography that avoids the limitations of political history and antiquarianism: “Your opinion on this mode of writing history is peculiarly gratifying to me. It appears to me that a historian who undertakes to narrate the events of centuries must necessarily neglect the illustration of their literature, their biography, the manners, and domestic morals; but are not these, to the great body of readers, at once the most instructive, and the most amusing branches of the knowledge of past ages? On the other hand, the mere antiquarian presents all the minuter parts of this knowledge in a detail which is often dry and disgusting; he is frequently destitute of all powers of writing, and almost always void that philosophical spirit which combines, which generalises, and infers. Yet the writer of essays on the progress of civilisation, on manners, &c. is still worse; he is generally a Scotch or French metaphysician, who sets out with a system; if the former, he gives you facts so exaggerated, so embellished, or so distorted, that you would give the world to get clear out of your head all the error that he has put into it.” See, Memoirs, Miscellanies and Letters of the Late Lucy Aikin, 142. 18. For an account of the increasing public and private criticism of Macaulay in the late 1770s, and the near- eclipse of her reputation as historian in the period after her death in 1791, see Devoney Looser, “ ‘Those historical laurels which once graced my brow are now in their wane’: Catherine Macaulay’s Last Years and Legacy,” Studies in Romanticism 42 (2003): 213–25. D’Israeli carefully attaches interested motives to all writers whose estimations of James are negative, beginning with “Burnet, the ardent champion of a party so deeply concerned to oppose as well the persons as the principles of the Stuarts” and continuing with “the lengthened inquisitorial tortures of the sullen sectarism of Harris” (whom he charges with misrepresentations provoked by the wish to please his patron, the republican Thomas Hollis), the “fierce, remorseless republican Catherine Macaulay,” the “whig Horace Walpole,” Notes 189

who “had something in his composition more predominant than his wit, a cold, unfeeling disposition which contemned all literary men, at the moment his heart secretly panted to partake of their fame,” and the “eloquent invective of Bolingbroke.” Together, these “party-writers” have been responsible for an entirely false view of the monarch’s learning: “Few of my readers, I suspect, but have long been persuaded that James I. was a mere college pedant, and that all his works, whatever they may be, are monstrous pedantic labours. Yet this monarch of all things detested pedantry, either as it show itself in the mere form of Greek and Latin; or in ostentatious book- learning; or in the affectation of words of remote significance; these are the only points of view in which I have been taught to consider the meaning of the term pedantry, which is very indefinite, and always a relative one” (James, 6–11). 19. Hume asserted, using the conference at Hampton Court as evidence, that by “entering zealously into frivolous disputes, James gave them an air of importance and dignity, which they could not otherwise have acquired” (History, V.12). D’Israeli, contrarily, claims that by doing so, James maintained the order of the kingdom: “The pacific government of James I. required that the King himself should be a master of these controversies to be enabled to bal- ance the conflicting parties, and none but a learned king could have exerted the industry or attained to the skill” ( James, 26–7).

7 The “whole mind of the nation”

1. Blackwood’s Edinburgh Magazine 4 (1818), 265. 2. Subsequently, as part of his argument for the scope of what he sees as a very recent interest in pre- Restoration writings, he notes the signs of such interest not only in investigations of the “Poetry,” but also the “Ancient Literature” and “Ancient History of our Country.” 3. On Wilson’s wavering responses to his friend Wordsworth, see David Higgins, “Blackwood’s Edinburgh Magazine and the Construction of Wordsworth’s Genius,” in Romantic Periodicals and Print Culture, ed. Kim Wheatley (London and Portland, OR: Frank Cass, 2003), 122–36. See Jon Klancher, The Making of English Reading Audiences, 1790–1832 (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1987), 52–60, for an account of Blackwood’s deployment of a “language of intellectual desire, a desire to be acted and re- enacted in the moment of reading itself” (60). 4. Sharon Turner, The History of England During the Middle Ages, 2nd edition (London: Longman, Hurst, Rees, Brown and Green, 1825), I.xvii. Isaac D’Israeli’s cousin, frequent contributor to the Quarterly Review, and John Murray and Southey’s solicitor, Turner had conservative ties that were familial, social, and professional. See Jonathan Cutmore, Contributors to the Quarterly Review: a History, 1809–25 (London: Pickering & Chatto, 2008), 29, note 44, pp. 209–10. 5. John Adams, Flowers of Modern History; Comprehending a New Plan, The Most Remarkable Revolutions and Events, as Well as the Most Eminent and Illustrious Characters, of Modern Times; With a View of the Progress of Society and Manners, Arts and Sciences, From the Irruptions of the Goths and Vandals, and other Northern nations, Upon the Roman Empire, to the Conclusion of the American War (Philadelphia: 1796), Advertisement. 190 Notes

6. John Wilson thus comments that “In reading the volumes of Mr. Turner, we may be excused for expressing the regret which every student of our early history must feel, that a work so valuable by its contents, should have been rendered less interesting, and almost, we might say, of less authority, by the style of the language in which the author has thought fit to convey them.” Blackwood’s Edinburgh Magazine 4 (1818), 265. 7. Alexander Fraser Tytler, Elements of General History, Ancient and Modern (Philadelphia, 1809), iv. 8. Benjamin Heath Malkin, Essays on Subjects Connected with Civilization (London: C. Dilly, 1795), 67–8. 9. John Aikin, Letters from a Father to his Son, On Various Topics, Relative to Literature and the Conduct of Life. Written in the Years 1792 and 1793 … The Third Edition (London: 1796; New York: Garland Publishing, 1971), II.218–19. 10. Margaret J. M. Ezell, Writing Women’s Literary History (Baltimore and London: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1993), 69. 11. Paula McDowell, “Consuming Women: the Life of the ‘Literary Lady’ as Popular Culture in Eighteenth- Century England,” Genre 26 (1993): 219–52. 12. Ezell, Writing Women’s Literary History, 88. 13. Ibid., 86. See also, Elaine Bailey, “Lexicography of the Feminine: Matilda Betham’s Dictionary of Celebrated Women,” Philological Quarterly 83 (2004): 389–413. 14. David Irving, Lives of Scotish Authors; viz. Fergusson, Falconer, and Russell (Edinburgh, 1801), 126. 15. William Russell, Essay on the Character, Manners, and Genius of Women in Different Ages. Enlarged from the French of Mr. Thomas, by Mr. Russell (Philadelphia, 1774), I.96–7. 16. Alexander Dyce, Specimens of British Poetesses; Selected and Chronologically Arranged by the Rev. Alexander Dyce (London: T. Rodd, 1827), v, iv. 17. Herbert Croft and George Isted, The Literary Fly (London, 1779), 50. 18. St. Clair suggests that despite the “scattered, and still largely unquantified” nature of the evidence for such growth, “it seems likely … that the acceler- ated trend continued, matching, and then outpacing, the increase in popula- tion all through the nineteenth century” (The Reading Nation, 382). 19. William Enfield, The Speaker: Or, Miscellaneous Pieces, Selected from the Best English Writers, and disposed under proper heads, with a View to facilitate The Improvement of Youth in Reading and Speaking (London: 1801), xlviii. The Speaker “was reprinted in large editions every year, and sold in hundreds of thousands of copies throughout the romantic period” (St. Clair, Reading Nation, 137). Richard Terry locates Enfield’s elocutionary manual within the “hospitable attitudes” to literature encouraged by dissenting academies, while registering the irony “that the institutions in England that did most to propagate the concept of English literature were ones existing outside the mainstream of education and society” (Poetry and the Making of the English Literary Past, 195). 20. Robert Alves, Sketches of a History of Literature: Containing Lives and Characters of the Most Eminent Writers in Different Languages, Ancient and Modern and Critical remarks on their Works. Together with Several Literary Essays. The Whole Designed as a Directory. To Guide the Judgement and Form the Taste in Reading the Best Authors. By the Late Robert Alves. To which is prefixed A Short Biographical Account of the Author (Edinburgh, 1794), [iii]– iv. Douglas Lane Notes 191

