For the study of Liberal, SDP and Issue 52 / Autumn 2006 / £5.00 Liberal Democrat history

Journal of LiberalHI ST O R Y

Hidden workers of the party Kathryn Rix The professional Liberal agents, 1885 – 1910 David Bebbington Gladstonian Liberalism according to Gladstone Dennis Hardy ‘Freedom not regimentation’ Liberalism, garden cities and early town planning David Dutton Liberalism reunited The Huddersfield experience 1945 – 47 David McKie A ‘sincere, thorough and hearty Liberal’? Jabez Balfour (1843 – 1916) Liberal Democrat History Group The 1906 General Election – from the Old to the New Liberalism?

Robinson College, Cambridge: Saturday 21 October 2006 A century ago the Liberal Party secured a landslide victory, enabling it to introduce significant social reforms. This one-day conference seeks to re-evaluate the impact of the 1906 landslide victory. It will focus on the key electoral issues, from human rights to economics, and assess why it all went wrong. Bringing together a range of leading academics and MPs, topics include ‘Religion, human rights and policies, 1906–2006’; the philosophy and economic strategies of the New Liberalism; Winston Churchill as Liberal leader and Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman; and ‘the strange death of Liberal England’. Agenda

10.00 Coffee and registration

10.30 Introduction David Howarth MP History Group on the web 10.45 Session I: Keynote The Liberal Democrat History Group’s website, www. liberalhistory.org.uk, is currently undergoing an extensive revamp Alan Beith MP: Religion, human rights and politics, 1906–2006 and reorganisation. 11.30 Session II: Policies and ideas Thanks to funding kindly provided by the Joseph Rowntree Reform Trust for the ‘Liberal history online’ project, we have been able to Deborah Thom: Gender and social reform extend the website’s content well beyond our original expectations, Alison Holmes: The New Liberalism as a philosophy of social reform with the result that its internal architecture was no longer able to cope well. So it has been radically redesigned to provide a more Ian Packer: Economic strategies and the New Liberalism easily navigable internal structure. This is a lengthy process, however, and is not yet complete – please bear with us while it is in 12.45 Lunch process! 14.00 Session III: Beginning of the end or end of the beginning? Anthony Howe: The long-term significance of the election of 1906, Volunteers wanted with special reference to Liberal politics and ideas Anyone wishing to volunteer to help us manage the website would be welcome. Basic computer literacy is essential, but no particular Vernon Bogdanor: The strange death of Liberal England? knowledge of website design is needed; familiarity with Liberal history is essential. Please contact Duncan Brack on journal@ 15.00 Session IV: Leadership liberalhistory.org.uk for further details. Ewen Cameron: Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman Richard Toye: Churchill as a Liberal leader Email mailing list If you would like to receive up-to-date information on the Liberal 16.00 Tea Democrat History Group’s activities, including advance notice of meetings, and new History Group publications, you can sign up to 16.15 Session V: Point counter point our email mailing list: visit the website and fill in the details on the ‘Contact’ page. David Dutton and Martin Pugh

17.15 Conclusion Journals on the web Older issues of the Journal of Liberal History (issues 1–28) are Cost: £25 (£15 for students and over-60s) available free for download as pdf files from the website. More recent issues are available for online subscribers, who will be sent For further information, including up-to-date information on a password (changed each year) for access to the protected area of speakers, please contact Dr Eugenio Biagini ([email protected]); the site. Online subscriptions cost £40.00 per year for individuals Robinson College, Cambridge, CB3 9AN). or £50.00 for institutions.

 Journal of Liberal History 52 Autumn 2006 Journal of Liberal History Issue 52: Autumn 2006 The Journal of Liberal History is published quarterly by the Liberal Democrat History Group. ISSN 1479-9642 Hidden workers of the party: The professional 4 Editor: Duncan Brack Liberal agents, 1885–1910 Deputy Editor: Sarah Taft Assistant Editor: Siobhan Vitelli Dr Kathryn Rix examines the activities of this crucial element of the party Biographies Editor: Robert Ingham organisation during a formative period. Reviews Editor: Dr Eugenio Biagini Deputy Reviews Editor: Tom Kiehl Gladstonian Liberalism according to Gladstone 14 What were the prevailing principles of the Liberal Party in the late Victorian Patrons period? Professor David Bebbington explores the views of its leader. Dr Eugenio Biagini; Professor Michael Freeden; Professor John Vincent Letters to the Editor 19 Editorial Board Cuckoo in the nest? (Roy Douglas); Liberals in Windsor (John Austen). Dr Malcolm Baines; Dr Roy Douglas; Dr Barry Doyle; Dr David Dutton; Professor David Gowland; Dr ‘Freedom not regimentation’: Liberalism, 20 Richard Grayson; Dr Michael Hart; Peter Hellyer; Ian garden cities and early town planning Hunter; Dr J. Graham Jones; Tony Little; Professor Ian Machin; Dr Mark Pack; Dr Ian Packer; Dr John Professor Dennis Hardy examines the influence of Liberals on the Powell; Jaime Reynolds; Iain Sharpe development of garden cities and the first town planning legislation.

Editorial/Correspondence Report: Defender of liberties – Charles James 26 Contributions to the Journal – letters, articles, and Fox book reviews – are invited. The Journal is a refereed publication; all articles submitted will be reviewed. with Professor Frank O’Gorman and Dr Mark Pack; report by Graham Contributions should be sent to: Lippiatt.

Duncan Brack (Editor) 38 Salford Road, London SW2 4BQ Liberalism reunited: The Huddersfield 32 email: [email protected] experience 1945–47 All articles copyright © Journal of Liberal History. How fusion between the two Liberal factions helped Liberalism survive in Huddersfield; byProfessor David Dutton. Advertisements Full page £100; half page £60; quarter page £35. A ‘sincere, thorough and hearty Liberal’? 38 Discounts available for repeat ads or offers to Biography of Jabez Balfour (1843–1916), by David McKie. readers (e.g. discounted book prices). To place ads, please contact the Editor. Reviews 44 Subscriptions/Membership Geddes & Tonge (eds.): Britain Decides – The UK General Election 2005, An annual subscription to the Journal of Liberal Bartle & King (eds.): Britain at the Polls 2005, Kavanagh & Butler: The British History costs £20.00 (£12.50 unwaged rate). This General Election of 2005, Norris & Wlezien (eds.): Britain Votes 2005, includes membership of the History Group unless reviewed by Tom Kiehl; Hammonds: The Village Labourer, reviewed by Tom you inform us otherwise. The institutional rate is Villis; Price, David Lloyd George, reviewed by J. Graham Jones; Campbell, £30.00. Non-UK subscribers should add £5.00. If Love Were All … The Story of Frances Stevenson and David Lloyd George, Online subscriptions cost £40.00 (individuals) or reviewed by J. Graham Jones. £50.00 (institutions). Instead of printed copies, online subscribers will be able to access online copies of current and all past Journals.

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Payment is also possible via our website, www.liberalhistory.org.uk. Liberal Democrat History Group The Liberal Democrat History Group promotes the discussion and research of historical Cover design concept: Lynne Featherstone topics relating to the histories of the Liberal Democrats, Liberal Party, and SDP, and of Liberalism. The Group organises discussion meetings and produces the Journal and other Published by the Liberal Democrat History Group, occasional publications. c/o 38 Salford Road, London SW2 4BQ For more information, including details of publications, back issues of the Journal, tape Printed by Kall-Kwik, records of meetings and archive and other research sources, see our website at: 426 Chiswick High Road, London W4 5TF www.liberalhistory.org.uk. September 2006 Chair: Tony Little Honorary President: Lord Wallace of Saltaire

Journal of Liberal History 52 Autumn 2006  hidden workers of the party The professional Liberal agents, 1885 – 1910

Described by the chief Liberal agent in 1909 as the ‘hidden workers’ of the party, the Liberal constituency agents have generally been overlooked by historians. The years after 1885 were significant ones for the agents, as they sought to respond to the effects of major electoral reforms and to establish themselves as a profession. Kathryn Rix examines the activities of this crucial element of the party ‘The slave to duty’ peaking as guest of Liberal organisation and of Lib- organisation during (Manchester honour at a dinner eral Agents. If you go for a sea- Evening News, 19 held at the Newcas- voyage, you will find a number this formative period, August 1910) tle-upon-Tyne Lib- of charming gold-braided offic- which included the eral Club in 1909, ers, who walk the bridge, navi- SSir Robert Hudson, the chief gate the ship, and determine its Liberals’ landslide Liberal agent, declared that he course – always with the hidden victory in 1906. was there ‘as a representative of assistance of certain rather grimy

 Journal of Liberal History 52 Autumn 2006 hidden workers of the party The professional Liberal agents, 1885 – 1910

engineers down below. It is on member constituencies. For the courts held in September. Local behalf of those hidden workers first time, limits were placed election contests also occupied of the Liberal Party that I thank on how much candidates could much of Furniss’s time, with you for the honour done to me spend during an election, and elections to the Board of Guard- this evening.’1 the 1883 Corrupt Practices Act ians and the municipal council. These ‘hidden workers’ – the also provided strict guidelines on At the start of the year, Fur- constituency agents – have how this money could be spent. niss made arrangements for the received remarkably little atten- The year 1910 saw the last gen- annual ward meetings, sending a tion from historians, despite the eral election before the electoral personally addressed circular to vital role which they played in system again underwent major every known Liberal in Liver- party organisation. Within a revision, with the 1918 Repre- pool. A total of 108 ward meet- constituency, the agent not only sentation of the People Act. ings were held in January and managed local and parliamen- February. At the end of the year, tary election contests for Liberal In 1902, Furniss turned his attention to candidates, he also attended to Constituency activities: collecting subscription arrears. the registration of voters, and registration almost a In 1902, almost a quarter of a served as secretary to the local The wide variety of politi- million letters were dispatched Liberal association, making cal work undertaken by agents quarter of from the offices of the Liverpool arrangements for its political in the constituencies was out- Liberal Federal Council.2 and social activities. This article lined in 1903 by Bertram Fur- a million Although the large-scale considers these key party work- niss, agent for Liverpool, when letters organisation managed by Fur- ers during the period between he produced an account of his niss was found only in major cit- 1885 and 1910. previous year’s work. Furniss were dis- ies such as Liverpool, the annual The year 1885 saw the first superintended a permanent staff routine he described was typi- general election to be held under of ten, with up to one hundred patched cal of the agent’s work in many the revised electoral condi- extra clerks employed at elec- other constituencies. As Furniss’s tions created by the passing of tion time, and up to fifty extra from the account made clear, registration the Corrupt and Illegal Prac- workers for registration. A great offices work was central to the agent’s tices Prevention Act (1883) and deal of effort was put into reg- endeavours. Although lists of the Third Reform Act (1884– istration work, marking up the of the voters were drawn up before 85). Candidates now faced an new electoral registers in Janu- 1832, it was the First Reform enlarged electorate, the 1885 ary, making two surveys of the Liverpool Act (1832) which introduced the election being the first at which constituency in June and July principle of the electoral reg- the majority of adult males had to collect information on those Liberal ister. The parish overseers had the vote. The electoral map was eligible to be registered, and Federal the annual task of compiling the completely redrawn, with redis- defending registration claims register, which was then scruti- tribution into largely single- and objections in the revision Council. nised by the revising barrister.

