DOCSLIB.ORG

Malaysia's Protracted Affirmative Action Policy and the Evolving

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Malaysia's Protracted Affirmative Action Policy and the Evolving No. 2015-3 Malaysia’s Protracted Affirmative Action Policy and the Evolving Bumiputera Commercial and Industrial Community Chin Yee Whah Universiti Sains Malaysia E-mail: [email protected] Benny Teh Cheng Guan Universiti Sains Malaysia E-mail: [email protected] ISEAS Economics Working Paper December 2015 Abstract This paper examines the evolution of the Bumiputera Commercial and Industrial Community (BCIC) in the context of Malaysia’s protracted affirmative action from 1971 to the present. It explores, on one hand, how the state has responded to the demands of different Malay pressure groups and, on the other, to external shocks arising from economic globalization. These external factors have compelled the state to deregulate and liberalize its economic policies which run contrary to the goal of promoting the development of a BCIC. The paper argues that affirmative action has made immense progress in restructuring Malay society, leading to the emergence and consolidation of a Bumiputera entrepreneurial community. The current policy aim is to integrate the BCIC into national and regional supply chains with continuous state support. This paper concludes that Malaysia’s future rests, not in the existing “ethnic by-pass” practices of a BCIC, but on a new paradigm of “ethnic inclusiveness” that requires trust building between the various ethnic groups as well as the effective integration of the BCIC into national and regional supply chains. Keywords: Affirmative Action, Malay, Bumiputera, State, BCIC 30 Heng Mui Keng Terrace, Singapore 119614 6778 0955 6778 1735 [email protected] www.iseas.edu.sg Malaysia’s Protracted Affirmative Action Policy and the Evolving Bumiputera Commercial and Industrial Community Chin Yee Whah and Benny Teh Cheng Guan Introduction This paper examines the evolution of the Bumiputera Commercial and Industrial Community (BCIC) in the context of Malaysia’s protracted affirmative action drive. The policies covered in this study include the: laissez-faire policy (1957-1970); New Economic Policy (NEP 1971- 1990); National Development Policy (NDP 1991-2000); National Vision Policy (NVP 2001- 2010); as well as the New Economic Model (NEM) and the Economic Transformation Programme (ETP) introduced in 2010. A review of the existing literature on the development of the BCIC revealed, with a few exceptions, the general failure of past efforts to create a dynamic Bumiputera entrepreneurial class. Amongst early studies on the topic, Tham Seong Chee (1977, p. 255) argued that most Malays were drawn to business because of the availability of facilities, however, they did not believe that entrepreneurship could enhance their social mobility. Malays who ‘made it’ as businessmen and company directors usually came from an affluent background, notably the aristocracy or senior ranks of the public service. In contrast, there were very few rags-to-riches success stories (Tan 1982, p. 305; Lim 1985, p. 54). Mehmet (1986, p. 157) argued that the NEP gave rise to cartel-like networks promoting self- enrichment through rent-seeking. Literature on the emergence of Malay tycoons in the 1980s and 1990s argues that this was almost entirely due to strong state patronage. Jesudason (1989) argued that the Malaysian state patronized the development of Bumiputera tycoons and very few Malay tycoons were real entrepreneurs who started their own businesses. In addition, they spent lavishly, had a 1 ‘quick rich mentality’ and mismanaged their finances. Furthermore, they tended to enter the same saturated markets, further undercutting their ability to survive (Jesudason 1989, pp. 102-108, 195). Their wealth accumulation thus resulted from patronage and access to political power (Jesudason 1989, p. 105) and almost all were either created by the state or at least had crucial state support (Jomo 1993, p. 19). Similarly, Crouch (1996, p. 217) argued that most Malay businessmen wanted state intervention to preserve their special privileges and that while the NEP succeeded in bringing Malays into business it failed to stimulate the development of an independent entrepreneurial class. Gomez and Jomo (1999) contended that such Bumiputera capitalists were rent-seekers rather than genuine entrepreneurs, regarding their activities as unproductive and a hindrance to economic development. Yoshihara (1988) termed