Patey notes that Alves’ Sketches is guided by the assumptions of an older sense of “literature” that after the mid-eighteenth- century introduction of the category of “belles letters” was gradually displaced by a contracted aesthetic understanding of “imaginative literature.” See, Patey, “The Eighteenth Century Invents the Canon,” Modern Language Studies 18 (1988), 19. 21. Thomas Frognall Dibdin, The Library Companion; Or, The Young Man’s Guide, and The Old Man’s Comfort, in the Choice of a Library (London: Nichol, 1824), [i]. 22. St. Clair, Reading Nation, 137. 23. Henry Fielding, Joseph Andrews, ed. Martin C. Battestin (Middletown, CT: Wesleyan University Press, 1967), 4. 24. Henry Fielding, The History of Tom Jones, A Foundling, intro. Martin C. Battestin, ed. Fredson Bowers (Oxford: Wesleyan University Press and Oxford University Press, 1975), I.74. 25. Gilmartin, Writing Against Revolution, 24. Gilmartin and M. O. Grenby, following H. T. Dickinson and Ian Christie, describe 1790s loyalist writing as both heir to an antecedent conservative tradition and productive of mod- ernist structures of feeling. For a particularly cogent development of the argument against the notion of conservative discourse as merely reactionary, see Gilmartin’s first chapter, “In the Theatre of Counterrevolution: Loyalist Association and Vernacular Address.” 26. The heroes’ trajectories are, of course, reversed since Douglas grows up in Scotland, not England, and the key political moment is the French Revolution and not the Jacobite Rebellion, but they share a youthful ideal- ism and journeys that contrast Scotland with England. Also interesting is the adventure of the family friend, Mr. Rhodomontade, a follower of the “young Chevalier”: “The morning of the battle of Culloden he was unfortunately taken ill, which prevented him from signalizing himself. When the battle was over, providentially recovering, he retreated with great expedition, but was, as he himself bore testimony, overtaken by four English dragoons, drafted from the very stoutest men of the horse grenadier guards, who attacked him. He fought and conquered, and, killing two, and putting the other two to flight, continued his journey. A great price had, he said, been set on his head by government, on account of the eminent services he had rendered the rebels by his courage and wisdom. He was, therefore, compelled to leave the country, and, like Coriolanus, was necessitated to turn his vir- tues against the land of his nativity. He entered into the service of France, (others say of a Frenchman,) became very intimate with Marshal Saxe, and was one of the chief causes of the victory at Val.” Robert Bisset, Douglas; Or, The Highlander (London: Anti- Jacobin Press, 1800), I.133–4. The narrator comments on the string of Rhodomontade’s marvelous stories in which he occupies center stage in terms of momentous events and famous persons: “Other historians vary a little from this account; and, though they admit his zeal, yet confine its exertions to the movables of the enemy” (I.134–5). 27. The pivotal role assigned Don Quixote was standard in contemporary critical commentary, from at least the point of James Beattie’s “On Fable and Romance,” in Dissertations Moral and Critical (London, 1783). 28. Bisset, The Historical, Biographical, Literary, and Scientific, Magazine, For February 1799, 56. 192 Notes

29. For discussion of Scott’s masculinizing of the novel, see Ina Ferris, The Achievement of Literary Authority: Gender, History, and the Waverley Novels (Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 1991) and Claudia L. Johnson, “‘Let me make the novels of a country’: Barbauld’s The British Novelists (1810/1820),” Novel: a Forum on Fiction 34 (2001): 163–79. 30. The Historical, Biographical, Literary, and Scientific Magazine sharply criticizes Smith’s politics and notes, “[o]f the imitators of real life, in fictitious biography, the only writer that has approached towards an equality with Fielding is Miss Burney” (56). 31. In fact, the loosely episodic form allows Bisset, like his fellow anti- Jacobin novelists, to cram huge numbers of direct references to radical writers and extended quotation from their works into his own. 32. Susan Staves, A Literary History of Women’s Writing in Britain, 1660–1789 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006), 383; Clara Reeve, The Progress of Romance, Through Times, Countries, and Manners; with Remarks on the Good and Bad Effects of It, on them respectively; In a Series of Conversations (Colchester and London, 1785), I.39. 33. Reeve, however, in considering rival accounts, aligns herself not with Enfield but with the more prestigious Susannah Dobson, suggests that Beattie has provided an “outline” while leaving “to industry and inferior talents, the minuter parts, and more laborious task of detail and arrangement” (I.viii–ix), and comments that while Warton’s History was encountered too late to be particularly helpful, she has been “happy” to find “my opinions were confirmed, and my arguments strengthened by this learned and judicious writer” (I.ix). Subsequently, she includes extracts from Percy and Walpole. On the question of access, Sophronia (friend of the central commentator Euphrasia) later asserts that reading novels may be dangerous “for the mid- dling and lower ranks of people” (II.84). 34. John Dunlop, The History of Fiction; Being a critical account of the most celebrated prose works of fiction; from the earliest Greek Romances to the Novels of the present Day, 2nd edition (London, 1816), I.v. 35. Edinburgh Review 24 (1814), 52. 36. Jeffrey may also have been responding to Dunlop’s own claim, at the opening of Volume II, that he was attempting something considerably more than “merely to compass a pleasing miscellany” (II.3). 37. Quarterly Review 13 (1815), 408. 38. Simon Jarvis’ succinct analysis of eighteenth- century criticism from Temple’s Battle of the Books to Coleridge’s esemplastic imagination considers the polarities of “general” and “minute” commentary, textual and literary criticism, gentlemen and pedants, man of the world and scholar, in terms that further contextualize this exchange between Cohen and Dunlop. See “Criticism, Taste, Aesthetics,” in The Cambridge Companion to English Literature 1740 to 1830, ed. Thomas Keymer and Jon Mee (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004), 24–42. 39. William Howison’s 1819 Blackwood’s article, “Thoughts on Novel Writing,” concurs with Dunlop’s point – though in somewhat apocalyptic terms. Howison argues that the task of representing “the different modes of national existence” passed in the seventeenth century from epic to novel; the present- day, essentially uniform urban culture, however, has invidiously Notes 193

infected “external existence” to the point that “English literature is running waste, and sinking into degradation.” See, “Thoughts on Novel Writing” (IV. January 1819) in Blackwood’s Magazine, 1817–25: Selections from Maga’s Infancy Volume 5 Selected Criticism, 1817–19, ed. Tom Mole (London: Pickering & Chatto, 2006), 239, 241. 40. Anna Letitia Barbauld, “On the Origin and Progress of Novel Writing,” in Anna Letitia Barbauld: Selected Poetry and Prose, ed. William McCarthy and Elizabeth Kraft (Peterborough, ON: Broadview Press, 2002), 407. Barbauld’s critical sophistication relative to Dunlop is evident in her discussion of the representational strengths and limitations of history and fiction. Under certain conditions, she maintains, the “false lights” of fiction may be applied to actual events – that is, when the “obscurity of remote periods and countries” cannot be illuminated by contemporary documents – but fiction’s intrusion into the sphere of history can also produce absurdities, as evidenced by the distress of a “lady” who had credulously accepted Sophia Lee’s account in The Recess of Elizabeth’s “cruelty to two imaginary daughters of Mary Queen of Scott’s, who never existed but in the pages of a novel” (393). 41. Johnson, “‘Let me make the novels of a country,’” 167. For Johnson’s account of the particular qualities of the British Novelists, see 169–73.