Journal of Liberal History 52 Autumn 2006  hidden workers of the party

The political parties realised Left: Sir Robert required an immense amount him with registration work in that it was in their interest to get Hudson, chief of knowledge on the part of the Liverpool, other agents were involved in this process, lodging Liberal agent. agent, as well as considerable much more reliant on their own Right: J.H. claims for votes on behalf of sup- Linforth, Liberal financial outlay by the political efforts. Stanley French, Liberal porters, and objecting to claims agent for Leeds, parties. Not until the 1918 Rep- agent for Wellington in Som- made by opponents. The Sec- and one of the resentation of the People Act erset, described in 1910 how ond Reform Act (1867) greatly founders of the – which simplified the franchise he toured this rural constitu- extended the work of registra- SCLA. and provided for more efficient ency each summer by bicycle. tion. With the creation of the compiling of the register by pub- Accompanied by his wife, child, household and lodger franchises lic officials – was this burden on maid, office lad and dog, he in borough constituencies, it party organisers relieved. camped overnight, and collected produced a substantial increase The agent’s key task was to the necessary information for in the numbers eligible to vote. ensure that as many Liberal sup- registration purposes from local By 1869, the UK electorate stood porters as possible were on the inhabitants.5 at over 2.4 million, almost three electoral register. Throughout While the nature of registra- times what it had been in the the year, information was col- tion work was to some extent immediate aftermath of the 1832 lected on those eligible to vote, dictated by the type of constitu- Reform Act. The Third Reform with names being sent to the ency – urban Liverpool, with its Act (1884–85) extended the parish overseers for inclusion on more mobile population, requir- household and lodger franchises the voters’ lists. As well as lodg- ing greater efforts than rural to county constituencies, with ing claims on behalf of eligible Somerset – another crucial factor the result that by 1886 there were Liberal voters, the agent would was the funds available for regis- over 5.6 million voters – roughly make checks on the validity of tration work. The Liberal Party’s two in every three adult males.3 Conservative voters’ claims, so weaker financial position meant While the Reform Acts that objections could be lodged that in some constituencies the marked the most significant where possible. The annual Liberals went unrepresented in changes to the franchise, there revision courts in September, the revision courts, or relied on were by the close of the nine- when the revising barrister volunteer effort rather than the teenth century well over 100 dif- decided on the merits of the assistance of a qualified profes- ferent Acts of Parliament and 660 claims and objections lodged, sional agent. When the Liberals appeal cases governing the fran- marked the culmination of the did turn their attention to reg- chise and registration process.4 agent’s efforts. While Furniss istration in previously neglected The complexities of registration had a considerable staff to assist areas, the results could be strik-

 Journal of Liberal History 52 Autumn 2006 hidden workers of the party ing – in 1905, the Liberals made for meetings, getting posters tion workers. The election agent a gain of 2,000 on the register at printed, hiring men to distribute had to ensure that the laws with Wimbledon. With the Liberals leaflets. However, some agents regard to bribery and other cor- unrepresented in the Wimble- were more directly involved in rupt and illegal practices were don revision courts for the previ- spreading the political message. strictly observed. In his mem- ous eleven years, ‘the Tories had James Martin, a Liberal agent in oirs, J. H. Linforth recounted done what they liked and had Warwickshire and later in Suf- how in 1885, while agent for stuffed the register’, but now the folk, gave hundreds of lectures Nottingham, he stopped a local Liberals ‘turned a microscope using the ‘magic lantern’ to pro- councillor who wanted to hire on it’.6 Increased Liberal effort vide illustrations. Drawing on the traditional election ‘lambs’ at registration prior to 1906 was his own background as a former (gangs of rowdies), pointing out one factor contributing to their agricultural labourer, F. C. Riv- that this would constitute illegal landslide election victory, show- ers used ‘labourers’ language’ to employment.10 ing the vital importance of the write letters on political topics to Articles in the Liberal Agent in agent’s work. the local press in the rural con- the run-up to elections showed stituencies where he served as that no detail was too small for agent, sometimes using the pseu- the agent to consider. In 1910, Constituency activities: donym ‘Tom Ploughman’. Riv- Linforth W. J. Arnold advised his fellow party organisation and ers also undertook lecture tours agents to prepare a booklet of political education for the Home Counties Liberal recounted political songs for use at election The agent’s activities between Federation. Other agents wrote how in meetings: ‘set to catchy tunes, elections were not, however, political pamphlets or served as they fill up an interval of wait- solely concerned with the tech- editors of local Liberal publica- 1885, ing, and keep the audience in nicalities of registration, essen- tions: Birkenhead’s agent in 1897 good humour’. While modern tial though this was. The agent edited The Free Lance, while while agent technology such as the motor also played a significant part in Frome’s agent produced The Bea- car could provide valuable arranging the social and politi- con.8 The greater effort devoted for Not- assistance in the essential work cal activities of the local Lib- to such activities illustrates how tingham, of canvassing voters and get- eral organisation, which it was the agent’s duties were expand- ting them to the poll, the agent hoped would help to secure and ing during this period, and helps he stopped needed to ensure that it was used maintain support for Liberalism. to explain why political agency to best effect: ‘it too frequently Both Liberals and Conservatives was no longer dominated by a local occurs that motor cars are aim- were keen to provide ‘political those from legal backgrounds, lessly taken about by members education’ for the ever-grow- a development explored further council- of committees who are more ing number of voters. It was felt below. The Liberal Agent’s list of lor who desirous of having a motor ride that efforts at education between the agent’s essential attributes themselves than fetching vot- elections could reap greater in 1900 included not only ‘1. wanted to ers’.11 The election agent also rewards than activity during the Knowledge of Election Law needed to ensure that suitable election itself: recommending and Practice (including Reg- hire the election speakers, posters and ‘a vigorous Educational Cam- istration)’, but also ‘2. General pamphlets were selected. After paign’ of public meetings and political knowledge; 3. A fair traditional the establishment of the Liberal distribution of literature in the all-round education; 4. Tact; election Publication Department in 1887, constituencies, the agents’ jour- 5. Adaptability; 6. Readiness of the central party headquarters nal, the SCLA Quarterly, sug- speech.’9 ‘lambs’ supplied an increasing amount gested that ‘to send out loads of of election literature: at the 1906 literature during the excitement (gangs of election, 118 tons of literature of an election when the electors Constituency activities: were sent out, wrapped with are not in a frame of mind for electioneering rowdies), three tons of brown paper and 12 reading and studying it, cannot The culmination of the agent’s pointing ten hundredweight of string. surely be considered the most work came with the election However, locally produced elec- effective method of educating contest. While in some cases, out that tion material – sometimes with an electorate’.7 The distribution candidates chose to appoint a the agent as author – remained of leaflets and pamphlets was one local solicitor as their election this would essential. means of political education; agent, by the end of this period political lectures, meetings and it was more usual for the con- constitute debates formed another impor- stituency agent to manage the illegal The rise of the professional tant element. election campaign. The agent agent The agent’s role in this work had overall responsibility for the employ- The years between 1885 and 1910 was sometimes confined to candidate’s election accounts were significant ones for the Lib- practicalities: booking rooms and the employment of elec- ment. eral agents, for it was during this

Journal of Liberal History 52 Autumn 2006  hidden workers of the party period that they made concerted major towns such as Manches- As the professional organisers – a Welsh efforts to establish themselves ter and Birmingham were the branch of the Liberal agents’ as a profession. Before 1885, the pioneers of professional organi- work of association was not established typical agent was a solicitor, sation after 1867, for the Second until 1903, but here Conserva- who handled the work of reg- Reform Act greatly increased local party tive organisation was similarly istration and electioneering on the demands of registration and weak. While large urban con- a part-time basis alongside his organisation in these large bor- organi- stituencies were among the first legal practice. After 1885, these oughs. The Manchester Liber- sation to appoint full-time agents, rural solicitor agents were increas- als’ decision to appoint Green county seats where traditional ingly being replaced by profes- may have been influenced by expanded, landed influences remained sional agents, who undertook the Conservatives’ appointment strong were slower to adopt pro- the work of party organisation of a professional agent in 1870. the employ- fessional organisation. However, full time. There were a variety The organisational activities there were signs of change even of factors underlying this transi- and electoral position of oppo- ment of a here: in Mid-Northampton- tion. With the enlarged elector- nents were certainly important full-time shire, influenced by the Spencer ate after 1885, registration work factors in deciding how much interest, a professional agent was was a growing burden, mak- effort should be put into Lib- profes- appointed in 1903 to replace the ing it less easy for solicitors to eral organisation. In 1890, the local solicitor who had previ- undertake this on a part-time Stretford Liberal Association sional ously handled Liberal affairs.16 basis. By placing limits on the announced its decision to devote In addition to these regional amounts which candidates could more resources to registration agent variations, the employment of spend at elections, the 1883 Cor- work in response to renewed rather than agents fluctuated with the party’s rupt Practices Act also boosted Conservative activity: ‘either electoral fortunes. Liberal agents the importance of organisa- they must work on such a scale a part-time were said to have been ‘plunged tional work between elections. as affords hope of beating their into a sea of difficulty’ following Candidates could now employ opponents in the battle of revi- solicitor the party split over Home Rule only a limited number of paid sion, or cease operations of this in 1886: ‘many Agents disap- election workers, and paid can- nature altogether. Any interme- agent was peared as such – with their Asso- vassers were prohibited. Instead diate course can only lead to a desirable. ciations; and others held their candidates would have to rely waste of money and effort.’13 positions practically as Honorary on volunteer election workers. Financial considerations were Agents, unwilling to abandon Local party associations became often paramount in deciding the cause’.17 The ebb and flow increasingly important as a vehi- whether to employ a full-time of political activity between cle for recruiting and retaining agent. In London in particular, elections also influenced the the support of these volunteers. the Liberals were outstripped appointment of agents, not least The expansion of local govern- by their wealthier Conserva- because the presence of a candi- ment during this period – county tive rivals when it came to party date within a constituency could councils were established in 1888 organisation. In 1893, the Met- have a significant effect on local and parish and district councils ropolitan Conservative Agents’ party funds. Following defeat in in 1894 – also meant a growing Association could muster thirty- 1900, some associations econo- number of local election con- four members, heavily out- mised by dispensing with their tests, at which the agent could numbering the mere handful of agents. Conversely, there was a provide valuable assistance to Liberal agents in London. Even flurry of appointments in antici- candidates. As the work of local by July 1905, with significant pation of the 1906 election: the party organisation expanded, efforts from party headquarters Lancashire and Cheshire Lib- the employment of a full-time to improve organisation in prep- eral agents reported in July 1905 professional agent rather than aration for the 1906 election, that ‘qualified Agents have been a part-time solicitor agent was there were only fifteen members appointed in almost every con- desirable. of the Liberal agents’ association stituency’.18 The growth of the The pace of change varied covering London’s sixty-two Labour Party presented another from constituency to constitu- seats.14 Yet while some Con- potential influence on Liberal ency. While some constituencies servative strongholds were left activity. Barnard Castle found employed full-time non-solici- unchallenged by the Liberals, itself without a Liberal agent in tor agents even before 1885 – the elsewhere agents helped to keep 1903 when Arthur Henderson Manchester Liberal Association the party flag flying. ‘No agent resigned after seven years’ serv- appointed Benjamin Green, a has a lonelier furrow to plough ice to contest, successfully, the former publisher and bookseller, than he’ was the Liberal Agent’s seat for Labour. However, the as its agent in 1874 – others were verdict on William Finnemore, embryonic nature of Labour still relying on the part-time working in ‘politically pagan’ organisation in most constituen- services of solicitors as late as Birmingham.15 Conversely, some cies meant that this was not yet a 1910. It was unsurprising that areas of Liberal strength lacked major concern for the Liberals.

 Journal of Liberal History 52 Autumn 2006 hidden workers of the party

While there was there- taken into account. Neverthe- inaugural meeting was held in fore a great deal of diversity in less, it was felt that an effective London, the LSAA’s member- the appointment of agents, the agent could have a decisive influ- ship had a northern bias, and it overall trend was towards the ence. The Liberal Agent’s declara- seems likely that it was estab- employment of full-time pro- tion that the 1905 North Dorset lished in response to the North fessionals. By 1898, the Liberal by-election ‘was won by Beer’ of England Conservative Agents’ agents’ associations had a total of need not have alarmed Liberal Association, founded in 1871.25 243 members, representing over temperance sympathisers: Mr Amongst its earliest activities half of all English constituencies. Beer was the Liberal agent.23 was the publication of guidelines By 1906, this had increased to 321 However, the agents recog- for members on how to manage members, including some Welsh nised that there were occasions elections under the restrictions agents. Despite this increase, the when even their best endeavours laid down by the 1883 Corrupt Liberals were still outstripped by would be to little avail. They Practices Act. From 1889, agents’ their Conservative rivals. In 1896, wasted little time contemplat- meetings became a regular fix- the Conservative agents’ associa- ing the lessons of the ‘khaki’ ture at the NLF’s annual confer- tions had an estimated member- election in 1900, for as William ences, and it was around this date ship of just over 300, while in Lord, agent for Burnley, argued, that their organisation adopted 1902, there were said to be 400 ‘the tide of jingo passion had a new title: the National Asso- Conservative agents in England been so overwhelming that all ciation of Liberal Secretaries and and Wales.19 minor issues were submerged’. Agents (NALSA). In addition to It is worth assessing how Reading ‘solemn homilies’ on its national gatherings at NLF much impact the appointment how things might be better done conferences, the NALSA had of professional agents had. The in future ‘would be as idle as it district branches which organ- agent’s registration work clearly would have been for the gen- ised regular meetings. had the potential to make an eration following Noah’s flood In 1893, a significant develop- important contribution to elec- The Lib- to have met in solemn conclave ment occurred, with the emer- toral success, altering the politi- for the purpose of discussing the gence of a rival to the NALSA. cal make-up of the electorate eral merits and demerits of umbrellas The Society of Certificated which would go to the poll. Agent’s and waterproofs as a precaution Liberal Agents (SCLA) was This was particularly significant against another deluge’.24 founded as a breakaway move- given the large number of con- declara- Whether or not the Liberals ment from the NALSA. The key stituencies with small majorities. achieved electoral success at par- reason for the split was the belief Prior to the 1900 election, thirty tion that liamentary level, the presence among the SCLA’s founders that Liberal and forty-five Unionist of a professional agent within a agents should hold certificates seats were held with majorities the 1905 constituency could have a sig- of proficiency. Agents would of under 200.20 The Liberal Pub- North Dor- nificant impact in stimulating have to qualify for these certifi- lication Department declared in Liberal organisational efforts cates either through experience 1896 that ‘systematic neglect’ of set by-elec- between general elections, be or by passing an examination. registration by the Liberals had this through registration, politi- The SCLA’s honorary secretary, ‘repeatedly been responsible for tion ‘was cal education, social activities Fred Nash, observed that ‘it was adverse results’.21 Yet registration or local government election the necessity for a real practical efforts alone were not necessar- won by contests. test to keep out interlopers and ily enough to tip the balance. Beer’ need duffers that compelled the for- While Liberal neglect of reg- mation of a new society’.26 In istration for five years prior to not have Professional organisation February 1894, the SCLA held the 1898 Gravesend by-election Like many other occupational its first examination, with two was clearly a significant factor alarmed groups at this time, the Liberal separate papers, Registration, in their defeat, the Liberal Agent agents established their own and Elections. In addition to estimated that even with regis- Liberal organisations as part of their technical questions on registra- tration work, the Conservative temper- efforts to achieve professional tion and election law, candidates majority would still have been status. The education and train- were asked more wide-ranging around 200.22 ance sym- ing of members was a key con- questions on electioneering. The As the agents were aware, cern. The first Liberal agents’ following question provides one organisation – whether before pathisers: association was established example: the election or during the con- just before the major electoral test itself – was only one possi- Mr Beer reforms of 1883–85. The Liberal A Bye-Election is announced ble factor in the election result. was the Secretaries and Agents Asso- in a constituency where there The candidate’s personal appeal, ciation (LSAA) was founded in is little or no organisation and the strength of the opposition Liberal 1882, at a meeting held under the a heavy majority against the and the particular issues being auspices of the National Liberal Liberal Party. You are the near- ­campaigned on all had to be agent. Federation (NLF). Although its est Certificated Agent, and you