this “ersatz capitalism”. Searle (1999) offers a contrasting view of the developmental potential of the BCIC, arguing that “Malay capitalism is a complex amalgam of state, party and private capital but a core of productive investment and entrepreneurial activity is emerging from within the cocoon of state/UMNO-support patronage networks and rent-seeking activity” (p. 17). Despite the prevalence of rent-seeking, he contends that there was an important transformation taking place in the evolution of the Malay capitalist class as some proxy capitalists had built on initial support and become more independent of state patronage (pp. 153, 174). More recent studies on the development of the BCIC have showed some positive findings. Lim (2000, p. 453) argues that the BCIC has emerged, but is not yet a dynamic class, as many small-scale entrepreneurs face formidable obstacles. The paper also cites political intervention as a critical factor in undermining market rationality and contends that 2 the Malays do not seem to possess cultural values compatible with economic rationality. Abdul Rahman Embong’s (2002) study shows that, in the 1990s, the NEP created a Malay middle class and a class of Bumiputera capitalists. Chin (2004; 2007; 2010) argues that a well-qualified Malay entrepreneurial class has emerged among small and medium enterprises (SMEs), especially those involving inter-ethnic partnerships. These partnerships have led to the transformation of the unhealthy Ali-Baba ‘partnership’ 1 into class-based Chinese- Bumiputera partnerships in the post-NEP era. Insights from this literature raises several questions regarding internal and external factors that have affected state performance over the past four decades. What are the economic policies adopted and strategies used to develop the BCIC at different periods of Malaysia’s economic development? Why did the state prioritize such policies and strategies? What are the impacts from protracted affirmative action? Why isn’t the state capable of doing away with affirmative action? How did the state reconcile demands for protection of the Bumiputera entrepreneurial class with the imperatives of economic globalization? With these questions in mind, we examine how the state has formulated its economic policies over the past four and a half decades, in response to changing internal and external factors. Internal factors refer to the economic demands/pressures of different Malay groups which include nationalists, the middle class, business elites, and recently by a powerful non- governmental organization, Perkasa.2 External factors refer to external shocks (mid-1980s world economic recession, 1997/98 Asian financial crisis and the 2008 global financial crisis) 1 Where a Bumiputera ‘investor’ provides the license and/or listing requirements for a Chinese entrepreneur, but otherwise remains a silent partner. Ali is a common Malay name, while Baba is a slang Malay term for the Chinese. 2 Perkasa is a Malay nationalist organization that has great influence over 76 Malay NGOs throughout Malaysia. 3 and the forces of globalization that compel the state to deregulate and liberalize its economic policies. Through a critical examination of the literature, we provide an account of how the BCIC has evolved at different phases of Malaysia’s economic development. The past four decades of protective measures have gradually slowed down Malaysia’s economic growth, prompting the state to deregulate 27 services and financial sub-sectors in 2009. These sub- sectors are politically important due to their significant Bumiputera participation. The government also introduced the NEM and the ETP in 2010 that aim to rely heavily on “private sector-led” growth to counter further slowing down of economic growth. In critically examining the ‘private investment-led” growth strategy and the Bumiputera agenda outlined in the NEM and the ETP, we argue that the state is promoting a BCIC beyond Malaysian borders by supporting an integrated supply chain. In addition, the re-engineering of GLCs under the ETP will mainly benefit Bumiputera-owned private companies and integrate the BCIC into regional supply chains. Tracing the Incipient of ‘Malay Bourgeoisie’ in Post-Independent Malaysia After independence in 1957, the Alliance Government adopted a laissez-faire economic policy to promote private-led economic development, aimed at encouraging foreign direct investment (FDI). This was coupled with a short-lived import substitution industrialization (ISI) drive that was unable