8 Literary History, Periodicals, Lectures

1. John Almon, The New Foundling Hospital for Wit. Being a Collection of Several Curious Pieces, In Verse and Prose, second edition (London, 1768), 128. 2. Ralph Heathcote, Sylva; or, The Wood: Being a Collection of Anecdotes, Dissertations, Characters, Apothegms, Original Letters, Bons Mots, and Other Little Things By a Society of the Learned (London, 1786), vii. 3. Headley, Select Beauties of Ancient English Poetry, x. Heathcote, however, goes on to list “Beauties” among the forms that encourage mere “reading” at the expense of genuine “thinking.” 4. Donoghue, The Fame Machine, 2. More specifically, he notes that “[e]xcluding newspapers, there were more than 30 different periodicals published in London in 1745. By 1755, that number had increased to more than 50, and by 1765 to more than 75” (2). 5. Benedict, “Readers, Writers, Reviewers and the Professionalization of Literature,” 11. For Benedict, the emergence of a culture in which politics and literary evaluation are identified followed the founding of the Gentleman’s Magazine in 1731. 6. Prospectus of A New Miscellany, To Be Entitled The Monthly Magazine; Or, British Register (1796), 2. For an analysis of The Monthly as ambiguously orientated toward both eighteenth- and nineteenth- century modes of thought, see Felicity James, “Writing in Dissent: Coleridge and the Poetry of the Monthly Magazine,” Interdisciplinary Studies in the Long Nineteenth Century 3 (2006): 1–21. www.19.bbk.ac.uk 7. A typical volume – IV, for example, – contains among its standing features a “Tour of England” providing provincial news, “Notices of Publications, British and ‘Foreign’,” “Diseases in London,” a “ Half-Yearly Retrospect of the State of Domestic Literature,” “State of Public Affairs,” “Account of the Former Progress 194 Notes

and Present State of Literature and Science in Scotland,” “Mathematical News,” complete with detailed drawings, “Original Anecdotes and Remains of Eminent Persons,” and “Medical and Philosophical Lectures which will be delivered in London in the course of the ensuing winter.” The author of “On the Advantage of the Present Age,” mocks this inclusiveness by pointing to the other publishing interests in school books and cheap reprints of the Monthly’s founder, Richard Phillips: “How easy is now the acquisition of knowledge! ... Natural philosophers tell us that all the matter of the world might be com- pressed into a ball of an inch diameter; and our modern booksellers, reasoning by analogy, have concluded that all the mind of the world may be put almost into as small a compass. Thus they have given us the whole of the Sciences in one pocket-volume, and all the beauties of Literature into another. It was said, in the praise of Socrates, that he had drawn Philosophy from the heavens to reside amongst men: it may, with equal justice be affirmed, to the honour of Sir Richard Phillips and his coadjutors, that they have enticed her from the libraries of men, to take up her abode in the play- rooms of children.” The Reflector, A Quarterly Magazine, on Subjects of philosophy, politics, and the liberal arts. Conducted by the editor of The Examiner 2 (1811), 157. 8. Reprinted in PMLA 119 (2004), 118. Adriana Craciun, “Mary Robinson, the Monthly Magazine, and the Free Press,” in Romantic Periodicals and Print Culture, ed. Kim Wheatley (London and Portland, OR: Frank Cass, 2003), 19–40, discusses the centrality Robinson assigns to the periodical press in her prose works of the 1790s. 9. Michael Scrivener, Poetry and Reform Periodical Verse from the English Democratic Press, 1792–1824 (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1992), 131. As Klancher points out, however, after 1800, the Monthly Magazine “would shed its ‘republicanism’ like a fustian coat” (Reading Audiences, 41). 10. See Klancher, Reading Audiences, Chapter 1, “Cultural Conflict, Ideology, and the Reading Habit in the 1790s,” 18–46. Klancher considers in addition to radical and loyalist journals, a third type, epitomized by the Oeconomist (1798–9), that he sees as anticipating the “social pedagogy” (44) of the mass- market improving journals of the 1820s and 1830s: the Penny Magazine, the Mirror of Literature and Chambers’ Edinburgh Journal. 11. Klancher, Reading Audiences, 44. Carlo Denina, An Essay on the Revolutions of Literature. Translated from the Italian of Sig. Carlo Denina; Professor of Eloquence and Belles- Lettres in the University of Turin. By John Murdoch (London, 1771), 218, 215. Like Denina, Heathcote cites Seneca as his authority for proposing an analogy between “declining Rome” and “declining Britain” (Sylva, v). 12. John Charles O’Reid, Reviewers Reviewed; Including An Enquiry into the Moral and Intellectual Effects of Habits of Criticism, and their Influence on the General Interests of Literature. To which is subjoined A Brief History of the Periodical Reviews Published in England and Scotland (Oxford, 1811), 1–2. 13. The title of the work, first published in 1801 as A Satirical View of London at the Commencement of the Nineteenth Century, by An Observer was subsequently amended in 1803 to A Satirical View of London Comprehending a Sketch of the Manners of the Age, and in 1804 to A Satirical View of London; Or A Descriptive Sketch of the English Metropolis: With Strictures on Men and Manners, shrinking in 1809 to A Satirical View of London, before ballooning in 1815 to A Satirical View of London: Comprising Free Strictures on the Manners and Amusement of the Inhabitant Notes 195

of the English Metropolis; Observations on Literature and the Fine Arts; and Amusing Anecdotes of Public Character, and again in 1820 to The English Metropolis; Or, London in the Year 1820. Containing Satirical Strictures on Public Manners, Morals, and Amusements; a Young Gentleman’s Adventures; And Characteristic Anecdotes of Several Eminent Individuals Who Now Figure in This Great Theatre of Temporary Exhibition. The English Metropolis, despite its title- page announcement that it is “By the Author of a Satirical View of London,” in fact substantially reproduces – but with significant changes and additions – the earlier work. 14. The literature, reviews, and newspaper rubrics are slightly altered in the 1820 Metropolis where they appear as “Free Strictures on English Literature,” “Modern Reviewers,” and “English Newspapers.” In the 1809 edition, “Reviewers” is set off as a heading in the body of the text, but does not appear as a separate item on the Contents page. Other headings change more dramat- ically: “Caricatures and Print Shops” and “The Temple of Modern Philosophy” do not appear in the 1801 edition or in the 1820 English Metropolis, but are included in the 1809 and 1815 editions; the chapter on “Spaniards, Dutchmen, Jews” in 1801 becomes “Jews” in 1804, “Spaniards, Dutchmen, Jews” in 1809, and disappears entirely in the 1815 and 1820 editions. 15. The 1804 edition also adds notices of the Monthly Mirror and Monthly Epitome. The 1820 edition, in turn, initially follows the 1815 one, then incorporates material on the British Critic and Anti- Jacobin from the 1809 edition. 16. Cox, Poetry and Politics in the Cockney School, 54. 17. In the 1804 edition, this is preceded by a paragraph that praises literature as the “celestial handmaid of Knowledge, under the guidance of Truth” (194). 18. Coleridge, Biographia Literaria, VII.2.112. 19. “Preface,” Political Essays in Selected Writings, 4, 17. Earlier in the century, the Edinburgh’s Whig sympathies, though not, as Klancher points out uniformly expressed, appear sharply contrasted to the Tory Quarterly Review, whose founding by Walter Scott and John Murray in 1809 had been driven, Jonathan Cutmore argues, “first and foremost by concerns about politics and politicians.” See, Contributors to the Quarterly Review, 23. 20. As Jeffrey N. Cox notes, Lyrical Ballads was the “key act of anonymous collaborative work that gave substance to the notion of the Lakers as a group.” See, “Leigh Hunt’s Cockney School: the Lakers’ ‘Other’,” Romanticism on the Net 14 (May 1999), 1, http://users.ox.ac.uk/~scat0385/huntlakers.html 21. Marilyn Butler, “Culture’s Medium: the Role of the Review,” in The Cambridge Companion to British Romanticism, ed. Stuart Curran (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), 141–2. 22. Writing under the pen name “Z,” Cox notes, John Gibson Lockhart “inter- pellates the Cockneys, calls them into critical being, as antagonists to the Lakers” and in the process gives point to a controversy that would last into the 1820s. See “Leigh Hunt’s Cockney School.” 23. For Blackwood’s involvement in the rehabilitation of Wordsworth see Higgins, “Blackwood’s Edinburgh Magazine and the Construction of Wordsworth’s Genius.” 24. See Cox, “Leigh Hunt’s Cockney School.” 25. Alternatively, as with Lockhart’s claim at the opening of the first of the “Cockney School” essays, flat assertion of the high birth of all canonical authors could stand in for historical argument. 196 Notes