Journal of Liberal History 52 Autumn 2006  hidden workers of the party

are appointed to manage the the SCLA’s seven founders all 321 members in England and Election, and are authorised to had close connections with the Wales.29 spend any sum not exceeding central party organisation. Wil- This high membership figure the maximum. Indicate your liam Woodings, secretary to the reflected the society’s usefulness plan of campaign.27 NLF’s Registration and Elec- to its members. The SCALA and tions Department, and William its predecessors aimed to provide Passing either the Registration Allard, secretary to the Home professional education for all or the Elections paper entitled Counties Liberal Federation, members, not just new entrants an agent to become a Fellow both worked at party headquar- to the profession. To this end, of the SCLA. The alternative ters. The other five – Edwin regular meetings were held at means of qualifying as a Fel- Perry (Devon Liberal Federa- both national and regional level. low was five years’ full-time tion), J. H. Linforth (Leeds), The topics discussed ranged from experience as an agent. Those Fred Nash (Colchester), George the technicalities of registration not meeting either requirement Docwra (Coventry) and John and election law to the practical- could join at the lower grade Skinner (Sheffield) – were all ities of election campaigning and of Associate. In contrast, the experienced agents, who had party organisation. For example, NALSA neither held examina- served as district agents for the at their meeting at the 1898 NLF tions nor issued certificates to NLF in 1890–91.28 conference, NALSA members its members. In holding exami- However, once the initial considered ‘Bazaars as a means nations, the SCLA was clearly acrimony surrounding the of raising funds for Liberal Asso- emulating the Conservative SCLA’s formation had subsided, ciation Work’, before debating agents: the National Society of the two organisations coexisted the merits of ‘The Scottish Reg- Conservative Agents had held peaceably. Indeed there was istration System’. its first examination in1892 . cooperation on several matters. Agents could give each other This division among the Lib- In September 1895, the SCLA the benefit of their experience: eral agents saw heated debates established its own professional in 1899, Thomas Newbould at the 1894 NLF conference, journal, the SCLA Quarterly. advised NALSA members which saw the SCLA’s formal With the fifth issue, in July who wished to use the ‘magic launch. William Lord, agent for 1896, this was renamed the William lantern’ to show slides dur- Burnley, echoed the thoughts of Liberal Agent, and became the Lord, ing political lectures that they many NALSA members when official organ of both societies. should avoid using acetylene he declared that ‘there was an Green’s death in January 1896 agent for gas in their lanterns, due to its indefinable thing about an agent removed a key opponent of the smell and its explosive proper- which you could not exam- SCLA. Analysis of the member- Burnley, ties. Agents’ meetings provided ine’. While agents did require ship lists reveals that there was an invaluable opportunity for knowledge of registration and considerable overlap between echoed the informal discussion with fellow election law, they needed other the two bodies: in 1898, two- thoughts professionals. Amos White- qualities, such as tact, adapt- thirds of the SCLA’s members head, agent for Darlington, ability, and determination. The also belonged to the NALSA, of many suggested that ‘an hour’s chat manner in which the SCLA was while nearly a third of the with a brother’ on a legal or founded also aroused anger. NALSA’s members belonged to NALSA organisational point could be The society came about as the the SCLA. This undoubtedly more useful than ‘a day’s read- result of a NALSA sub-commit- facilitated the amalgamation members ing up’. Links between agents tee established to consider the of the two societies, a prospect when he were also fostered through the question of issuing certificates first raised in December 1899, Liberal Agent, which in addi- of proficiency. In establishing when the NALSA appointed declared tion to its technical and educa- a new organisation, the sub- a committee to consider the tional content carried reports of committee members had clearly question of issuing proficiency that ‘there agents’ meetings and included exceeded their remit. The certificates. Once concerns biographies and other news NALSA’s president, Benjamin about safeguarding the value of was an about agents. Professional soli- Green, recently retired as agent certificates had been resolved, indefinable darity was given an additional for Manchester, complained with the decision to retain strict boost with the establishment of that agents in London and the requirements for those wishing thing about an agents’ benevolent fund in North had not been consulted to qualify as Fellows, the two 1900.30 about the scheme. It appears societies formally merged in an agent that regional loyalties fuelled the July 1901. The united body took divisions on this question. While the title of the Society of Cer- which you The professional agents’ those who supported Green’s tificated and Associated Liberal could not backgrounds attack on the SCLA came largely Agents (SCALA). By 1906, the One important question is who from the North of England, SCALA could boast a total of examine’. the members of the profession

10 Journal of Liberal History 52 Autumn 2006 hidden workers of the party were, if agents were no longer At the individuals for whom agency as ‘the skeleton – the bones on drawn predominantly from the was their first career. In1906 , the which the flesh and blood of ranks of solicitors. The biog- NLF’s Liberal Agent proudly reported the party are built’, expressing raphies published in the Lib- on ‘A Trio of young Certificated admiration for their ‘devotion eral Agent revealed that agents 1899 con- Liberal Agents’, Oliver Linforth, and intelligence’.34 However, came from a wide range of Norman Rivers and Walter for the agents, it appeared that backgrounds, from agricultural ference, Belcher. All three were sons of there was a gap between party labourers to journalists, from the NLF agents, and began their train- conference rhetoric and the day- teachers to factory workers. ing by assisting in their fathers’ to-day reality of their situation Other previous occupations fol- President, offices from a young age: Rivers in the constituencies. There lowed by Liberal agents included gained his first experience of by- were regular complaints that the a draper, a jewellery manufac- Robert election work aged just twelve. salaries which agents received turer, a corn merchant, a coach- Rivers and Belcher then went were not in keeping with their builder, a cabinet-maker, an Spence on to train in the offices of other professional skills, responsibili- engineer, a joiner, an auctioneer Watson, experienced agents, following ties and aspirations: the Liberal and a miner. which Rivers became agent for Agent protested that ‘for the sal- A common path into the declared Mid-Northamptonshire, while ary of an inferior foreman they agents’ profession was to begin by Belcher, aged twenty-one, was expect a man to live and dress as undertaking voluntary work for that ‘no appointed as agent for Eccles. a gentleman [and] … to know the local Liberal Party – canvass- After three years assisting his all the intricacies of a most intri- ing voters at elections or serving one had father in Leeds and Pudsey, cate branch of law’.35 The fact on local committees. One exam- rendered Linforth temporarily left the that solicitors continued to be ple is provided by David Hirst, a profession to work in South appointed as election agents, in Halifax carpet-weaver. Born in more serv- Africa, first as the representa- some cases over the head of the 1851, Hirst worked in the mills tive of a Leeds cycle manufac- local professional agent, also from the age of eight. In 1875, he ices to the turer, then serving as a volunteer provoked anger. A further griev- joined the Halifax Liberal Asso- in the Boer War. However, ance was the lack of job security ciation, and subsequently played Liberal on his return to England in which agents faced. The trio of an active role, serving as a ward Party than 1903, he took up political work young agents recorded by the representative on the executive once more, and like Rivers and Liberal Agent in 1906 provided a committee, speaking at meet- the agents Belcher, he passed the SCALA case in point: Linforth had just ings, and collecting subscrip- examination.32 While these men lost his position as agent for Ash- tions. When the Liberal agent, had’. followed in their fathers’ foot- ford after only fifteen months, Mr Brook, was taken ill during steps to join the agents’ profes- following the Liberal candi- the registration court proceed- sion, one leading Liberal agent, date’s defeat, while Rivers had ings in 1893, Hirst was fetched Fred Nash, urged that his own been dismissed despite securing from the mill to take his place. sons should not enter the agents’ a large Liberal majority in his On Brook’s retirement in 1895, ranks, because ‘the “plums” in constituency, because the MP Hirst was appointed as agent, that profession are too few’.33 wished to give the agent’s post to quitting his former occupation a relative. after thirty-five years’ service. It is worth noting that Con- A. K. Durham, who worked in The agent’s status servative agents at this time were an accountant’s office, assisted Nash’s comments touched on an voicing similar concerns about at the 1883 Newcastle by-elec- issue which was a recurrent con- status, pay and employment tion which saw John Morley cern for the professional agents: conditions. However, for Liberal elected as Liberal MP. In 1884, the agent’s status. For the agents, agents, the problem appeared Durham served as secretary to this was closely bound up with particularly acute because of the annual temperance festival the question of their pay and the party’s weakened financial held on Newcastle town moor, their employment conditions. position in the aftermath of the a three-day event attended by At party conferences, agents Home Rule split in 1886. Lord over 100,000 people. Follow- were lauded by leading party Rosebery himself declared at the ing this demonstration of his figures for the vital role they 1896 NLF conference that ‘the organisational prowess, it was played within the party organi- great want of the age is a want of suggested that Durham apply for sation. At the NLF’s 1899 confer- funds. I do not seek to parade the the Newcastle agent’s post, and ence, the NLF President, Robert poverty of the Liberal Party … he was duly appointed.31 Spence Watson, declared that but we have lost almost entirely While the majority of agents ‘no one had rendered more serv- the great and wealthy of the during this period moved ices to the Liberal Party than the earth’.36 Given that the agent’s into political work from other agents had’, while Campbell- salary represented a sizeable ­professions, there were some Bannerman described the agents proportion of local association

Journal of Liberal History 52 Autumn 2006 11 hidden workers of the party

expenditure, it is clear that this wage by milking cows, sewing Edwin Perry, lets, pamphlets &c., by personal had significant implications for canvas bags and bookkeeping secretary to the distribution or by post ‘ [and] all the agents. in the evenings. A move to Bir- Devon Liberal necessary work in regard to the Federation 38 How much then could a mingham to enter the coal trade and one of the Registration of Voters’. It was Liberal agent expect to earn? brought him into contact with founders of the little wonder that some agents Annual salaries varied from con- Francis Schnadhorst of the NLF, SCLA, presiding chose to leave the profession in stituency to constituency, with and in 1882 he became agent for over the opening the hopes of greater remunera- the financial position of the local Handsworth. By the time of of the municipal tion and job security. In 1897, tramway as Mayor association obviously affecting his death in 1906, he had risen of Exeter in 1905. the Liberal Agent reported that the sums on offer. At the top end through the ranks to become Doncaster’s agent was leaving for of the scale, the Manchester Lib- one of the leading members of the better-paid position of clerk eral Federation in 1903 offered a the profession.37 to Worksop District Council, salary of £500 to its new agent, At the opposite end of the scale while Dartford’s agent was quit- Fred Burn. This was, however, from Burn and Nash, however, ting to become secretary to the exceptional, with the more usual many agents were far less well Dartford School Board.39 The salary range being between £150 rewarded. In 1903, the Liberal varying levels of pay on offer and £300. Yet even at this level, agency for Holmfirth was adver- also contributed to relatively it was clear that the agents’ pro- tised at a salary of two pounds a high levels of mobility within fession provided an opportunity week (£104 annually), for which the profession, as agents sought for advancement, particularly the agent was expected to work to secure what Nash deemed to given the relatively humble a forty-eight-hour week, with be the ‘plums’ of the profession. backgrounds from which many his duties including ‘the col- Burn beat around eighty other agents came. Fred Nash provides lection of subscriptions, visita- applicants for the Manchester a good example: having left tion of all parts of the Division, agency in 1903.40 school aged twelve to earn 4d. assisting in arrangements for Despite these concerns about a day bird-scaring, he then went public and committee meetings, pay and related questions, it is on to become an office boy, advising local secretaries and clear that the agent’s status was supplementing his 4s. weekly other Liberals, circulating leaf- improving during this period.