to generate significant employment (Snodgrass 1980, p. 209). In the late 1960s, the government shifted to export-oriented industrialization (EOI). The state acted largely as a facilitator to attract FDI through the enactment of the Industrial Incentives Act 1968, which offered incentives. Under the EOI, both the state and FDI “found common interest in a relatively early phase of a ‘new international division of labour’” (Khoo 2012, p. 4 35). Laissez-faire coupled with EOI helped the newly independent country achieve substantial economic growth, with an average annual GDP growth rate of 5.8 per cent in Peninsular Malaysia during 1957–70 (Khor 1983, p. 2). This period created opportunities,
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Democracy and Religious Pluralism in Southeast Asia: Indonesia and Malaysia Compared
    Key Issues in Religion and World Affairs Democracy and Religious Pluralism in Southeast Asia: Indonesia and Malaysia Compared Kikue Hamayotsu Department of Political Science, Northern Illinois University September, 2015 Introduction Dr. Hamayotsu is Associate Professor of Political It is an intuitive expectation that democracy will accompany – and Science. Dr. Hamayotsu reinforce – pluralistic attitudes and mutual respect for all members has conducted research on of a society, regardless of their sub-national, ethnic, and religious state-society relations in identity and affiliation. The noted political scientist Alfred Stepan, for both Malaysia and example, propounds the concept of “twin tolerations” – that is, Indonesia and her current mutual respect between and within state and religious institutions – research projects include in fostering a modern liberal democracy. According to this thesis, religious movements and two specific conditions have to be met in order to guarantee open parties, shariʽa politics, competition over values, views, and goals that citizens want to religious conflict, and the advance. One is toleration of religious citizens and communities quality of democracy. Her towards the state, and the other is toleration of the state authorities research and teaching towards religious citizens and communities (Stepan 2007). interest include: However, such conditions are not readily fulfilled in deeply divided societies. Southeast Asian nations are well known for being “plural Comparative Politics, societies” with a high degree of ethnic and religious heterogeneity Religion and Politics, (Furnivall 1944). For various regimes and ruling elites in those Political Islam, nations, the accommodation of various collective identities to build Democratization, Social a common national identity, modern nationhood, and citizenry has Movements, and Ethnic not always been easy or peaceful.
    [Show full text]
  • Reconceptualising Ethnic Chinese Identity in Post-Suharto Indonesia
    Reconceptualising Ethnic Chinese Identity in Post-Suharto Indonesia Chang-Yau Hoon BA (Hons), BCom This thesis is presented for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy of The University of Western Australia School of Social and Cultural Studies Discipline of Asian Studies 2006 DECLARATION FOR THESES CONTAINING PUBLISHED WORK AND/OR WORK PREPARED FOR PUBLICATION This thesis contains sole-authored published work and/or work prepared for publication. The bibliographic details of the work and where it appears in the thesis is outlined below: Hoon, Chang-Yau. 2004, “Multiculturalism and Hybridity in Accommodating ‘Chineseness’ in Post-Soeharto Indonesia”, in Alchemies: Community exChanges, Glenn Pass and Denise Woods (eds), Black Swan Press, Perth, pp. 17-37. (A revised version of this paper appears in Chapter One of the thesis). ---. 2006, “Assimilation, Multiculturalism, Hybridity: The Dilemma of the Ethnic Chinese in Post-Suharto Indonesia”, Asian Ethnicity, Vol. 7, No. 2, pp. 149-166. (A revised version of this paper appears in Chapter One of the thesis). ---. 2006, “Defining (Multiple) Selves: Reflections on Fieldwork in Jakarta”, Life Writing, Vol. 3, No. 1, pp. 79-100. (A revised version of this paper appears in a few sections of Chapter Two of the thesis). ---. 2006, “‘A Hundred Flowers Bloom’: The Re-emergence of the Chinese Press in post-Suharto Indonesia”, in Media and the Chinese Diaspora: Community, Communications and Commerce, Wanning Sun (ed.), Routledge, London and New York, pp. 91-118. (A revised version of this paper appears in Chapter Six of the thesis). This thesis is the original work of the author except where otherwise acknowledged.