26. Blackwood’s Magazine, 1817–25, 5.58, 61. 27. In the intervening “Letter from Z. to Leigh Hunt, King of the Cockneys” (May 1818), Lockhart directly questions Hunt’s authority: “I shall shew that you have written verse for these ten years without ever having had one glimpse of what true poetry is; that you have been a weekly babbler about patriotism and freedom, and, yet, all the while, the most abject slave … I shall shew the world to what a low pass the spirit of England is reduced, when any of her children can stoop to be instructed by one who has not a single iota of the English character within him” (Blackwood’s Magazine, 1817–25, 5.143). 28. Hazlitt’s “Character of Mr. Wordsworth’s New Poem The Excursion” appeared in The Examiner, August 21 and 28, 1814, and was subsequently reprinted “in much revised form” in The Round Table (1817). See Duncan Wu, Selected Writings of William Hazlitt 2.390, note 46. As Wu indicates, the publication date of Hazlitt’s Lectures remains unclear, with the possibilities ranging from April to July 1818. A second, revised edition, Wu’s copy- text, was published in 1819. See, Wu, Selected Writings, 2.xvi–xvii. 29. See, also, Wilson’s slighting references to Hazlitt as “ ex- painter, theatrical critic, review, essay, and lecture manufacturer” in “Hazlitt Cross- Questioned,” Blackwood’s Magazine, 1817–25, 5.205. 30. William Hazlitt, “Lecture IV On Dryden and Pope,” Selected Writings, 2.228. 31. Confirmation of Hazlitt’s specific point about Gray’s work can be found in the frequent period echoes of the “Elegy,” although often for political ends exactly counter to those of the original poem. Charles Butler, for instance, suggests that the London Institution will aid “some whose bosoms are preg- nant with celestial fire, and who only want the facilities of acquiring knowledge, which these afford, to become like that great man, leaders in Science and benefactors to Humanity; but who, without these, would live and die unknowing.” See, The Inaugural Oration, Spoken on the 4th day of November, 1816, at the Ceremony of Laying the First Stone of the London Institution for the Diffusion of Science and Literature (London, 1816), III.429. Hazlitt’s opinions on public taste, however, as with other critical issues, are not uniform. “Lecture V On Thomson and Cowper” considers Robert Bloomfield, a poet whose limitations suggest that “original genius alone,” while in earlier periods, was a force sufficient to generate “bold and independent results,” is tainted in the present day by writers’ “consciousness of a want of the common advantages which others have,” a consciousness that leads to their “aping, the hackneyed accomplishments of their inferiors.” Alternatively, and more generally, writers of genius find it impossible to “move in direct opposition to the vast machine of the world … The public taste hangs like a millstone around the neck of all original genius that does not con- form to established and exclusive models. The writer is not only without popular sympathy, but without a rich and varied mass of materials for his mind to work upon and assimilate unconsciously to itself; his attempts at originality are looked upon as affectation, and in the end, degenerate into it from the natural spirit of contradiction, and the constant uneasy sense of disappointment and undeserted [sic] ridicule” (Selected Writings, 2.254). 32. Lecture IV of the Lectures on the English Comic Writers adapts this construction to fit the familiarity that comedy permits: “Of the four writers here classed Notes 197

together, we should have courted Congreve’s acquaintance most, for his wit and elegance of his manners; Wycherley’s, for his sense and observation on human nature; Vanbrugh’s, for his power of farcical description and tell- ing a story; Farquhar’s, for the pleasure of his society, and the love of good fellowship.” See, Selected Writings, 5.77–8. 33. The striking exception is the series of lectures Hazlitt delivered at the Surrey Institution, 1819, on the “Age of Elizabeth,” a period he defines as extending from the Reformation to 1649, after which point, he asserts, English literature declines rapidly. Particularly in the opening lecture, Hazlitt touches on numbers of established features of literary history writing, including a commitment (envisioned as heroic) to restoring forgotten writers, an attention to the operations of opinion, a pursuit of the interrelations of literary, religious, and political issues, and an interest in the formation of “the national Genius.” But these features remain isolated within the period he represents as essentially unconnected to subsequent developments, and hence as outside the framework of a diachronic history. See, “Lecture on the Dramatic Literature of the Age of Elizabeth,” Selected Writings, 5.159–60, 163–5, 164, 169. 34. Peacock’s, possibly ironic, declaration in The Four Ages of Poetry of the form’s redundancy carries Hazlitt’s point to its logical conclusion. For the Romantic narratives of progress and decline, and the alternative categorical distinction of classical from modern, see David Perkins, “Literary History and Historicism,” in Cambridge History of Literary Criticism, Volume 5: Romanticism, ed. Marshall Brown (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), 338–61. 35. Blackwood’s Edinburgh Magazine 6 (1819), 166, 163. 36. Gillian Russell, “Spouters or Washerwomen: the Sociability of Romantic Lecturing,” in Romantic Sociability: Social Networks and Literary Culture in Britain 1770–1840, ed. Gillian Russell and Clara Tuite (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002), 141. 37. See, Klancher, “Lecturing,” in An Oxford Companion to the Romantic Age: British Culture 1776–1832, ed. Iain McCalman (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999), 581. The line between reviewing and lecturing was in fact dou- bly permeable: not only were the lectures widely reported and reviewed in the periodical press (and vice versa), but lecturers frequently recycled review material; thus the first three of Hazlitt’s Lectures originate in his June 1815 Edinburgh Review of Sismondi’s Literature of the South. 38. See Frederick Kurzer, “A History of the Surrey Institution,” Annals of Science 57 (2000): 109–41. As Kurzer points out, lectures at the London Institution began only in 1819. 39. Rudolph Ackermann, The Microcosm of London (London, 1808–11), III.154, 155. 40. Lecturers themselves echo Ackermann’s terms in speaking of their commitment to a “general interest in the pursuit of universal knowledge,” particularly by instilling in their audiences a patriotic appreciation for their “language and laws, their liberty, and their religion.” See, for instance, James Ingram, An Inaugural lecture on the Utility of Anglo- Saxon Literature; to which is added the Geography of Europe by King Alfred, including his account of the discovery of the North Cape in the ninth century (Oxford, 1807), 3, 2. 198 Notes