12 Journal of Liberal History 52 Autumn 2006 hidden workers of the party

Many agents became men of Dr Kathryn Rix is a Fellow and p. 110. standing within their constitu- College Lecturer in History at New 18 Liberal Agent, 41 ( July 1905), Hall, Cambridge. She is currently pp. 40–41. encies, involved not only with 19 For detailed calculations on the the political work for which they preparing a book entitled Politics membership of Liberal and Con- were employed, but with a wide and Professionalisation: The servative agents’ associations, see range of social, philanthropic, Party Agent and Electoral Cul- K. Rix, ‘The party agent and Eng- sporting and educational activi- ture in England, 1880–1910, to lish electoral culture, 1880–1906’ be published in the Royal Historical (unpublished PhD thesis, University ties. While agent for Colches- of Cambridge, 2001), pp. 126–28. ter, Nash served as secretary to Society’s Studies inHistory series. 20 Daily Graphic, 20 September 1900, p. Colchester Football Club, and 10. helped establish the Pearson 1 Liberal Agent, 59 (January 1910), pp. 21 Liberal Publication Department, Charity Cup to raise money for 118–19. The Liberal Agent is held by County Registration (London: Lib- the University of Bristol Library, eral Publication Department, 1896), the local hospital. Other Lib- Special Collections. p. 1. eral agents were involved with 2 Liberal Agent, 32 (April 1903), 22 Liberal Agent, 13 ( July 1898), causes such as temperance and pp. 202–05. pp. 16–18. adult education. Agents also 3 T.A. Jenkins, Parliament, Party and 23 Liberal Agent, 40 (April 1905), p. 192. sought election to local office: Politics in Victorian Britain (Man- 24 Liberal Agent, 24 (April 1901), p. 7. chester: Manchester University 25 H. J. Hanham, Elections and Party Exeter’s mayor in 1905, when Press, 1996), p. 90. Management (Hassocks: Harvester he presided over the opening 4 The Tory, 59 (December 1897), Press, 1978 (2nd edn.)), pp. 241–42. of the municipal tramway, was p. 1598. 26 The Tory, 17 (June 1894), p. 407. Councillor Edwin Perry, one of 5 Liberal Agent, 60 (April 1910), 27 The Tory, 17 (June 1894), p. 405. the SCLA’s founders, agent for pp. 172–78. 28 Daily News, 13 February 1894, p. 5; 6 W. M. Crook to H. Gladstone, 7 Ashburton and secretary to the The Tory, 14 (March 1894), p. 303; November 1905, British Library, The Times, 16 February 1894, p. 4; Devon Liberal Federation. Perry Herbert Gladstone papers, Add. The Spectator, 17 February 1894, also served as a JP, as president of MS. 46024, f. 216. p. 227. Exeter’s Pleasant Sunday Asso- 7 SCLA Quarterly, 3 (March 1896), 29 Liberal Agent, 11 ( January 1898), ciation, and was involved with p. 5. pp. 58–67; ibid., 19 (January 1900), 41 8 Liberal Agent, 28 (April 1902), pp. p. 9; West Yorkshire Archive Serv- local schools and hospitals. The 22–31; ibid., 49 (July 1907), pp. 1–4; ice, Leeds, SCALA minute books, 5 outside activities in which agents ibid., 8 (April 1897), p. 20; ibid., 12 June 1907 (annual report). participated in their constituen- (April 1898), p. 45. 30 Liberal Agent, 12 (April 1898), pp. 23– cies were of service to them in 9 Liberal Agent, 19 ( January 1900), 24; ibid., 16 (April 1899), p. 40; ibid., their political work, bringing p. 40. 17 (July 1899), p. 31. 10 J. H. Linforth, Leaves from an Agent’s 31 Liberal Agent, 79 ( January 1915), them into contact with a broader Diary (Leeds: Wildblood & Ward, pp. 130–33; ibid., 51 (January 1908), section of the electorate, rather 1911), p. 88. pp. 71–73. than Liberal supporters alone. 11 Liberal Agent, 59 ( January 1910), 32 Liberal Agent, 43–44 (January–April Agents were able to gather local pp. 124, 128. 1906), pp. 139–41. knowledge which would be of 12 Liberal Publication Department, 33 Liberal Agent, 37 (July 1904), p. 4. General Election 1906, British Library, 34 NLF, Annual reports and council pro- use in their work of registration Herbert Gladstone papers, Add. ceedings, 1899, pp. 103, 106. and electioneering. MS. 46107, f. 145. 35 Liberal Agent, 16 (April 1899), p. 4. The period between 1885 and 13 Stockport Local Studies Library, B/ 36 NLF, Annual reports and council pro- 1910 was clearly a highly signifi- NN/2/7, Stockport Liberal Asso- ceedings, 1896, p. 127. cant one for the Liberal agents. ciation Minute Book, 26 February 37 Manchester Central Library, Man- 1890 [press cutting on the Stretford chester Liberal Federation minute It saw the agents establish them- Liberal Association]. book, 18 September 1903; Liberal selves as a profession, with their 14 Figures calculated from minute Agent, 25 (July 1901), p. 6; ibid., 37 own professional organisation, books of the Metropolitan Con- (July 1904), pp. 1–4. journal and examinations. Legal servative Agents’ Association (held 38 Liberal Agent, 31 ( January 1903), dominance of political agency in the British Library of Political and p. 117 Many Economic Science) and from Liberal 39 Liberal Agent, 10 (October 1897), had given way to a new group Agent, 41 (July 1905), pp. 48–51. On pp. 4, 56–57. of individuals who took on the agents party organisation in London, see 40 Conservative Agents’ Journal, 8 role of constituency agent as a also P. Thompson, Socialists, Liber- (October 1903), p. 104. On mobility full-time position. The varied became als and Labour: The Struggle for Lon- among agents, see Rix, ‘The party backgrounds from which these don 1885–1914 (London: Routledge & agent and English electoral culture, Kegan Paul, 1967), pp. 71–75. 1880–1906’, pp. 95–99. new agents came was indica- men of 15 Liberal Agent, 46 (October 1906), pp. 41 Liberal Agent, 57 ( July 1909), tive of the wider responsibili- 39–40. pp. 20–21. ties which the agent’s work now standing 16 J. Howarth, ‘The Liberal revival in entailed. Knowledge of registra- within their Northamptonshire, 1880–1895: A tion and election law was still case study in late 19th century elec- tions’, Historical Journal, 12: 1 (1969), essential, but agents also played constituen- p. 94; Liberal Agent, 43–44 ( Janu- a significant part in the work ary–April 1906), p. 140. of political education and party cies. 17 Liberal Agent, 35 ( January 1904), organisation.

Journal of Liberal History 52 Autumn 2006 13 Gladstonian Liberalism

according to Gladstone 14 Journal of Liberal History 52 Autumn 2006 Gladstonian Liberalism What were the prevailing principles of the Liberal Party in the late Victorian period? David Bebbington explores the views of its leader, W. E. Gladstone.

illiam Ewart Liberty oppressive at home. Gladstonian Gladstone was Prominent among Gladstone’s Liberalism certainly embraced a man of ideas. values as Liberal leader was lib- the principle of freedom: ‘with- He read widely, erty, a principle usually associ- out liberty,’ remarked the states- as the collec- ated with classic liberalism. He man, ‘there is nothing sound’.1 Wtion of his books at St Deiniol’s had altered his view of this sub- Gladstone had come to give Library, Hawarden, bears wit- ject since the 1830s, when, as a a high place to liberty chiefly ness, and he wrote extensively. young Conservative MP, he had through developing his eco- He published five separate titles not believed that freedom was nomic views. He had learned on Homer alone; during peri- intrinsically good. Gladstone from Sir Robert Peel that it was ods of opposition he composed a sometimes remarked that the wise to reduce tariff barriers lengthy article every month; and single change of opinion during so as to promote free trade and he encompassed a broad range of his career had been in this area, global prosperity. His economic subjects, taking in not only poli- because he had come to accept synthesis was a Christian ver- tics and Homer but also many the importance of liberty. The sion of political economy deriv- aspects of theology. principle included, he main- ing from the Scottish theologian His most important out- tained, free speech, freedom of Thomas Chalmers. Laws made put was concerned with Lib- assembly, freedom of the press, by human governments, accord- eralism. He acted as leader of freedom to worship and freedom ing to Chalmers, could interfere the Liberal Party from 1866 of the person. It extended in for- with the laws of providence. The onwards, remaining in the role eign affairs to liberty for subject world was designed by its Crea- in substance, if not in name, races struggling to escape from tor to be a self-acting mechanism during the 1870s and not retir- oppression, notably the Bulgar- that, if left alone, would operate ing until 1894. During this ians against the Turks in the efficiently. Hence there should period Gladstone defined what 1870s. Freedom also implied the be as little regulation of trade the principles of Liberalism minimising of the state. People, as possible. Gladstone’s policies were. The focus of this arti- Gladstone held, should not look ‘Without were erected on this foundation. cle is not on particular poli- to the legislature for answers to liberty’, As Chancellor of the Exchequer cies, the stuff of parliamentary their problems, but should seek in the 1850s and 1860s, he called debate, but on Liberal funda- solutions themselves. Here was remarked for retrenchment, the cutting mentals, the groundwork of the rationale for self-help. If the back of public spending. He even Gladstone’s mature political population expected the gov- the states- circulated to his civil servants a theory. What was Gladstonian ernment to provide social ben- memorandum about regularly Liberalism according to Glad- efits, the consequence would man, ‘there counting the number of paper stone? The statesman’s articles be an undermining of freedom. is nothing clips on their desk. None was to and speeches enable us to con- The state would grow and the be wasted. Taxation was to be as struct an answer. government would become sound’. low as possible, with Gladstone

Journal of Liberal History 52 Autumn 2006 15 gladstonian liberalism according to gladstone constantly aiming for the aboli- Gladstone leaders. Individuals should be own rulers, the bishops, whose tion of income tax. Money was willing to submit their judge- authority was independent of to be left in people’s pockets so should not ment to the inherited wisdom that of the state. Although a that it would circulate and gen- of the collectivity. Reverence strong defender of the Church erate wealth. The population be seen would then function as the glue of England as established, Glad- was to be free in the economic of human communities. stone always insisted that the sphere to engage in enterprise. as an indi- Which communities in par- state was not to interfere with The question arises of whether vidualist, ticular did Gladstone mean? In the internal life of the church, Gladstone should be classified as the first place there was the fam- specially its teaching. His bête an individualist in consequence for he per- ily, the basic building block of noire was Erastianism, the belief of his version of economic lib- society. Its high esteem in the that the state was to control the eralism. Individualism is often ceived the nineteenth century, according church. seen as the kernel of nineteenth- to Gladstone, was one of the This conviction caused seri- century liberalism. Society, on theoretical greatest fruits of Christianity. ous problems in government. this understanding, is an asso- impor- The Christian faith had raised During his first administration, ciation of rational egoists pur- respect for women over the cen- in 1870, the government was suing their own self-interest. tance of turies. In Aristotle, women are responsible for a bill that aimed Gladstone’s concern for liberty wrongly treated as inferior par- to fill the gaps in the national seems to be an assertion of the belonging ticipants in the household. In system of education in England right of the individual to be free Christian teaching, by contrast, and Wales. It had to consider from the tyrannies of the state to human women possessed moral and what form of religious instruc- and so his identification with groups. social equality. There might be a tion should be given in the this perspective appears plau- difference of function, but there new schools. Gladstone wanted sible. His speeches, however, was equality of status. Gladstone there to be dogmatic Anglican show that he set a high value on praised the ‘reciprocal deference’ teaching in accordance with other principles beside freedom. between husband and wife to be the creed. His fellow cabi- He habitually suggested that lib- found in the pages of Homer.3 net members, on the contrary, erty needed to be balanced by The family was the essential wanted the religious training to order, or law and order, or loy- training ground for children. be acceptable to all Protestants, alty. Liberty did not stand alone And, not least for that reason, whether Anglican, Methodist, in splendid isolation as a sanction the statesman denounced threats Congregationalist or whatever. for individualism. Rather, val- to the family. In 1857, when he There were acute tensions in ues associated with the commu- was out of office, the govern- cabinet until, in the end, the bill nity were ranked alongside it. ment introduced a bill to allow was passed in the form preferred Gladstone should not be seen as divorce. Previously divorce had by his colleagues. One of the an individualist, for he perceived been possible only by means of a greatest legislative measures of the theoretical importance of separate act of parliament, which his government enacted a policy belonging to human groups. by its cumbersome and expen- that Gladstone himself detested. sive nature was inconceivable for Yet as Prime Minister, Glad- nearly all the population. Now, stone was able to serve the Community although limited to very specific Church of England. The bishops Another feature of Gladsto- circumstances, divorce was to were appointed by the Queen on nian Liberalism was therefore be made more widely available. the advice of her premier, and community. The language of Gladstone resisted vehemently so Gladstone was able to rec- community runs through Glad- in parliament, arguing that mar- ommend men who would give stone’s discourse. It is applied riage was sacred and designed able leadership on the episco- to corporate life of all kinds, to be permanent. Although pal bench. He drew up a list of whether small or large, at home his campaign was unsuccessful the qualities he looked for in a or abroad. ‘The sense of a com- and the bill passed into law, the potential bishop: mon life’, he declared in 1890, strength of his opposition was ‘– parochial, municipal, county, an index of the high value Glad- Piety. Learning (sacred). national – is an ennobling quali- stone placed on the family. Eloquence. Administrative fication to civilised man.’2 Each A second community that power. Faithful allegiance individual must show respect Gladstone envisaged as hav- to the Church and to the for the whole, for the common ing a place in social theory was Church of England. Activity. good. This bond of human soci- the church. Gladstone, though Tact and courtesy in dealings ety Gladstone called ‘reverence’. beginning as an evangelical, had with men: knowledge of the There must be reverence for the adopted a high view of the place world. Accomplishments and customary, traditional ways of of the church as a visible and literature. An equitable spirit. the group, and especially for its organised society. It possessed its Faculty of working with his