    [Show full text]
  • Ewa Journal Ok
    CONTENTS East West Affairs | Volume 2 Number 1 | January-March 2014 Editorial 5. Postnormal Governance | Jordi Serra Commentaries 13. Iran’s “Charm Offensive” | Stephenie Wright 21. A Very African Homosexuality | Zain Sardar 29. Malaysian Shadow Play | Merryl Wyn davieS Papers 35. Come together...for what? Creativity and Leadership in Postnormal Times | alfonSo Montuori and gabrielle donnelly 53. The Story of a Phenomenon: Vivekananda in Nirvana Land | vinay lal 69. The Pedagogical Subject of Neoliberal Development | alvin Cheng -h in liM 93. Science Fiction Futures and the Extended Present of 3D Printers | JoShua pryor 109. Muslim Superheroes | gino Zarrinfar 123. The Joys of Being Third Class | Shiv viSanathan Review 165. How the East was Won | Shanon Shah Report 165. Looking in All Directions | John a. S Weeney East-West Affairs 1 East West Affairs a Quarterly journal of north-South relations in postnormal times EDITOrS Ziauddin Sardar, Centre for policy and futures Studies, east-West university, Chicago, uSa Jerome r. ravetz, research Methods Consultancy, oxford, england DEPuTy EDITOrS Zain Sardar, birkbeck College, university of london, england Gordon Blaine Steffey, department of religious Studies, randolph College, lynchburg, uSa John A. Sweeney, department of political Science, university of hawaii at Manoa, honolulu, uSa MANAGING EDITOr Zafar A. Malik, dean for development and university relations, east-West university, Chicago, uSa DEPuTy MANAGING EDITOr Joel Inwood, development and university relations, east-West university,
    [Show full text]
  • World Bank Document
    Updated as of October 13, 2017 Public Disclosure Authorized Public Disclosure Authorized Public Disclosure Authorized October 2017 Public Disclosure Authorized Updated as of October 13, 2017 Updated as of October 13, 2017 Primer on Malaysia’s Experience with National Development Planning Table of Contents Acknowledgements ...................................................................................................................................... I 1. Introduction ......................................................................................................................................... 1 2. Malaysia’s Planning System: A Brief History ..................................................................................... 2 3. How Planning Works in Malaysia ...................................................................................................... 5 Institutional Architecture .............................................................................................................. 8 Connecting National Visions and Plans ...................................................................................... 13 Inter-Ministerial Coordination .................................................................................................... 14 Stakeholder Consultation and Input ........................................................................................... 15 Planning and Budgeting ............................................................................................................... 16
    [Show full text]
  • Malaysia: the 2020 Putsch for Malay Islam Supremacy James Chin School of Social Sciences, University of Tasmania
    Malaysia: the 2020 putsch for Malay Islam supremacy James Chin School of Social Sciences, University of Tasmania ABSTRACT Many people were surprised by the sudden fall of Mahathir Mohamad and the Pakatan Harapan (PH) government on 21 February 2020, barely two years after winning the historic May 2018 general elections. This article argues that the fall was largely due to the following factors: the ideology of Ketuanan Melayu Islam (Malay Islam Supremacy); the Mahathir-Anwar dispute; Mahathir’s own role in trying to reduce the role of the non-Malays in the government; and the manufactured fear among the Malay polity that the Malays and Islam were under threat. It concludes that the majority of the Malay population, and the Malay establishment, are not ready to share political power with the non- Malays. Introduction Many people were shocked when the Barisan National (BN or National Front) govern- ment lost its majority in the May 2018 general elections. After all, BN had been in power since independence in 1957 and the Federation of Malaysia was generally regarded as a stable, one-party regime. What was even more remarkable was that the person responsible for Malaysia’s first regime change, Mahathir Mohammad, was also Malaysia’s erstwhile longest serving prime minister. He had headed the BN from 1981 to 2003 and was widely regarded as Malaysia’s strongman. In 2017, he assumed leader- ship of the then-opposition Pakatan Harapan (PH or Alliance of Hope) coalition and led the coalition to victory on 9 May 2018. He is remarkable as well for the fact that he became, at the age of 93, the world’s oldest elected leader.1 The was great hope that Malaysia would join the global club of democracy but less than two years on, the PH government fell apart on 21 February 2020.