41. Jo Nelson Hays, “Three London Popular Scientific Institutions, 1799–1840,” PhD dissertation, University of Chicago, 1970, 64. 42. R. A. Foakes, “Editor’s Introduction,” Lectures 1808–1819 On Literature, ed. R. A. Foakes, The Collected Works of Samuel Taylor Coleridge Volume V (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1987), V.1.lxviii. As Foakes details, in a period of just over a decade, Coleridge alone delivered more than a hundred lectures (none published) at the Royal Institution (1808), the London Philosophical Society (1811–12, 1818), Willis’s Rooms (1812), Surrey Institution (1812–13), White Lion, Bristol (1813, 1814), Mangeon’s Hotel, Clifton (1813), and the Crown and Anchor, Strand, London (1818–19). 43. The Eclectic Review of the Lectures suggests, however, that the mere declaration of intent to synthesize is insufficient: “From the beginning of this work to the end, there is a total renunciation of all method and regularity; it exceeds all former examples of literary rambling … For fifty pages together there shall be no sign of progress, but the advancing figures at the top.” See, Eclectic Review 4 (1808), 222–3. 44. See Kurzer, “A History of the Surrey Institution,” 114. Kurzer, citing M. Berman, Social Change and Scientific Organization: the Royal Institution 1799–1840 and Janet Cutler, The London Institution, 1805–1933, details the preponderance of the aristocratic and wealthy landowner in the membership of the former, and the much larger “trade and mercantile element” of the latter. 45. Hays, “Three London Popular Scientific Institutions,” 237, 256; Charles Butler, Inaugural Oration, 1816, 422; the quoted material is from the speech by Samuel Birch, Lord Mayor of London, who introduced Butler. 46. Butler, Inaugural Oration, 422–3. 47. W. M. Craig, A Course of Lectures on Drawing, Painting, and Engraving, Considered as Branches of Elegant Education. Delivered in the Saloon of The Royal Institution, in Successive Seasons, and read subsequently at the Russell Institution (London: Longman, Hurst, Rees, Orme, and Brown, 1821), 4–5. 48. Hazlitt, predictably, does not advance the universities as alternative to lectures. But in suggesting that the source of the problem lies in the institutional commitment to the classics as a “sort of privileged text-books” and the concomitant “neglect of our earlier writers” which have together “unavoid- ably neutralize[d] a taste for the productions of native genius, estranges the mind from the history of our own literature, and makes it in each successive age like a book sealed,” he anticipates the vernacular turn that finally would see literary history lodged within the disciplinary division of English literary studies. See, Hazlitt, “Lectures on the Dramatic Literature of the Age of Elizabeth,” Selected Writings, 5.163. 49. Hazlitt provides a different reading of such “presumption and self-confidence” in justifying his methods: “I conceive that what I have undertaken to do in this and former cases, is merely to read over a set of authors with the audience, as I would do with a friend, to point out a favourite passage, to explain an objection; or if a remark or a theory occurs, to state it in illustration of the subject, but neither to tire him nor puzzle myself with pedantic rules and pragmatic formulas of criticism that can do no good to any body. I do not come to the task with a pair of compasses or a ruler in my pocket, to see whether a poem is round or square, or to measure its mechanical Notes 199

dimensions.” See, Lecture VI, “On Miscellaneous Poems,” Lectures on the English Comic Writers, Selected Writings, 5.281. 50. The sentiment is consonant with Coleridge’s “strong persuasion that little of real value is derived by persons in general from a wide and various reading.” Accordingly, he suggests in his “Prospectus of a Course of Lectures by S. T. Coleridge” that the “subjects of the Lectures are indeed very different, but not (in the strict sense of the term) diverse: they are various, rather than miscellaneous. There is this bond of connexion common to them all, – that the mental pleasure which they are calculated to excite is not dependent on accidents of fashion, place, or age, or the events or the customs of the day; but commensurate with the good sense, taste, and feeling, to the cultiva- tion of which they themselves so largely contribute, as being all in kind, though not all in the same degree, productions of GENIUS.” See Coleridge, Lectures 1808–1819, 5.2.40. 51. See, Chandler, England in 1819, 18. 52. Erikson, The Economy of Literary Form, 20.

Conclusion

1. Lucy Aikin, Memoir of John Aikin, M.D. with A Selection of his Miscellaneous Pieces, Biographical, Moral and Critical (Philadelphia: Abraham Small, 1824), 26. 2. Anne Janowitz traces the nearly century- long process of self- and familial assessment in which the extended Aikin family engaged, part of what she sees as a “reputation machine” that made an “intergenerational claim for the importance of [the Aikin] family within British culture as the embodi- ment of moral conviction from the seventeenth- century period of religious controversy to the liberal politics of the nineteenth” by drawing on the resources of “religious networks, periodicals, newspapers, educational institutions, and ... a series of family memoirs.” In Janowitz’s view, however, few of John Aikin’s 1791 Poems refer to landscape, and none of them represents a “sympathetic relation between the observer and objects observed, nor do they suggest a relationship between the speaking identity and the natural world.” See, “Memoirs of a Dutiful Niece: Lucy Aikin and Literary Reputation,” in Repossessing the Romantic Past, ed. Heather Glen and Paul Hamilton (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006), 80, 91. Lucy Aikin’s narrative closely resembles the nominally apolitical one that prevails by mid- century (a narrative that endorses the view that literary criticism points the direction for literary change, and that literary history narrates these transformations according to internally defined criteria set by literary horizons), and that continues well into the twentieth century to exercise a strong conservative pull in the modern academy. While prescient, it is also continuous with earlier literary historical representations. Robert Southey in his comments on James Thomson, and Robert Alves’ earlier ones on Milton, provide like- minded assessments, linking nature and national genius to a coherent literary field. Milton offers a particularly graphic instance of the rewards for conservative commentators of constructing a literary history focused on questions of genius, since individual genius allows a sidestepping of the difficult question of politics. Alves thus suggests that Milton “forms an 200 Notes

epoch to himself” since his “superior mind and genius were utterly adverse to [his] times.” Alves, Sketches of a History of Literature, 123. 3. Jon Klancher suggests that in the post-1780 period, public opinion represents a newly aggressive form of the old republic of letters, and that as the “term republic itself began to admit political self- definitions reaching far beyond the boundaries of the polite literary sphere and its origins in the city- state,” the pan- European consequences were evident in “emergent and eventually explosive nationalisms.” See Klancher, “The Vocation of Criticism and the Crisis of the Republic of Letters,” in The Cambridge History of Literary Criticism, Volume V: Romanticism, ed. Marshall Brown (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), 302; for the eighteenth- century republic of letters, see Elizabeth Eisenstein, The Printing Revolution in Early Modern Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983); Dena Goodman, The Republic of Letters: a Cultural History of the French Enlightenment (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1994); Anne Goldgar, Impolite Learning: Conduct and Community in the Republic of Letters, 1680–1750 (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1995); and Paul Keen, The Crisis of Literature in the 1790s: Print Culture and the Public Sphere (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999). Dror Wahrman argues that the sense of “public opinion” as the “fount of authority and legitimation” that was dominant in the 1810s (after an earlier period in the 1790s when it was perceived as “confused and contradictory”) was a version of constitutionalism and hence open to all sides to be tilted to their particular agendas. See, “Public Opinion, Violence and the Limits of Constitutional Politics,” in Re-reading the Constitution: New Narratives in the Political History of England’s Long Nineteenth Century, ed. James Vernon (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), 92, 99. 4. Griffin, Wordsworth’s Pope, 21. 5. Dror Wahrman, The Making of the Modern Self: Identity and Culture in Eighteenth- Century England (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 2004), 88. David Simpson, analyzing the initial alignment and then dis- placement of chronologies of British Romanticism relative to the French Revolution notes that the designation of the period as 1789–1815 was countered by “the long- durational literary history, one that most commonly placed the significant events in the evolution of the ‘modern’ well before 1789.” See, “The French Revolution,” in The Cambridge History of Literary Criticism, Volume 5: Romanticism, 53. 6. Perkins, “Literary History and Historicism,” 343. 7. Edmund Burke, Reflections on the Revolution in France , ed. L. G. Mitchell, Writings and Speeches of Edmund Burke (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1989), VIII.160. 8. Headley, Select Beauties of Ancient English Poetry, vii, xix. 9. Linda Hutcheon, “Preface: Theorizing Literary History in Dialogue,” in Hutcheon and Valdés (eds), Rethinking Literary History, xii. Bibliography