16 Journal of Liberal History 52 Autumn 2006 gladstonian liberalism according to gladstone

brother bishops. Some legal in the direction of local affairs, and Britain that might well have habit of mind. Circumspec- would go on to become MPs. averted the troubles of the suc- tion. Courage. Maturity of age Gladstone in office set himself ceeding century. Irish Home and character. Corporal vigour. to extend local government, his Rule was an indication of Glad- Liberal sentiments on public last bill as Prime Minister being stone’s commitment to giving affairs. A representative char- a measure to establish a council recognition to nations as distinct acter with reference to shades in every parish. Even villages communities. of opinion fairly allowable in were to have a distinct political Nations, however, were part the Church.4 identity, together with a sense of a larger international commu- of responsibility for their own nity. In that sphere, Gladstone With such paragons at its head, affairs. Whether tiny villages held, there should be coopera- the church could hardly fail to or great cities, local settlements tion rather than competition. thrive. Gladstone wanted to were to display a community He often spoke of the Concert strengthen the church through consciousness. of Europe, meaning the great its leadership so that it would The nation had even stronger powers acting together to settle be a powerful and independent claims on the loyalty of the indi- differences, restrain over-ambi- force in the life of the nation. vidual. Gladstone saw patriotism tious states and keep interna- A third type of commu- and nationalism as interchangea- tional order. Gladstone believed nity that he envisaged was the ble. Nationalism, he maintained, that each great power, when municipality. Gladstone saw was a force for good in the mod- acting separately, naturally pur- towns and cities as possessing a ern world. He conceded that it sued its own self-interest. When, strong corporate identity. He could be corrupted into national however, the great powers took believed it was desirable to fos- pride and so become oppressive joint action, the effect was to ter a sense of local loyalty, and or assertive. In general, however, neutralise national selfishness. In so opposed measures of cen- nationalism fostered progress, Gladstone’s series of Midlothian tralisation transferring powers stimulating industry, for exam- speeches in 1879, the most cele- from local to national authori- ple, in the newly united Italy. brated triumph of his public ora- ties. Municipalities, he believed, Gladstone envisaged nationhood tory, he explained that among should be entrusted with large as a compound of race, religion, the proper principles of foreign powers. language, history and other fac- policy was the maintenance of The point can be illustrated by tors. In Wales, national identity the Concert of Europe. reference to temperance reform. was specially linked to history Gladstone’s vision extended Some Liberal leaders rejected and language. More often it was beyond his own continent, rec- the proposal that local authori- linked to religion and even more ognising the importance of Brit- ties should be allowed to pro- frequently it was rooted in race. ain’s relations with America, a hibit the sale of alcohol within Nationhood was a delicate great power of the future. In his their bounds. If in a local poll question in the British Isles Irish Home first administration he insisted most people voted to ban liquor, in Gladstone’s day. Whereas on settling the big outstand- leaders such as Lord Hartington England, Scotland and Wales Rule was ing difference with the United believed, the majority would were content to form part of a States. During the Civil War be tyrannising over the minor- United Kingdom, Ireland was an indi- the Confederate vessel Ala- ity who wanted to able to buy a not. There a strong movement cation bama, built on the Mersey, had drink. That would infringe the aimed at establishing a separate preyed on Federal shipping. principle of individual liberty. parliament and perhaps a sepa- of Glad- After the war the United States Gladstone, however, was willing rate state. Gladstone pondered demanded damages from Brit- to support a majority decision to Irish claims, gradually reach- stone’s ain. The Conservatives gener- ban alcohol. The expression of ing the conclusion that Ireland ally favoured brushing aside conviction by the community should be treated as a nation commit- the idea as an impertinence, but as a whole should, in his view, distinct from Britain. In 1886, ment to Gladstone made a generous set- override individual freedom. therefore, he proposed Home tlement through arbitration. He Because he upheld local deci- Rule, the setting up of a par- giving argued that the decision helped sion-making, Gladstone thought liament in Dublin, separate but establish the principles of inter- it crucial for people to partici- subordinate. Accepting Irish recognition national law. pate in municipal affairs. They claims against Britain was the Furthermore, Gladstone should both vote and offer them- boldest move of Gladstone’s to nations held that small nations should selves as candidates for election. career, and, though he failed to as dis- have a recognised place in the Local political involvement was, carry the bill, the proposal rep- international arena. Another in the statesman’s opinion, a sure resented a noble effort to bring tinct com­ Midlothian principle was sign of a healthy body politic. about a peaceful settlement to acknowledging the equal rights Local leaders, trained by joining the relations between Ireland munities. of all nations, not just of the

Journal of Liberal History 52 Autumn 2006 17 gladstonian liberalism according to gladstone great powers. The statesman was individuals, claiming their alle- Gladstone saw it, was to achieve known as a champion of small giance without calculation of a balance between classes. Thus nationalities struggling to be self-interest. Involvement in in taxation policy, he tried free. Nations therefore should public life is a duty, and patri- to ensure that all classes con- accord respect to each other, so otism, based on a sense of com- tributed their fair share to the avoiding war. Each nation was to mon values, is a virtue. The national coffers. The aristoc- recognise itself as part of a wider principle of justice is embodied racy should pay tax on land, the community of nations. in the community. All these middle classes on income and views were shared by Gladstone the working classes on food. with the communitarians. The Gladstone’s fiscal skill lay in per- Communitarianism and its foundation of his position was suading each of the classes that critics by no means a species of liberal the balance was just. In his last Gladstone’s mature political individualism. Paradoxical as it years in public life, Gladstone vision therefore embraced a may appear, the leader of the late often spoke of the conflict of the range of communities: family, Victorian Liberal Party was far masses against the classes. The church, municipality, nation more of a communitarian than ‘masses’ were the rank and file and international relations. He a liberal. of the population, the mass of broadly fits the school of thought Two major criticisms are the people who represented the called in recent times the com- often mounted against the com- whole nation. The ‘classes’ were munitarians. These writers were munitarian political thinkers of the selfish professionals, whether theorists who in the 1970s and the modern world. One is that soldiers or lawyers, who pur- 1980s criticised the assumptions they neglect the sharpness and sued their own interests at the of American political life pre- frequency of conflict within expense of the nation at large. vailing at the time. communities. The commu- He was highly aware of the frag- Their critique was directed nitarians, on this view, are so mented nature of the body poli- centrally against John Rawls’s concerned with the role of the tic, but he asserted the priority of book A Theory of Justice (1971). group that they assume its soli- the whole, of the common good. Rawls postulated the absolute darity. Internal differences such That was to stand in a long tradi- priority of liberty in making as class conflict are minimised or tion of Christian social analysis. political arrangements. Such else ignored altogether. A second The other question raised by a liberal polity, Rawls argued, criticism is that theorists of this critics against the communitar- would be chosen in the abstract school neglect the relations of ian school is the issue of the rela- by any rational agent. This case, members of a community with tion between members of one communitarians contended, those outside its bounds. They polity and those outside. The postulated a mistaken con- so stress the mutual obligations communitarians often neglect ception of how human beings of people within the commu- the responsibility of people in operate. They do not live as nity that they have nothing to one land for those elsewhere, rational agents in the abstract, say about their responsibilities to treating each nation as self-suf- but, rather, are bound up with members of other communities. Para- ficient. Gladstone, however, did particular communities possess- Where did Gladstone stand on not fall into that snare. Here ing a distinct territory, shared these points? doxical another salient category of activities and common val- On the issue of the internal Gladstone’s thought needs to be ues. Rawlsian theory deprived divisions within communities, as it may introduced, the idea of human- human beings of the benefits Gladstone often spoke of the appear, ity. Gladstone frequently spoke of community, and in particu- separation of interests within of our ‘common humanity’.5 In lar of mutual encouragement to groups. In the church, he was the leader 1876, for instance, he urged that the good life. This charge was extremely conscious of the party Turkey must not be allowed to the burden of Charles Taylor’s tensions. In the nation, he often of the late massacre her Bulgarian sub- Hegel and Modern Science (1979) spoke of the divergent interest of jects. The Conservative govern- and of Alasdair MacIntyre’s After the classes. In the international Victorian ment was declaring that it was Virtue (1981). Communitarians community, he was highly Liberal in Britain’s interest to support offered an alternative political aware of the pursuit of national Turkey against Russia, and so to theory to what in Rawls, despite self-interest. Gladstone’s con- Party was ignore the massacres. Accord- all the qualifications he offered, stant theme was that every sec- ing to Gladstone, however, the amounted to a form of liberal tion should subordinate its own far more of people of Britain shared their individualism. Gladstone was interests to those of the com- humanity with the Bulgar- far more like Taylor and Mac- munity as a whole. Within the a communi- ian people. Because the Brit- Intyre than he was like Rawls. nation, for example, all classes tarian than ish had fellow-feeling with the The community, according to were to seek the common good. oppressed in their suffering, they Gladstone, confers benefits on The task of the politician, as a liberal. must denounce Turkish misrule.

18 Journal of Liberal History 52 Autumn 2006 gladstonian liberalism according to gladstone The effect was to galvanise the Gladstone He believed in humanity, but Victorian Britain (Grand Rap- existing Bulgarian agitation not in the abstract: the need of ids, MI: Eerdmans, 1993) and The into a powerful political force. escapes individuals to enjoy freedom had Mind of Gladstone: Religion, His efforts are still remem- to be taken into account. The Homer and Politics (Oxford: bered to this day, with a street the combination provided its own Oxford University Press, 2004), in Sofia, the Bulgarian capital, checks and balances. In terms of Chapter 9 of which provides an being named after Gladstone. criticism recent debate in political theory, ampler and fully referenced version The rationale for the campaign mounted Gladstone should be seen as a of the case propounded here. This was humanity, the fundamen- communitarian, but, unlike paper was delivered as the Founder’s tal human characteristics of the against some later representatives of the Day address at St Deiniol’s Library, peoples of the two lands. school, he was acutely aware of Hawarden, on 8 July 2004. The same theme of humanity other the salience of internal divisions runs through Gladstone’s later within communities. Hence the 1 The Times, 24 October 1890, p. 4. speeches. In 1879 he appealed commu- statesman’s position was a quali- 2 The Times, 30 October 1890, p. 4. 3 William E. Gladstone, Juventus on behalf of the hill tribes of fied communitarianism. nitarians Mundi:. The Gods and Men of the Afghanistan when the country That stance may even have its Heroic Age (London: Macmillan and was invaded by Britain under a because relevance today. Perhaps a com- Co., 1869), p. 410. Conservative administration. bination of liberty, community 4 John Morley, The Life of William ‘Remember’, he declared, ‘that his version and humanity is worth pursuing Ewart Gladstone, 3 vols (London: Macmillan and Co., 1903), Vol. 2, p. He who has united you together in the twenty-first century, as in of their 431. as human beings in the same flesh the nineteenth. 5 The Times, 28 November 1887, p. 4. and blood, has bound you by the theory was 6 William E. Gladstone, Political law of mutual love.’6 Humanitar- David Bebbington is Professor of Speeches in Scotland, November and ian concern is rooted here in the History at the University of Stirling. December 1879 (Edinburgh: Andrew tempered Elliot, 1879), p. 94. intentions of the Creator, and He is the author of William Ewart humanity was conceptualised by by humani- Gladstone: Faith and Politics in Gladstone as a distinctly Chris- tian value. It derived from the tarianism. statesman’s theological develop- ment. He had come to recognise the humanity of Christ and his consequent sympathy for suf- fering as central dimensions of faith. Consequently Gladstone Letters insisted that dwellers in one land must be concerned for inhabit- ants of others, particularly when Cuckoo in the nest? they were undergoing suffering. I am not sure that Lawrence Iles and that the long-term benefi- There was an obligation not just fuly appreciates the point of my ciaries would be the Tories. At to other members of one’s own criticism of Herbert Gladstone worst, it would actually kill the community but also to all other for his part in the Liberal–LRC Liberal Party – as it very nearly human beings. Gladstone escapes pact of 1903–06 (‘Organiser par did. the criticism mounted against excellence: Herbert Gladstone Roy Douglas other communitarians because (1854–1930), in Journal of Liberal his version of their theory was History 51 (summer 2006)). tempered by humanitarianism. Gladstone was absolutely Liberals in Windsor Gladstone’s Liberalism is right to want more work- In arguing that the Liberal therefore rather different from ing-class MPs. His father had Democrat position in 2005 how it is often portrayed. Cer- expressed eager appreciation was too far to the left, Antony tainly it did not amount to a of the few who already existed Wood claims that Windsor ‘has simple individualism. Rather, in the late nineteenth century. never had anything other than his political philosophy as Lib- But he went disastrously wrong a Conservative MP’ (Letters, eral leader had three supreme when he helped a separate party Journal of Liberal History 51 (sum- values: liberty, community and to struggle to its feet. mer 2006)) humanity. He believed in free- It was predictable at the time In fact this is not true. Elec- dom for individuals, but not at that, at the very least, the nas- tions in Windsor between 1832 the expense of responsibilities cent Labour Party would thus and 1874 frequently returned to others. He believed in the become stronger when it sought Liberal MPs. importance of community, but to fish in the same pond as the John Austen not to the neglect of outsiders. Liberals for working-class votes,

Journal of Liberal History 52 Autumn 2006 19 ‘Freedom not Regimentation Liberalism, Garden Cities and Early Town Planning

The end of the nineteenth century and beginning of the next saw the emergence in Britain of a pioneering version of town planning. This took the form largely of varying attempts to build garden cities, and later the introduction of the first town planning legislation. The stamp of Liberal thinking on this process is unmistakable, although it was by no means uncontested political ground. In this article by Professor Dennis Hardy, the story is told of key individuals and actions in a formative period for Britain’s cities and countryside.