    [Show full text]
  • Lesser Government in Business: an Unfulfilled Promise? by Wan Saiful Wan Jan Policy Brief NO
    Brief IDEAS No.2 April 2016 Lesser Government in Business: An Unfulfilled Promise? By Wan Saiful Wan Jan Policy Brief NO. 2 Executive Summary Introduction This paper briefly outlines the promise made by Reducing the Government’s role in business has the Malaysian Government to reduce its role in been on Prime Minister Dato’ Sri Najib Tun business as stated in the Economic Transformation Razak’s agenda since March 2010, when he Programme (ETP). It presents a general argument launched the New Economic Model (NEM). The of why the Government should not be involved NEM called for a reduction in Government in business. It then examines the progress intervention in the economy and an increase made by the Government to reduce its role in economic liberalisation efforts. The NEM in business through data showing Government furthermore, acknowledged that private sector divestments in several listed companies. growth in Malaysia has been hampered by “heavy Government and GLC presence” and This paper then demonstrates how this progress is offset by two factors – (i) the increased shares of Government-Linked Companies that there is a serious need to “reduce direct (GLCs) in the Kuala Lumpur Composite Index (KLCI) and (ii) the state participation in the economy” (National higher amount of combined GLC and GLIC asset acquisitions as opposed to asset disposals. This paper concludes with the argument Economic Advisory Council (NEAC), 2009). that the Government has not fulfilled its promise but in fact, has done the exact opposite. The increased shares of Government- 01 Linked Companies (GLCs) in the Kuala Author Two Factors Lumpur Composite Index (KLCI).
    [Show full text]
  • Eleventh Malaysia Plan 2016-2020 Anchoring G­­­­­­Rowth on People
    ELEVENTH MALAYSIA PLAN 2016-2020 ANCHORING G ROWTH ON PEOPLE ISBN 978-9675842085 For further information refer to: Director General, Economic Planning Unit, Prime Minister’s Department, Block B5 & B6, Federal Government Administrative Centre, 62502 Putrajaya. MALAYSIA. http://www.epu.gov.my email: [email protected] Tel.: 603-8000 8000 Fax: 603-8888 3755 Released on 21st May 2015 Reprinted on 29th May 2015 Publisher’s Copyright© All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, copied, stored in any retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means – electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise; without prior permission of Economic Planning Unit, Prime Minister’s Department, Malaysia. Printed by Percetakan Nasional Malaysia Berhad, Kuala Lumpur, 2015 www.printnasional.com.my Email: [email protected] Tel: 03-92366895 Fax: 03-92224773 ELEVENTH MALAYSIA PLAN 2016-2020 ANCHORING G ROWTH ON PEOPLE Foreword Dato’ Sri Mohd Najib bin Tun Haji Abdul Razak Prime Minister of Malaysia i The Eleventh Malaysia Plan, 2016-2020, marks a momentous milestone in our nation’s history. With 2020 now just five years away, the Eleventh Plan is the next critical step in our journey to become an advanced nation that is inclusive and sustainable. In the last five years, although Malaysia encountered headwinds from a global economic slowdown, our economy has done extremely well with GDP growth among the fastest in the region. The quality of life of the rakyat has also improved as reflected by the increase in both per capita income and the average household income. This was made possible by the numerous reforms that were put in place by the Government to improve the quality of life of the people.