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Abrams, M. H., 185n22 Ballard, George, 118 Ackermann, Rudolph, 153 Ballaster, Ros, 186n10 Microcosm of London, 152 Barbauld, A. L., 10, 17, 127, 173n15 Adams, John, 189n5 The British Novelists, 132–3 Addison, Joseph, 7, 85, 140 Eighteen Hundred and Eleven, 133 Spectator, 13–16 Selections from the Spectator, Tatler, Aikin, John, 57, 117–18, 157–60, Guardian, and Freeholder, 13–16, 173n15 46 General Biography, 117 Barrell, John, 172n14 Letters from a Father to his Son, 117 Beattie, James, 17, 191n27, 192n33 Select Works of the British Poets, Bell, John 163n11, 171n26 Poets of Great Britain, 9, 18 Aikin, Lucy, 180n9 Beloe, William, 11, 39, 160 Memoir of John Aikin, 157–60 Anecdotes of Literature and Scarce Memoirs, Miscellanies and Letters, Books, 33 188n17 The Sexagenarian, 3, 27, 32–7, 39–40 Almon, John Benedict, Barbara M., 24, 164n14, New Foundling Hospital for Wit, 134 166n8, 183n8, 193n5 Altick, Richard D., 161n4 Beresford, James Alves, Robert, 57, 199n2 Bibliosophia, 53, 131, 176n10, Sketches of a History of Literature, 176n10 123–4, 128 Berington, Joseph Analytical Review, 136 Literary History of the Middle Ages, Anderson, Robert, 3, 6, 10, 17, 37, 39 53, 169n12 The Works of the British Poets, 17–18, Betham, Matilda, 118, 121 26, 163n11 bibliography, 75, 96 anecdote, 2, 5, 82, 86, 89, 90, 96–104, “bibliology,” 70, 74, 143 117 bibliomania, 3, 4, 49–54, 131 anthology, 3, 17–26, 71, 111, 123 biography, 2, 3, 4–6, 9, 81–2, 87–8, Anti- Jacobin Review, 137, 140 109, 111, 117, 136 anti-Jacobin writing, 99, 125–6, 155 and history, 14, 30, 37–8, 87–8, 117 anti-Semitism, 102–3, 184n16 Birch, Samuel, 153 antiquarian, 2, 3, 4, 5, 16, 17, 22–3, 29, Bisset, Robert, 10, 11, 27, 39 31, 33, 43–5, 47–58, 59–61, 66–9, Douglas, 126–7 72–5, 80–2, 86–8, 90, 92, 96, 111, The Historical, Biographical, Literary, 114–15, 131, 185n18, 188n17 and Scientific, Magazine, 127, apostasy, 28, 31–46, 82–110, 180n9 172n10 autobiography, 2, 27–30 Life of Burke, 3, 27, 30–2, 37 Sketch of Democracy, 183n8 Bacon, Francis, 107, 183n8 The Spectator, 13–14 Bailey, Elaine, 190n13 Blackburne, Francis Baines, Paul, 178n24 Remarks on Johnson’s Life of Milton, ballads, 180n7 169n14

219 220 Index

Black Dwarf, 133 Lives of English Poets, 163n11 Blackwood’s Magazine, 112, 144–6, Cervantes’ Don Quixote, 127 149–51, 154–5 Chalmers, Alexander, 3, 7, 10, 37, 39 Blair, Hugh, 7 Works of the English Poets, 22–3, 26, The British Poets, 18, 163n11 163n11 Bloom, Harold, 1 Chandler, James, 78, 155, 161n3, Bloomfield, Robert, 196n31 187n13 Bolingbroke, Henry St. John, Chatterton, Thomas, 54 1st Viscount, 81–2, 187n18 Chaucer, Geoffrey, 73, 75, 142, 145, Bonnell, Thomas F., 9, 161n4, 150 163n11, 164n14, 168n7, 168n9 circulating libraries, 51, 125–6 Bowles, William Lisle, 78–80, 145 Clingham, Greg, 165n5 The Invariable Principles of Poetry, Cobbett, William, 33, 142 78–80 “Cockney School,” 6, 112, 143–8 British Critic, 137, 195n15 Cohen, Francis, 130–2 Brougham, Henry, 33, 155, 180n11, Cohen, Ralph, 5 181n15 Coleridge, Samuel Taylor, 4, 32, 33, Brydges, Samuel Egerton, 4, 10, 27, 71–2, 144–5, 149, 152, 160, 39, 47, 50–7, 60, 80, 185n23 199n50 Arthur Fitz- Albini, 30 Biographia Literaria, 94, 142, 144 Autobiographical Memoir, 3, 28–30, On the Constitution of the Church and 37, 138 State, 4 British Bibliographer, 52, 59, Colley, Linda, 11 177n14–16, 179n2 Collins, William, 157 Censura Literaria, 51, 52, 60, Colman, George, 118, 121 170n17, 172n10 Connell, Philip, 50, 178n24 Desultoria, 177n17 Cooper, Elizabeth, 55, 57, 62, 69 The Green Book, 172n7 copyright, 2, 10 Burke, Edmund, 30–2, 37, 57, 94 Corney, Bolton, 81 Reflections on the Revolution in Corry, John, 138–43 France, 126, 159 The English Metropolis, 141–3, 175n3 Burney, Frances, 128 A Satirical View of London, 138–43 Butler, Charles, 154–5, 196n31 Cowper, William, 66, 157 Butler, Marilyn, 85, 144 Cox, Jeffrey, 140, 144, 163n12, Byron, George Gordon, 6th Baron, 33, 195n20 142, 144, 146–7, 151 Craig, W. M. A Course of Lectures on Drawing, Cafarelli, Annette Wheeler, 165n5 Painting, and Engraving, 154 Camden, William, 95 Critical Review, 136 Campbell, Thomas, 3, 4, 47, 58, 79, Croft, Herbert and George Isted 139 The Literary Fly, 122–3 Specimens of the British Poets, 59, Croker, John Wilson, 133, 143 71–8, 181n16, 181n20 Crowe, William, 152 canon formation, 3, 5, 6, 10, 11, Crown and Anchor, Strand, London, 24, 26, 32, 37, 60, 71–2, 133, 198n42 143–5, 150–1 Cutmore, Jonathan, 189n4, 195n19 Carte, Thomas, 92–5 History of England, 93 Darwin, Erasmus, 157 Cary, Henry Francis Deane, Seamus, 186n9 Index 221