20 Journal of Liberal History 52 Autumn 2006 Freedom not Regimentation’ Liberalism, Garden Cities and Early Town Planning

arden cities, garden in line with Liberal thinking. His answer was the garden suburbs and early In a draft of his book he penned city. At first glance this was tow n pla n n i ng the phrase ‘freedom not regi- seen by many at the time as just were shaped to a mentation’ (amending this later, another utopian scheme with no remarkable degree in an attempt to remove possi- chance of realisation; the antag- Gby Liberal ideas and activists. ble offence to potential social- onistic Fabians (preferring to put First among them was Ebenezer ist supporters, to ‘freedom and their own trust in the state) were Howard. cooperation’). quick to make this very point. Howard in his time dabbled But there was more to the gar- with various inventions (includ- den city than at first met the eye. Howard’s way ing a machine for shorthand typ- At one level, it was a plan for a It is deeply to be deplored that ing) and it was as an invention model settlement, containing the people should continue to that he saw the garden city, the the best features of both town stream into the already over- subject of his book. He is often and country while discard- crowded cities, and should thus dismissed as politically naïve ing the worst. Each garden city further deplete the country – George Bernard Shaw dubbed would have a limited popula- districts.1 him ‘an heroic simpleton’ – but tion, with most living in the nothing could be further from main settlement and the rest in In the opening pages of Eben- the truth. In successive drafts a surrounding agricultural belt. ezer Howard’s seminal book, of To-Morrow, he went to great They would be cities of gardens To-Morrow: A Peaceful Path to lengths to avoid political con- – with wide boulevards, parks Real Reform, published in 1898, tention. Before he alighted on and individual gardens – as well the author spoke of congested the name of garden city he was They would as cities within a garden, with cities and an impoverished thinking in terms of ‘Union- the encircling farmland a fore- countryside as two sides of the ville’, eventually rejecting it be cities taste of the modern green belt. same coin. All political par- because it sounded too strident; of gardens When the population target was ties, he claimed, were agreed he thought that, in contrast, reached a new garden city would that this related problem had to ‘garden city’ would lure support- – with wide be formed; in his diagram of a be solved, but how was it to be ers with its evocative imagery. constellation of garden cities, in done? At one political extreme Howard’s ideas were forming boulevards, view of his Liberal sympathies, it the answer lay in an enhanced at least a decade before his book is surely no coincidence that he role for the state, and at the was published, as evidenced by parks and names one of them ‘Gladstone’. other a solution would emerge his reaction to Looking Back- individual Dig to the next layer and from the interplay of free mar- ward, the work of the American things were not quite so simple. ket forces. Howard himself (a socialist, Edward Bellamy. In gardens Howard had been tussling for member of the National Liberal response to the latter’s portrayal years with the problem of how Club) was not driven by party of the ideal city of the future, – as well to find a way to share wealth politics but his commitment Howard was at first enthused but within the community and yet to charting a middle course, then saw that beneath the uto- as cities attract a broad level of political avoiding the perceived regi- pian veneer was a hard core of within a support. His approach was lik- mentation of socialism and the authoritarianism. There had to ened to that of charting ‘a course self-interests of capitalism, was be a better approach. garden. between the Scylla of anarchy

Journal of Liberal History 52 Autumn 2006 21 ‘freedom not regimentation’ and the Charybidis of despot- – people who knew more about Howard valuable role were Henry Viv- ism’.2 He also coined the term the world of finance and prop- ian (Birkenhead, 1906–10, and ‘social individualism’ (elsewhere erty than Howard himself. The also coined Totnes, 1923–24), who straddled referred to as ‘associated indi- first Chairman was T. H. W. the related movements of garden vidualism’) to describe his mid- Idris, manufacturer of mineral the term cities and co-partnership, and dle way. In practical terms, he waters and a Liberal member Aneurin Williams (Plymouth, proposed the formation of a trust of the London County Coun- ‘social indi- 1910; North West Durham, to purchase and then maintain, cil. He was succeeded by Ralph vidualism’ 1914–18; and Consett, 1918–22), on behalf of the community, the Neville, an experienced barrister a founding director of the First land and buildings. The freehold and former Liberal MP in Liver- (elsewhere Garden City Company and would remain with the trust pool from 1887 to 1895, who was later its Chairman. In 1906, of so that the community would to become a leading light in the referred to the thirty-seven MPs who were enjoy the benefits resulting over garden city movement.3 As well members of the Association or time from rising land and rental as the Chairmanship of the Gar- as ‘associ- shareholders in the First Gar- values. All of this, of course, den City Association he also led ated indi- den City Company, thirty-three depended on finding sufficient the companies formed to buy a were Liberals and the other four capital in the first place to buy suitable site and then to build the vidualism’) Conservatives. and develop suitable land. first garden city. Directors on the At a more local level, in Letch- Howard himself rather skated Board of the first of these com- to describe worth before 1914, amongst the over the problems of attract- panies, the Garden City Pioneer more influential Liberals active ing investors, his sights being Company, included influential his middle in the town was one of the gar- set more on what would hap- and wealthy Liberals like Aneu- way. den city’s two master planners, pen next. He believed that once rin Williams and T. H. W. Idris. Barry Parker; the editor of the the first garden city was formed, The first Secretary of the local newspaper, W. H. Knight; people would see the advantages Garden City Association, Tho- the unsuccessful candidate in the and further experiments would mas Adams, was also a com- Hitchin ward in the1906 gen- soon follow. There was no limit mitted Liberal. Before coming eral election, T. T. Gregg; and a to what might then happen. to London to take up his new stalwart garden city campaigner Landlords in the cities charg- post, he had been active in Lib- and later the Chairman of Letch- ing extortionate rents would be eral politics in Edinburgh, at worth Urban District Council, forced out of business as people one time Secretary of his local Dr Norman MacFadyen.4 chose to go and live in garden association and then party agent cities; over a period, the entire in the 1900 general election. He conurbation would gradu- claims to have been drawn to Co-partnership in the ally disintegrate as individuals Howard’s ideas less by the gar- suburbs and firms left for pastures new. den city as such and more by the … he was sane enough after a Moreover, within garden cities underlying philosophy of social fashion, I knew the type. Veg- there would be opportunities individualism. etarianism, simple life, poetry, for cooperative schemes of hous- As well as Neville and nature-worship, roll in the dew ing and profit-sharing in the Adams, the idea of the garden before breakfast. I’d met a few workplace so that, little by little, city attracted others with Lib- of them years ago in Ealing.5 the whole system of capitalism eral sympathies, such as Lord would be transformed: hence the Grey, the MP for South North- Ridicule, as George Orwell (in sub-title, A Peaceful Path to Real umberland from 1880 to 1885 the above quote) well knew, is Reform. Three years after his ini- and Tyneside from 1885 to 1896; an easy way to dismiss a social tial publication, a second edition something of a maverick in his experiment that is alien to one’s of his book was renamed, less parliamentary career, he later own political beliefs. In this contentiously, Garden Cities of stood as a Liberal Unionist but vein, garden cities and related To-Morrow. was defeated. Grey chaired an schemes – which often attracted Having presented his ideas, early and influential meeting of the kind of social progressive the challenge was then to put the Garden City Association at who could easily be labelled them into practice. He was not Bournville and offered his help eccentric – offered a ready target alone in his efforts; in the year in various ways to promote the for a sharp tongue. following the publication of To- campaign. Between 1904 and External critics were one Morrow, the Garden City Asso- 1911 he was Governor-Gen- thing but garden city enthusi- ciation was formed to spread the eral of Canada, and in that post asts often added to their own word and to initiate the world’s invited garden city evange- difficulties. Garden cities were first garden city. A number lists from Britain to come and evangelised by their founders as of individuals with valuable spread the message in that young (Right): Ebenezer the only true gospel, and fellow Howard, and business experience and con- nation. On the domestic front, plans for garden reformers were warned of diluted tacts were drawn to the cause two Liberal MPs who played a cites versions, such as garden suburbs.

22 Journal of Liberal History 52 Autumn 2006 ‘freedom not regimentation’

There was indeed a difference, by the Fabians and others with as the former were envisaged Labour allegiances who saw co- as self-standing communities, partnership as simply a capital- whereas the latter, as urban ist ploy to defuse working-class extensions, would add to the opposition. size and problems of existing cit- Vivian, himself, held the ies. But to the many people who position of Secretary of the only wanted to see an improve- Labour Association and in that ment in the general standard of role met like-minded people urban housing this difference who were later to be his asso- was largely academic, and a good ciates in other ventures: Ralph garden suburb was as welcome Neville, Aneurin Williams, Earl in its way as a full-blown gar- Grey and Ebenezer Howard. In den city. The respective garden 1906 Vivian entered Parliament city and garden suburb move- in the ‘Lib-Lab’ camp of the ments each attracted their own party. During the earlier part dedicated followers as well as an of his career, Vivian was at the overlapping list of supporters; heart of discussions on how best even the original garden city to proceed. In this context, it architects, Raymond Unwin and proved to be just one step from Barry Parker, felt comfortable co-partnership in the work- in moving on from Letchworth place to applying the principles to new garden suburb schemes. to housing, where profits could So, too, did Henry Vivian, who be enjoyed by tenants rather was warmly appreciative of the than landlords. An experimental work of Howard but who was scheme was launched in 1888, in personally responsible for one of which, with a minimum share- the most significant of all garden holding of £1, tenants would suburb experiments. receive a dividend on their rent Vivian (rather like Howard) as well as on shares. Vivian was made his way in the world from attracted to the idea and went humble beginnings. He was one step further in combin- born in 1868, the son of a carpen- ing co-partnership in the home ter in a Devon village, and fol- with the same in the workplace. lowed his father into the trade. He set up his own construction At the earliest opportunity he company on co-partnership lines moved to London and was soon and by 1896 his workers were drawn into trade union activity building houses that they could and the co-partnership move- then live in. The problem with ment. The latter, represented that, though, was that through through the Labour Associa- £1 shares it was difficult to raise tion6 (of which Neville him- sufficient capital. Almost by self was chairman at one time), chance a solution to this funding was effectively an offshoot of problem emerged. the better-known cooperative Vivian was tireless in his pro- movement which the co-part- motion of co-partnership, and nership firebrands thought had it was at a meeting in Ealing in rather lost its way. At the heart 1901 that he met a group of like- of the newer movement, the minded men. Without saying co-partnership campaigners it in so many words, they dis- promoted the idea of employees counted the idea of a scheme for sharing in the management and the poorest workers and set their profits of their place of work; in sights, instead, on the needs of practical terms this amounted to skilled artisans (like themselves) the idea of workers being share- who could invest more and holders in their own companies. would more likely be attracted Far from aligning itself with the to the idea of profit-sharing. emergent Labour Party the asso- Their aim was to build houses ciation constantly stressed that it that the members would own was not a threat to capitalism – a collectively and rent themselves, point that was turned on its head so that every man ‘would be his