    [Show full text]
  • Malaysia's Bumiputera Preferential Regime
    ISSN 0219-3213 2017 no. 22 Trends in Southeast Asia MALAYSIA’S BUMIPUTERA PREFERENTIAL REGIME AND TRANSFORMATION AGENDA: MODIFIED PROGRAMMES, UNCHANGED SYSTEM TRS22/17s LEE HWOK-AUN ISBN 978-981-4818-04-9 30 Heng Mui Keng Terrace Singapore 119614 http://bookshop.iseas.edu.sg 9 7 8 9 8 1 4 8 1 8 0 4 9 Trends in Southeast Asia 17-J03128 01 Trends_2017-22.indd 1 13/12/17 7:49 AM The ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute (formerly Institute of Southeast Asian Studies) is an autonomous organization established in 1968. It is a regional centre dedicated to the study of socio-political, security, and economic trends and developments in Southeast Asia and its wider geostrategic and economic environment. The Institute’s research programmes are grouped under Regional Economic Studies (RES), Regional Strategic and Political Studies (RSPS), and Regional Social and Cultural Studies (RSCS). The Institute is also home to the ASEAN Studies Centre (ASC), the Nalanda-Sriwijaya Centre (NSC) and the Singapore APEC Study Centre. ISEAS Publishing, an established academic press, has issued more than 2,000 books and journals. It is the largest scholarly publisher of research about Southeast Asia from within the region. ISEAS Publishing works with many other academic and trade publishers and distributors to disseminate important research and analyses from and about Southeast Asia to the rest of the world. 17-J03128 01 Trends_2017-22.indd 2 13/12/17 7:49 AM 2017 no. 22 Trends in Southeast Asia MALAYSIA’S BUMIPUTERA PREFERENTIAL REGIME AND TRANSFORMATION AGENDA: MODIFIED PROGRAMMES, UNCHANGED SYSTEM LEE HWOK-AUN 17-J03128 01 Trends_2017-22.indd 3 13/12/17 7:49 AM Published by: ISEAS Publishing 30 Heng Mui Keng Terrace Singapore 119614 [email protected] http://bookshop.iseas.edu.sg © 2017 ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute, Singapore All rights reserved.
    [Show full text]
  • Presentation on Business Opportunities in Malaysia
    APRESENTAÇÃO PARCIAL MALAYSIA GLOBAL HISTORICAL & COMMERCIAL LINK - CHINA - INDIA - PORTUGAL - THE NETHERLANDS - GREAT BRITAIN - MIDDLE EASTERN - NORTH AFRICAN COUNTRIES GATEWAY TO ASEAN (THE 10 COUNTRIES GEO ECONOMIC ALLIANCE) ASEANMALAYSIA - ASEAN- AYSIMAAL GATEWAY TO ASEAN AND ASIAN ECONOMIES Strategic location: Malaysia is a gateway to other markets with preferential access through Free Trade Agreements (FTAs) ASEAN V Potential market of 600 million people V Combined GDP of Euro 1.35 trillion, as of 2010 V Already zero tariffs for 99% of products V ASEAN Economic Community and Single market by 2015 REGIONAL / BILATERAL FTAS China Japan Korea India Australia New Zealand Chile V Potential market of 2.7 billion people V Tariff reduction and elimination mostly by 2016 ON-GOING FTA NEGOTIATIONS TPP EU Turkey V Potential market of 1.08 billion people TOWARDS ASEAN ECONOMIC COMMUNITY - AN INTEGRATED MARKET - BUSINESS OPPORTUNITIES ° The ASEAN region is now being viewed as a single market production base – attractive investment destination – 600 million population, Euro1.35 trillion combined GDP, Euro 1.58 trillion global trade, 7.4% GDP growth (2010) - 2010: Intra-ASEAN trade was Euro 389.97 billion (25.4% of total global ASEAN trade) - Outside of ASEAN, its top trading partners are China, EU, Japan, Korea and the US ° Overall, ASEAN has collectively implemented 75.6% of the AEC measures under Phase 1 (2008-2009) and Phase 2 (2010-2011) ° Many initiatives covering trade, services, investment, agriculture, transport, competition policies
    [Show full text]
  • BEE and Malaysia's
    BEE AND MALAYSIA’S NEP: A COMPARATIVE STUDY By Bulelani Mandla Thesis Presented in Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in (International Studies) at the University of Stellenbosch Supervisor: Dr Janis van der Westhuizen Department of Political Science December 2006 DECLARATION I, the undersigned…………………………… hereby declare that the work contained in this thesis is my own original work and that I have not previously submitted it in its entirety or in part at any university for a degree. ………………………… …………………… Signature Date i Abstract South Africa and Malaysia share a similar history charecterised by multi-ethnicity and similar policies in redressing their economic imbalances created by past colonial