Denina, Carlo, 137 Dunlop, John diary, 89–90 History of Fiction, 130–2 Dibdin, Thomas Frognall, 4, 47, 80, Dyce, Alexander, 118 152, 177n14, 185n23 Specimens of British Poetesses, 120–1, The Bibliomania, 50–1, 174n2, 180n9 176n11 Bibliophobia, 174n2, 176n11 Edinburgh Review, 67, 130, 133, 140, The Director, 49, 50 142–3, 148, 151, 166n10, The Library Companion, 123–4 179n6, 195n19 Reminiscences of a Literary Life, 50, 152 Eger, Elizabeth, 180n9 Dickinson, H. T., 173n16 Eisenstein, Elizabeth, 200n3 D’Israeli, Isaac, 4, 78–110, 145, 189n4 Ellis, George, 3, 47, 58, 60–6, 69–70, Amenities of Literature, 98–9 72, 75, 77–8, 121, 131, 139, 152 Calamities and Quarrels of Authors, 8, Specimens of the Early English Poets, 90–5, 97–8 59, 60–6, 181n20 Commentaries on the Life and Reign Elton, Charles Abraham of Charles the First, 95, 100–1, Specimens of the Classic Poets, 103–4, 162n9 179n1 Curiosities of Literature, 81–2 Endelman, Todd, 184n17 Despotism, 100 Enfield, William, 128, 117 Domestic Anecdotes of the French The Speaker, 123 Nation, 85 English Review, 136 Eliot, Hampden, and Pym, 183n7 Erickson, Lee, 199n52, 161n4 Essay on the Manners and Genius of essay, 87–90 the Literary Character, 85, 97, Examiner, 144–5, 148, 151 186n10 Ezell, Margaret J. M., 118, 122 Flim-Flams!, 170n17 Genius of Judaism, 184n16 Fairer, David, 55, 164n14, 180n12 The Illustrator Illustrated, 81–2 Ferguson, Adam, 118, 162n9 James the First, 5, 98, 101, 104–10 Ferriar, John Literary Miscellanies: Including Bibliomania, 51, 174n2 A Dissertation on Anecdotes, 105, Ferris, Ina, 161n3, 176n6, 179n3, 183n8 186n5, 192n29 Miscellanies; Or, Literary Recreations, Fielding, Henry, 124, 127–8 86, 87, 183n11 Joseph Andrews, 124–5 Vaurien, 79, 97, 170n17, 186n8, Tom Jones, 125–6 186n10 Fineman, Joel, 187n13 Disraeli, Benjamin, 82, 86, 184n16, Foakes, R. A., 152 185n18 Folkenflik, Robert, 178n24 Dobson, Susannah, 192n33 forgery, 54 Donaldson v. Beckett, 2, 6, 47, 51, 124 Franta, Andrew, 171n24 Donne, John, 181n18 French Revolution, 82, 158, 186n9, Donoghue, Frank, 136, 164n14 200n5 Drake, Nathan Loyalist responses, 28–37 Literary Hours, 175n5 Drayton, Michael “Gallic School,” 144 Poly- Olbion, 95 Gentleman’s Magazine, 136, 193n5, Dryden, John, 14, 66, 72, 94, 141–2, 193n6 149 Gerrald, Joseph, 34–6 222 Index

Gifford, William, 65 Select Beauties of Ancient English Gilmartin, Kevin, 125, 171n2, Poetry, 17, 19–21, 26, 159 172n10, 173n16 Hearne, Thomas, 62, 95, 101 Godwin, William, 27, 79, 181n14, Heathcote, Ralph 182n1 Sylva, 134–7 Caleb Williams, 41 Henry, Robert, 101, 115, 152 The Enquirer, 39 Hewlett, John, 152 Lives of Edward and John Philips, 3, Higgins, David, 189n3, 195n23 11, 27, 32, 37–46, 110, 168n5 history, 16–18, 30, 56, 62–6, 69, 70, “Of History and Romance,” 38–9, 72–4, 79–82, 86–9, 100, 105–8, 183n9 117, 135, 139, 147, 157 Goldgar, Anne, 200n3 and anecdote, 100–1 Goldgar, Bertrand, 178n24 and biography, 14, 16, 30, 76, 100, Goldsmith, Oliver, 17, 57, 113–14, 117 157, 171n25 and literary criticism, 3, 5, 6, 16, The Beauties of English Poetry, 168n8 64–5, 147–8 Goodman, Dena, 200n3 and politics, 27–46, 85–6, 105–8 Gosse, Edmund, 1 Holcroft, Thomas, 186n10 Gossman, Lionel, 187n13 Holinshed, Raphael, 95 Grafton, Anthony, 188n14 Hone, William, 33 Gray, Thomas, 68, 149, 157, Howison, William, 192n39 181n15 Hume, David, 30, 31, 93–4, 101, Grey, Zachary, 92–4 104–5, 140, 162n5, 179n6, Griffin, Robert J., 55, 71–2, 159, 188n14 162n6 Essays, Moral, Political, and Literary, Groom, Nick, 54, 180n7 82, 98 Guy, Josephine M., 161n1 History of England, 104, 104–5, 113–14, 189n19 Harries, Elizabeth Wanning, 90 Hunt, Leigh, 144–6, 148 Hawkins, Laetitia-Matilda Examiner, 144 Memoirs, Anecdotes, Facts, and Hurd, Richard, 7, 15, 23, 39, 55 Opinions, 21 Hutcheon, Linda, 200n9 Haydon, Benjamin, 149 Hutcheson, Francis, 7 Hays, Jo Nelson, 198n41, 198n45 Hays, Mary, 118, 121 Ingram, James Hayward, Thomas, 55 Inaugural Lecture on the Utility of Haywood, Ian, 178n24 Anglo- Saxon Literature, 197n40 Hazlitt, William, 6, 11, 17, 29, 33, 39, Ireland, Samuel and William Henry, 54 57, 72, 143–5, 149–50, 187n13 Irving, David. Lives of Scotish Authors, Lectures on the Dramatic Literature of the 118 Age of Elizabeth, 169n12, 198n48 Lectures on the English Comic Writers, Jackson, H. J., 7, 161n4, 164n14, 176n6 198n49 Jacob, Giles, 118 Lectures on the English Poets, 111, James, Felicity, 193n6 148–51, 164n2 Janowitz, Anne, 199n2 Round Table, 196n28 Jarvis, Simon, 192n38 Select British Poets, 26 Jeffrey, Francis, 77–8, 130–2, 144–5, Headley, Henry, 3, 6, 10, 11, 17, 37, 181n16 39, 57, 62, 69, 72, 75, 135 Johnson, Claudia L., 133, 192n29 Index 223

Johnson, Joseph, 137 Macaulay, Catherine, 100, 104, 106–7 Johnson, Samuel, 6, 30–1, 39, 53, 57, Mackenzie, Henry, 90 62, 78, 81, 98, 152, 158, 181n14 Mackintosh, James, 174n29 Lives of the English Poets, 3, 6, 9, 13, Macpherson, James, 54 24, 77, 111, 163n11 magazines, 111, 135–7, 141 responses to, 9–26, 43–4 Mahoney, Charles, 27, 33. Justice, George, 164n14 Malkin, Benjamin Heath, 117–18 Mangeon’s Hotel, Clifton, 198n42 Kames, Henry Home, Lord, 15 Manley, Delarivier, 99 Keats, John, 144–6 Manning, Susan, 177n23 Keen, Paul, 165n5, 200n3 Martin, Peter, 178n24 Kelly, Gary, 175n4 Mathias, T. J. Kernan, Alvin, 165n5 Pursuits of Literature, 50–1 Kidd, Colin, 166n9 Maturin, Charles Robert, 144 Klancher, Jon, 41, 137, 151, 161n3, McDowell, Paula, 118 173n16, 189n3, 194n9, McGann, Jerome, 1 194n10, 195n19, 200n3 McKeon, Michael, 133, 172n12, Knox, Vicesimus, 17, 26, 39, 57 186n10 Elegant Extracts, 24–5 Mee, Jon, 173n15 Essays, Moral and Literary, 25 memoir, 2, 89, 102–3, 105, 111 Kramnick, Jonathan Brody, 162n8 Millar, John, 119, 162n9 Kurzer, Frederick, 197n38, 198n44 Milton, John, 38–41, 43, 68, 71, 75–7, 98, 140–2, 149–50, 158, 199n2 “Lake School,” 6, 79, 112, 143–8 miscellany, 87–8, 123, 130 Lamb, Charles Momigliano, Arnaldo, 170n17 Specimens of the English Dramatic Monthly Review, 136–7 Poets, 179n1 Morley, John, 1 Langland, William Murray, John, 189n4, 195n19 Piers Plowman, 64–5, 73 lectures, 6, 50, 111, 131, 134, 148–56, national identity, 65, 68, 72–8, 93, 176n10 104–5, 108–12, 114–16, 124, Leland, John, 95 139, 141, 143, 157–60, 186n6 Levine, Joseph, 54 New Monthly Magazine, 151 libraries, 49–50, 175n3 Newlyn, Lucy, 164n14, 168n5, Lipking, Lawrence, 1, 165n7 173n18 literary criticism, 3, 5, 6, 14–19, 51, 69, Newman, Gerald, 166n9 79–80, 107, 111, 138–9, 148, 151 newspaper, 125, 134, 139 Lockhart, John Gibson, 6, 144–5, novel, 123–33, 135 148–50 London, April, 183n9 O’Dwyer, E. J., 176n7 London Institution, 51, 151, 153–5, O’Reid, John Charles 196n31 Reviewers Reviewed, 138 London Magazine, 180n13 Ogden, James, 91, 182n1, 184n17, London Philosophical Society, 198n42 187n13 Lonsdale, Roger, 165n4 opinion, 4, 5, 6, 10, 16, 21, 24–6, 60, Looser, Devoney, 188n18 62–7, 69, 72, 74–7, 82, 95–104, Lynch, Deidre, 52, 176n6 108, 111, 114, 129, 137–9, 150, Lynch, Jack, 165n7, 173n18, 174n28 155, 159, 200n3 Lyrical Ballads, 144 Osborn, James M., 180n12 224 Index