Journal of Liberal History 52 Autumn 2006 23 ‘freedom not regimentation’ neighbour’s landlord’; it would Henry Viv- year, Vivian joined the Council seemed as if the state could be strike a balance between self- of the Garden Cities and Town used to offer a solution, but the interest and collective ideals. ian himself Planning Association (succes- balance of judgement was always Vivian was elected chairman of sor to the Garden City Asso- going to be fine. the pioneering company, Ealing warned ciation). Some years earlier, in By the time of ‘the halcyon Tenants Ltd, set up to put it all 1907, the appointment of Unwin years of Liberalism’ from 1906 on a legal footing. The outcome that unless and Parker to prepare plans for to 1914,10 the need to do some- was a model estate, Brentham the nation a newly acquired extension of thing about the state of the Garden Suburb – an amalgam Brentham had already exem- nation’s housing was widely of co-partnership ideas and the began to plified this productive partner- recognised. The arguments architecture of a garden city. ship. Unwin was enthusiastic were by no means simply moral; Although some of its central ide- improve about co-partnership, believing poor environmental conditions als were eroded over the years, that it was at the heart of blend- led, in turn, to the debilitation it succeeded in demonstrat- the state ing aesthetics and community: of the labour force and this was ing a way to build fairly priced of the ‘instead of the buildings being an impediment to industrial housing in a good environ- mere endless rows … they will productivity. So, too, were liv- ment and with a lively sense of towns ‘we naturally gather themselves into ing conditions linked to the fit- community. groups, and the groups again ness of the country’s fighting Brentham was by no means may as well clustered around the greens will forces. In a period when there a large development (just sixty form larger units, and the inter- was increasing competition with acres) but it was an important hand over est and beauty of grouping will other industrial nations, nota- milestone in the emergence our trade, at once arise’.7 bly Germany and the United of progressive town planning. It is easy to see how Liber- States, the incentive to improve A company was formed, Co- our colo- als would have felt comfortable the nation’s housing stock was partnership Tenants Ltd, with with this ethos of cooperative keenly recognised. Henry Viv- Vivian as its first chairman, to nies, our garden suburbs. An amusing ian himself warned that unless promote similar schemes nation- footnote to this episode comes the nation began to improve wide. By 1914 there were more whole influ- a few years later, just after the the state of the towns ‘we may than thirty co-partnership soci- ence in the end of the First World War, as well hand over our trade, our eties across the country, respon- when Prime Minister Lloyd colonies, our whole influence in sible for building 7,000 houses. world, to George employed a group of the world, to Germany without Some of these later schemes had staff to work closely with him undergoing all the trouble of a a larger tally of co-partnership Germany at 10 Downing Street. Because struggle in which we condemn houses than Brentham itself, their accommodation over- ourselves beforehand to certain most notably Hampstead Garden without flowed into the basement and failure.’11 At least he and oth- Suburb which included three undergo- garden area it was referred to ers could point to the shining such developments in its own as the ‘garden suburb’8; no one examples of experiments like boundaries. Vivian, himself, ing all the in the circle would have been Bournville and Port Sunlight took a close personal interest unhappy with that. (both garden villages sponsored in another offshoot, Wavertree trouble of by Liberal industrialists, George Garden Suburb, and became Cadbury and W. H. Lever, later Chairman of that development a struggle Taming the state Lord Lever), Letchworth Gar- and its management company, in which we … an organic plan of social den City, and garden suburbs Liverpool Garden Suburb Ten- progress, which implies a like Brentham and Hampstead. ants Ltd. condemn new consciousness of Liberal But was the scale of what needed Moreover, for all the differ- statecraft.9 to be done too great, by then, ences in provenance, there were ourselves for voluntary effort alone? Was always close links between the It was one of the architects of it time to create a new role for co-partnership campaign and beforehand modern Liberal philosophy, J. A. the state? the parallel garden city move- to certain Hobson, who spoke perceptively The idea of the state inter- ment. In Letchworth, Howard of ‘a new consciousness of Lib- vening in these matters was cer- was instrumental in promoting failure’. eral statecraft’. The issue was tainly not new. Important first his own co-partnership experi- challenging: how could Liber- steps had been taken more than ment, while, in turn, at a dinner alism, at the start of the twenti- half a century before in relation in 1912 in honour of Howard, eth century, use the state to its to public health and housing, Vivian (then Chairman of the own advantage? How could it and it was only a further step Labour Association) headed a unshackle the enormous poten- in that direction to embrace a table of forty co-partnership tial of the state without threat- more comprehensive approach delegates and spoke warmly of ening the very liberties it sought in the form of town planning. the common interests of the two to enhance? Certainly, there Ideologically, the time was right movements. In the following were social problems where it for a venture of this sort. Social

24 Journal of Liberal History 52 Autumn 2006 ‘freedom not regimentation’ reform had not previously occu- slum and this made me a town initiative, although very soon a pied the centre ground for Lib- planner’.12 In fact, the Hous- drift towards a more interven- eral administrations but times ing, Town Planning, etc. Act of tionist approach was evident. were changing. Spurred on by 1909, did nothing to alleviate the The second garden city, Wel- the growing influence of the kind of problem experienced by wyn, dating from 1919, was a socialist movement and its direct Burns in nearby Lambeth, where less radical venture than Letch- threat to Liberal seats in parlia- he was born. It looked, instead, worth, and the so-called third ment (if not to parliament itself), to ways of planning suburban garden city, Wythenshawe, even the party’s philosophers, under extensions but had only a mini- less so. In many ways, the latter the banner of New Liberal- mal impact on those; attempts marks something of a watershed ism, reconciled old traditions to do more had been effec- between the progressive social with new circumstances. State tively forestalled when the bill experiments of an earlier period, intervention in the social realm was drafted and, in the course with their reliance on voluntary could be justified if it helped of passing the legislation, by a initiative, and the more regi- individuals to enjoy (rather than group of Conservative Lords mented character of governmen- diminish) their liberties within a suspicious of what it might lead tal action that was to become capitalist system; doubters in the to. In the event, if the 1909 Act is commonplace. party could be persuaded that it to be recognised for anything it Wythenshawe, to the south would be better to do things this is simply for putting town plan- of Manchester was designed to way than suffer the upheaval of a ning on to the statute books and solve some of the problems of socialist approach. for locating it as a function of overcrowding in the great con- When the Liberals were local government. urbation.14 It was the brainchild returned to power in 1906, An interesting addendum is of two councillors, one Labour although the prospect of an that Burns set up a unit within and one Liberal. The Liberal, unprecedented programme of the Local Government Board Ernest Simon, was born into a social reforms, laying the very with the job of making sure Modest it Jewish industrial family and was foundations for a future welfare that the Act worked. The unit first elected to Manchester City state, was not immediately obvi- included a post of town planning may have Council in 1912; he was later MP ous this, of course, is what hap- assistant and that was filled by been, but for the Manchester Withing- pened. In this wider context of Thomas Adams, formerly Sec- ton division from 1923 to 1924 extensive change, a seemingly retary of the Garden City Asso- the very and from 1929 to 1931. It was as modest measure in favour of ciation. His biographer, Michael a Manchester councillor with town planning hardly seemed Simpson, considers it a shrewd idea of a passionate interest in housing likely to create too many politi- move: ‘he had been acquainted that he worked with his Labour cal ripples. Modest it may have with Burns since 1906 and his potentially counterpart, Alderman Jackson, been, but the very idea of poten- Liberal background may have interfer- to promote the idea of a new tially interfering with the rights been significant’.13 Certainly, settlement for 100,000 people. of private property – stopping Adams made the most of his new ing with A third figure in this formative land-owners from doing as they position to advocate the wider period was Ernest’s wife, Shena, wished – was highly contentious cause of planning. the rights herself a highly committed cam- in itself. For this reason, in the paigner for better housing and hope of minimising opposition, of private wholly behind the Wythen- a bill was framed without the Postscript property shawe project. more interventionist clauses that It is interesting to record that Land was acquired in the the town planning lobbyists had early town planning, in its vari- – stopping early 1920s and the established wished to see. ous forms before 1914, was con- garden city architect, Barry Ironically, it was a former sistent to such an extent with land-own- Parker, was commissioned to socialist, John Burns (by then Liberal principles. The measures prepare the master plan. In spite converted to Liberalism) who taken could be seen to fit com- ers from of a sympathetic layout the very steered through the new legisla- fortably in that middle ground doing scale of the project, combined tion. Burns had previously been between unbridled individual- with its municipal provenance, a member of the Social Demo- ism and an omnipotent state; all as they meant that it bore little or no cratic Federation, although he were designed to alleviate social resemblance to a true garden later represented Battersea as its deprivation but also to improve wished city. It was, in fact, little more Liberal MP. By the time that the workings of the economy. than a very large overspill hous- town planning was on the polit- A fit and healthy workforce was – was ing estate. Simon, meanwhile, ical agenda he held the position important on both counts. highly con- was becoming more enamoured of President of the Local Gov- To some extent, after the with interventionist policies and ernment Board. He recalled, First World War there were still tentious in eventually, in 1946, he joined the rather glibly, why he promoted important connections with this Labour Party; in the following this measure: ‘I was born in a pioneering period of Liberal itself. year he became Baron Simon

Journal of Liberal History 52 Autumn 2006 25 ‘freedom not regimentation’ of Wythenshawe. He had, in A glance 1 Ebenezer Howard, in To-Morrow: 1991), p. 90. fact, considered switching his A Peaceful Path to Real Reform (fac- 8 Roy Douglas, History of the Liberal simile edition, London, Routledge, Party 1895–1970 (London, Sidgwick party allegiance before then and back at 2003), pp. 2–3. & Jackson, 1971), p. 140. it might be significant that his 2 Howard includes this quote from a 9 J. A. Hobson, in Chris Cook, His- wife did so in 1935. Certainly, the con- Daily Chronicle article at the start of tory of the Liberal Party 1895–1970 there would have been a degree Chapter 9 of To-Morrow; the article (London, Macmillan, 1976), p. 48. of tension between the real- tribution is discussing ways of reconciling 10 Chris Cook, History of the Liberal ity of a centralised, municipal Socialism and Individualism. Party 1895–1970 (London, Macmil- of their 3 For this and other parliamentary lan, 1976), p. vii. bureaucracy and a Liberal belief records, see M. Stenton and S. Lees 11 Henry Vivian, in Dennis Hardy, in individual freedom. predeces- (eds.), Who’s Who of British Mem- From Garden Cities to New Towns As Wythenshawe indicated, bers of Parliament, Vol. 2, 1886–1918 (London, Chapman & Hall, 1991), the day of localised ventures was sors in the and Vol. 3, 1919–1945 (Sussex: Har- p. 40. over. After the Second World vester, 1978 and 1979). 12 John Burns, in Gordon E. Cherry, pioneering 4 Mervyn Miller, Letchworth: The Pioneers in British Planning (London, War, social experiments were First Garden City, (Chichester, Phil- Architectural Press, 1981), p. 12. to be conducted through the days of limore, second edition 2002), p. 115. 13 Michael Simpson, Thomas Adams state, with the post-war Labour 5 George Orwell, in Aileen Reid, and the Modern Planning Movement administration setting the new planning Brentham: A History of the Pioneer (London, Mansell, 1985), p. 55. Garden Suburb 1901–2001 (London, 14 See, especially, Andrzej Olechno- pattern. Garden cities were Brentham Heritage Society, 2000), wicz, ‘Civic Leadership and Edu- by then seen as a concept from might offer p. 93. cation for Democracy: The Simons the past, to be superseded by a 6 The full title was the Labour Asso- and the Wythenshawe Estate’, Con- nationwide programme of new a timely ciation for Promoting Co-operative temporary British History, Vol. 14, towns. For the best part of half Production Based on Co-Partner- No. 1 (Spring 2000), pp. 3–26. source of ship of the Workers. a century that was how things 7 Raymond Unwin, 1910, in Dennis were to be. More recently, how- inspiration. Hardy, From Garden Cities to New ever, opposition parties in a long Towns (London, Chapman & Hall, period of Labour government are pointing once again to the limitations of the state. With sus- tainability at the top of the plan- ning agenda and community an essential means of securing social change, environmental politics is taking on a new mean- ing; in this changing context, REPORT local as well as national Liberal politicians can again assume an important role. A glance back at the contribution of their pred- Defender of Liberties: Charles James Fox ecessors in the pioneering days of planning might offer a timely Fringe meeting, March 2006, Harrogate, with Professor source of inspiration. Frank O’Gorman and Dr Mark Pack; Chair (Lord) Wallace

Dennis Hardy is Emeritus Profes- of Saltaire sor of Urban Planning at Middle- Report by Graham Lippiatt sex University, and now works as a writer and consultant. He has writ- ten various books, including the two- n 13 September 1806, Emeritus Professor of History at volume official history of the Town Charles James Fox, Manchester University, together & Country Planning Association, OWhig statesman, with History Group committee From Garden Cities to New defender of civil liberties, member Dr Mark Pack, to tell Towns and From New Towns champion of the American and us about Fox the man, the poli- to Green Politics (both Chap- French revolutions and advocate tician, the liberal and his legacy. man & Hall, 1991). His latest book of the supremacy of parliament, Professor O’Gorman opened is Poundbury: The Town that died aged fifty-seven. Deter- by acknowledging that Fox Charles Built, Town & Country mined to commemorate Fox’s was regarded as one of the Planning Association, 2006. achievements and celebrate his founding fathers of Liberal- liberal heritage in the 200th year ism, operating at the same time Acknowledgement: In writing this since his death, the History that Edmund Burke and Pitt paper I am most grateful for helpful Group was especially pleased the Younger were staking their comments provided by three anony- to welcome Frank O’Gorman, claim to be founding fathers mous referees.