experiences. In both countries, the decolonization process left economic power with minority ethnic groups, a phenomenon that led to the exclusion of the majority of people from meaningful participation in the mainstream economy. It has been argued that in such instances minority ethnic communities often experience minority domination of the economy in ethnic terms as control of economic levers of economic power. Upon independence, Malaysia and South Africa faced the challenge of redressing the socio- economic and political imbalances. In South Africa, the government led by the African National Congress (ANC) adopted the Black Economic Empowerment (BEE) programme to create an inclusive economy that can meet the needs of its entire citizen. Unlike Malaysia where the economic restructuring took place in a less globalised period, South Africa’s economic restructuring occurs at a time when globalisation is at an advanced stage. This has made it difficult for the South African government to match Malaysia’s successes in redressing the economic imbalances.
    [Show full text]
  • Financialization of Malaysian Citizens
    Financialization of Malaysian Citizens A thesis submitted to the University of Manchester for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Faculty of Humanities 2018 Syahirah Abdul Rahman Alliance Manchester Business School People, Management, and Organisation Table of Contents List of Figures ....................................................................................................................... 5 List of Tables ......................................................................................................................... 6 List of Abbreviations ........................................................................................................... 7 Abstract .................................................................................................................................. 8 Declaration ............................................................................................................................ 9 Acknowledgements............................................................................................................ 11 About the Author ............................................................................................................... 12 Chapter 1: Introduction ................................................................................................... 14 1.1 Opening Remarks ................................................................................................. 14 1.2 Research Background ..............................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • This File Was Downloaded From
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Queensland University of Technology ePrints Archive This is the author’s version of a work that was submitted/accepted for pub- lication in the following source: Kuga Thas, Angela M. (2013) Othering the Malay in Malaysia : a planned consequence of politics? In The Asian Conference on Arts & Humanities 2013 : the Official Conference Proceedings 2013, The International Aca- demic Forum (IAFOR), Osaka, Japan, pp. 55-74. This file was downloaded from: http://eprints.qut.edu.au/64530/ c Copyright 2013 The International Academic Forum This paper is published under a Creative Commons Attribution-No Deriva- tives Licence 3.0 Unported. Unless otherwise stated, the author reserves all rights. Notice: Changes introduced as a result of publishing processes such as copy-editing and formatting may not be reflected in this document. For a definitive version of this work, please refer to the published source: Othering the Malay in Malaysia: A planned consequence of politics? Angela M. Kuga Thas Queensland University of Technology Abstract: This paper examines the rise in the politicisation of Islam in Malaysia and links it to the othering of the Malaysian Malay. It is my argument that both were “conquering” tools of Malaysia’s “Father of Modernisation”, Mahathir Mohamad, devised to win the support of the Malay Muslim majority in Malaysia. The many awards bestowed on Mahathir obscure the fact that he was instrumental in the systematic erosion of the power and roles of state institutions, especially at the Federal government level.
    [Show full text]