Paine, Thomas, 126 reviews, 6, 111, 135–8, 139, 166n10, pastoral, 76–7 179n6 Patey, Douglas Lane, 190n20 Richardson, Samuel, 127–8 patronage, 30–1 Rigney, Ann, 28 Patterson, Annabel, 102, 187n13 Ritson, Joseph, 57, 62, 69, 152 Peacock, Thomas, 197n34 Observations on … Warton’s History of pedagogical texts, 6, 24, 123–4, 129, English Poetry, 179n31, 179n33 156 Robertson, William, 89, 101, 162n5, Percy, Thomas, 54, 62, 69, 192n33 183n11, 188n14 Reliques of Ancient English Poetry, Robinson, Mary, 121, 137–8 77, 180n7 Rose, Jonathan, 162n4 periodicals, 134–7, 148, 155 Rose, Mark, 163n13, 164n14 periodization, 72, 75, 150 Ross, Trevor, 162n8, 164n14, 165n7, Perkins, David, 1, 159, 197n34 170n20 Peterfreund, Stuart, 184n17 Rothstein, Eric, 167n1 Peterloo, 112, 155 Roxburghe Club, 177n14 Phillips, Edward Royal Institution, 50, 51, 111,151–4 Theatrum Poetarum, 43, 118 Russell, Gillian, 197n36 Phillips, John Russell Institution, 111, 151 Montelion, 45 Russell, William, 161n5 Phillips, Mark Salber, 14, 98, 162n5 Essay on the Character, Manners, and Phillips, Richard, 193n7 Genius of Women, 118–22 philology, 88 Russett, Margaret, 178n24 Pinkerton, John, 62, 69 Letters of Literature Sack, James L., 172n10 Pittock, Murray, 164n2 Saintsbury, George, 1 Pope, Alexander, 20, 21, 54, 55, 66, St. Clair, William, 2, 7, 10, 40, 161n4, 71–2, 76, 78–80, 140–1, 146, 163n11, 165n6, 168n11, 173n19, 149, 169n14, 180n12, 181n15 173n23, 183n8, 190n18, 190n19, Pratt, Linda, 172n14 191n22 Price, Leah, 24–6, 185n23 “Satanic School,” 144 Priestley, Joseph, 126, 173n15 Scott, John, 17, 180n13 Essay on a Course of Liberal Scott, Walter, 42–3, 53, 125, 128, 142, Education, 168n11 144, 146–7, 151, 195n19 Psalmanazar, George, 54 Ballantyne’s Novelist’s Library, 133 Waverley, 126 Quarterly Review, 78–9, 130, 133, Scrivener, Michael, 92, 137 143–4, 151, 80n9, 189n4 secret history, 2, 5, 30, 82, 86, 89, 91, 93, 95–104, 110 Radcliffe, Ann, 128 Shakespeare, William, 20, 31, 54, 68, Ragussis, Michael, 184n16 75, 113, 114, 140–2, 144, 146, Rajan, Tilottama, 39. 149–50, 152 readers, 4, 6, 15, 22–5, 29, 47, 55–7, Shelley, Percy Byshe, 144 62–71, 76, 88, 102–3, 122–6, Shenstone, William, 76–7 128–9, 132–3, 135, 138–9, Siegel, Jonah, 162n8 142–3, 149, 155 Simpson, David, 1, 200n5 Reeve, Clara, 132 Siskin, Clifford, 163n13, 177n23 The Progress of Romance, 125, 128–30 Six Acts, 142, 155 republic of letters, 200n3 Small, Ian, 161n1 Index 225

Smith, Charlotte, 128 Turner, Sharon, 115–17, 130 Smith, Olivia, 164n14 History of the Anglo- Saxons, 115 Smith, William, 33 History of England During the Middle Smollett, Tobias, 127–8, 136 Ages, 115 Society for the Diffusion of Useful Tyrwhitt, Thomas, 152 Knowledge, 155–6 Tytler, Alexander Fraser, 190n7 Southey, Robert, 3, 4, 32, 33, 47, 58, 75, 139, 143–5, 160, 189n4, Wahrman, Dror, 159, 200n3 199n2 Walpole, Horace, 187n11, 187n13, Specimens of the Later English Poets, 188n18, 192n33 59, 66–72, 181n20 Walsh, Marcus, 167n4 Thalaba, 144 Warton, Joseph, 55, 72, 81 specimens, 2, 3, 4, 59–80, 111, 123 Essay on the Writings and Genius of Spence, Joseph Pope, 78 Anecdotes, Observations, and Warton, Thomas, 7, 62, 65, 68–9, 72, Characters, 79 81, 98, 152 Spence, Thomas, 137 History of English Poetry, 3, 4, 47, Spenser, Edmund, 21, 55, 68, 71, 75, 53, 54–7, 77, 101, 111, 177n15, 77, 113, 142, 145, 150 180n12, 192n33 Spirit of the Age, 181n18 Observations on the Faerie Queen, 55 Stafford, Fiona J., 178n24 Weinbrot, Howard, 178n24 Staves, Susan, 128 Wellek, René, 54, 166n8, 174n27 Sterne, Laurence, 90, 140 White Lion, Bristol, 198n42 Stockdale, Percival, 11, 17, 21 Willis’s Rooms, 198n42 Lectures on the Truly Eminent English Wilson, John, 6, 112, 113, 116, Poets, 9, 153 144–51, 190n6 Surrey Institution, 51, 111, 148–9, women’s literary history, 118–22 151–3, 197n33, 198n42 Wood, Anthony, 98 Sweet, Rosemary, 170n17 Wooler, T. J., 142 Woolf, D. R., 170n17 Terry, Richard G., 10, 164n14, 166n8, Wordsworth, William, 2, 25–6, 168n9, 173n26, 179n5, 190n19 71–2, 114, 144–7, 149–51, Thelwall, John, 186n10 160 Thicknesse, Ann, 118 “Essay, Supplementary to the Thomson, James, 68, 76, 181n15, Preface” (1815), 25, 94–5, 199n2 174n28 Thornton, Bonnell, 118, 121 Excursion, 144, 148 Turner, Katherine, 164n2 Wright, Julia M., 170n20