26 Journal of Liberal History 52 Autumn 2006 report of Conservatism. But Fox was table to government business. not really a Liberal. As a politi- He returned to the Treasury cal party the Liberals were not in late 1772 but continued his formed until the 1850s and the casual attitude and was dis- word Liberal as a noun was missed in 1774. He discovered unknown before the 1820s, long that his fantastic oratory, his after Fox died. The concept of ability to attract friends and the liberal reformer was known, create groups around him and although not common, and Fox, his wealth – especially after if asked, would have classified the death of his father in 1774 his politics as Whig. – destined him for a celebrity Whiggism was the predomi- that flourished more in opposi- nant political philosophy in the tion than in power. second half of the eighteenth Fox famously opposed the century, based on the values war with the American colonies of the Glorious Revolution of between 1775–83, stating that 1688. Whigs believed in the countries must be governed rights of parliament, a constitu- by the will of their people. He tional monarchy, regular elec- believed that the war was wrong tions, accountable government, and that the colonies should freedom of speech and religious achieve independence. He was tolerance. According to Profes- an early supporter of campaigns sor O’Gorman, however, Fox for parliamentary reform. He was a Whig of a distinctive kind gained a reputation as a rab- and he turned our attention to ble-rouser and was designated Charles James He could misjudge public opin- the different elements of this ‘Man of the People’, possibly Fox (1749–1806) ion too and failed to appreciate distinctiveness. the first English politician to the hold the monarchy could Fox was born in 1749, the son be so described. His election have over the people, as in the of Henry Fox, Lord Holland, to parliament as member for Regency Crisis of 1788–89. one of the great fixers of the the populous and politically Fox came fully of age as a eighteenth-century Whig state. aware constituency of West- politician over the issue of the He entered parliament in 1768 minster after 1780 boosted his French Revolution, pioneer- for Midhurst, a rotten borough popularity further. He con- ing a concept of Whiggism far secured for him by his father. sciously identified his politics removed from the aristocratic In less than two years he had with his party and after 1782–83 and elitist politics of his age. become a junior minister at the he played on his pre-existing Fox welcomed the Revolution Admiralty but resigned in 1772 anti-monarchism. instinctively, describing it as and went into opposition. Fox came back briefly into ‘much the greatest thing that Opposition defined Fox. government for a couple of ever happened in the history of With only three brief periods occasions, lasting a few months, the world and how far the best.’ in government, he remained when George III’s chosen min- Using the ideals of the Revolu- in opposition for over thirty isters fell, but he could not work tion and attacking the French years until his death. Fox with the King, who wanted feudal system it swept away, Fox sacrificed a career in govern- a say over men and policy developed the idea of a political ment for a career in opposi- while Fox believed in work- movement based on freedom, tion and giving up office was ing through the majority party anti-monarchism, political rare in the politics of the day. in parliament. Fox mistrusted and civil rights, parliamen- Fox had inherited many of the King. He thought George tary authority, and something his father’s political attitudes, III was trying to turn the clock resembling a modern nation- including an instinctive hostil- back to seventeenth-century alism. He supported popular ity to the monarch. He voted patterns of politics. rights and parliamentary reform against the Royal Marriages But Fox had his faults. He with renewed energy, defend- Act of 1772, introduced at the was indolent and self-indulgent, ing radicals from Pitt’s Acts of behest of George III (designed a notorious and prodigious 1795 restricting civil liberties to restrict the freedom of the gambler who often preferred and other such legislation ban- monarch’s children to marry). pleasure to business. He also ning meetings and gagging the Also, although he had been suffered from lapses in judg- press. He encouraged protests given office, he found he was ment, sometimes overesti- and popular mobilisation on not really interested in it, pre- mating his own abilities and a nineteenth-century scale ferring the theatre and card underestimating those of others. and became more of a party

Journal of Liberal History 52 Autumn 2006 27 report

­politician, giving the Whigs progressive improvement but a was the educated middle classes more centralised leadership and balance between King, Lords rather than the inarticulate organisation and a party press. and Commons. Despite his suc- masses. As to the question of He introduced popular sub- cess in opposition, where he whether Fox was the found- scriptions and reduced the aris- felt so comfortable, he never ing father of Liberalism, the tocratic influence in the party. thoroughly grasped the idea of a answer is ‘yes’. He was one It was a tragedy for Fox that the permanent, developing opposi- of many, including J. S. Mill, strains produced by the French tion party, lacking sufficient Grey, Russell and Macaulay, Revolution broke his party in perspective of the future. but he was the earliest and fin- two, with the aristocratic wing Although he was a forerun- est and, before Gladstone, he joining Pitt’s government in ner of liberal developments, not was Liberalism’s greatest states- 1794, leaving Fox, in the great all nineteenth-century liberals man. If he was not a man of the battle of principle with Pitt, took their inspiration from him. nineteenth century, his politics leading the rump of a party. Foxite Whiggism was at heart a foreshadowed many of its main Fox attacked Pitt’s war secular creed, and much future features. Foxite Whiggism had against France, first in the He was Liberal support derived from the future, however uneven Revolutionary phase and again essentially the religious circumstances of and unfinished a Liberal prod- in the struggle with Napoleon. Nonconformity and Protes- uct it might have been. Although he thought it justifi- a man of tant dissent (although Fox did Mark Pack opened his talk able to fight against an aggres- defend the right to religious by reminding us that our meet- sive revolution, Fox believed the eight- tolerance). And the economic ing was taking place the day that the anti-revolutionary origins of nineteenth-century after the Liberal Democrats had stance of George III and the eenth liberalism lay in the works of elected a new leader to replace other monarchs of Europe had century, Adam Smith. Charles Kennedy and that it driven the French revolutionar- Like many great politicians, was worth starting with some ies to defend themselves. He an aris- Fox became more influential thoughts on what lessons there thought that England should after his death than during his were to draw from Fox’s life for fight a defensive war only and tocratic life. Fox Clubs sprang up to the present times. He teased the not try to reverse the French keep the great man’s legacy alive audience by recapping the posi- Revolution by restoring the politician, and a vast amount of commem- tion Charles was in – leader of a monarchy and aristocracy. But accepting orative art and sculpture was party of over fifty MPs, opposed Fox was becoming increasingly dedicated to him. Fox became to a controversial foreign war, isolated and weary of being in that the massively popular in the nine- standing up for civil liberties at small minorities. In 1797–1801 teenth century. Bit by bit in the home and dogged by accusa- he ceased attending parliament, aristocracy 1810s and 1820s his ideals perme- tions of being a dilettante and a preferring to leave it to events ated politics and their time came man with a drinking problem. to justify him. Nevertheless, in dominated within two decades of his death. He meant Charles James Fox, of 1801, when Pitt fell from office, soci- His antipathy to the powerful course, and began an explora- Fox rushed back to Parliament role of the monarch in politics tion of Fox’s legacy for liberal- even though in the last five ety with was to establish itself as a Liberal ism and the Whig party. years of life, his habits were tak- idea; Foxite Whigs and their Fox’s death on 13 Septem- ing their toll. His big idea was patronage, successors were never really ber 1806 occurred just a few peace with Napoleon. In the comfortable with the crown. months after he had become last months of his life, when he places and Although not a democrat, Foreign Secretary and it had was in office as Foreign Secre- political Fox deserved the designation been a quarter of century earlier tary, he tried to negotiate such a ‘Man of the People’. The idea that Fox had last held govern- peace and was devastated when fixing. He of parliamentary reform that he ment office; truly tragic tim- Napoleon refused to take him championed came to fruition ing, struggling to regain office seriously. He died in September did not in the nineteenth century and for twenty-five years only to 1806, a broken man. it was no surprise that it was die a few short months after Professor O’Gorman then believe Fox’s heirs who passed not only finally doing so. Yet while other summarised Fox’s life and in social the Great Reform Act but also leading politicians’ deaths are legacy. He was essentially a man the Municipal Corporation regularly described as tragic and of the eighteenth century, an reform and Act and abolished slavery, all trigger ‘what if’ hypothesis- aristocratic politician, accepting in the 1830s. Fox championed ing, reactions to Fox’s death that the aristocracy dominated was not free speech, religious toler- both then and since have been society with patronage, places ance and tolerance for minori- rather muted in that respect. and political fixing. He did not really a ties. He supported the rights Speculations over ‘what if’ he believe in social reform and democrat of people to elect their own had not died do not make it was not really a democrat at governments, even though his into the counterfactual history all. His political ideal was not at all. ­definition of the ‘the people’ ­publications and his death did

28 Journal of Liberal History 52 Autumn 2006 report not lead to an immediate public to finish the job. There was no Fox was optimistic belief in the possibil- upsurge of emotion and statue- sustained growth in the number ity of progress. During the 1780s raising that the later demise of MPs under Fox’s leader- persist- Fox served in government. He of Peel, for example, did. The ship in those long lean years served as Foreign Secretary setting up of clubs dedicated to out of power. The numbers ently one under Rockingham and made Fox’s memory was delayed and grew or decreased as factional a notorious coalition with his then their establishment was boundaries shifted but there of the former adversary, but fellow- conducted in competition with is no picture of a united hard most radi- opponent of the monarch, Lord clubs commemorating Pitt, who core of MPs building up under North. This was not a success; also died in 1806. Fox and for many years after his cal Whigs, they were out-manoeuvred by In part this low-key response death they were out of office, the King and his new favourite, was because it had been the apart from those who chose to holding Pitt the Younger. Pitt became death of Pitt the Younger, the join in supporting a Tory prime prime minister and turned a Conservative who had regularly minister. So if he did not leave a beliefs that minority administration into bettered Fox in their political legacy of Whig political power a modern one commanding a comfortable duels and who had served for and success, what about the man majority. There then followed many years as prime minister, a and his beliefs? liberal Fox’s long decades out of office. post Fox never achieved, which Fox was born into the politi- In those years, war and had allowed Fox the opportu- cal establishment to a mother would rec- civil liberties dominated poli- nity to regain office. In addition who was a great-granddaughter tics. The French Revolution the government in which Fox of Charles II and a father who ognise – occurred and swiftly descended was serving – the so-called ‘the had served the country’s first that power into extreme violence, pro- Ministry of All the Talents’ prime minister, Walpole, for ducing polarised responses in – was seen as a rather unlikely, many years. From an early age stems Britain. Some opposed the over-broad coalition. It is prob- he mixed an aptitude for hard revolution from the start; oth- able that, had Fox not died, he work with bouts of dissolute from the ers who had initially welcomed would have been out of office behaviour and extravagant the overthrow of despotic again soon enough, as the Min- gambling. He broke the law by people and monarchy were scared off by istry broke up in March 1807 being under-age when he first that gov- the violence and extremism and and its Whig members were stood for parliament and when became increasingly opposed to to see only the rarest flicker of elected he initially supported ernment any sniff of reform in Britain. hope of office for twenty-odd many conservative, even In the face what was happening years afterwards. Fox’s death reactionary, causes. He most could be in France, only a small group was not seen, therefore, as cut- notably opposed press freedom, of parliamentarians (albeit with ting him off from a long period albeit on the basis of defending improved probably rather more support of office or in the midst of a suc- Parliament’s supremacy and by large- in the country as a whole) were cessful political prime. freedom. He never changed willing to argue consistently Indeed, it is easy to come to a this opinion but later in his scale for reducing the King’s power negative interpretation of Fox’s career his approach was more and for franchise reform to give legacy. Although Fox was the liberal, emphasising the protec- reform, more people the vote. first acknowledged ‘leader of the tion of parliament from other Fox regularly led the parlia- opposition’, when he squared up forces such as the power of the together mentary opposition to the gov- to Pitt in Parliament, it really King. The issues that radical- with an ernment’s repressive measures, was not much of an opposition ised Fox were the Royal Mar- brought in ostensibly to secure for most of the time. Whereas riage Bill and the American optimistic the country against violence. today to lead a party of fifty War of Independence. Both The alleged threats at the time or so MPs for many years in a brought him into conflict with belief in were those of revolutionary three- or four-party system may the monarchy and he increas- plotters, perhaps with French be a respectable position, to do ingly came to believe in the the pos- backing or aid. The evidence as so in the late eighteenth century need for radical reform to trim sibility of to how numerous or how much in a system that was broadly just monarchical power whilst danger the plotters ever really government and opposition in strengthening and invigorating progress. represented is uncertain and has a House of Commons roughly parliament. been a source of debate amongst the same size as today, is rather In the 1770s, Fox was persist- historians. In public Fox and less of an achievement. Not only ently one of the most radical his supporters flirted with some did Fox not leave the Whigs Whigs, holding beliefs that a of the radicals but it is not clear in prosperous political shape, modern liberal would recognise what links they had with the it was not even as if, like Neil – that power stems from the real extremists. The deliberate Kinnock and Labour, he had people and that government destruction of some key private clearly put them on the road to could be improved by large- papers of Fox’s supporters cer- political recovery for a successor scale reform, together with an tainly hints at connections it

Journal of Liberal History 52 Autumn 2006 29 report was later felt better to draw a Fox was increasingly associated brought him a popular follow- veil over. with views that modern liber- ing outside parliament. But Fox Pitt had no doubts about believed als would recognise; belief always saw parliament as the the threat of revolution and in power stemming from the primary political stage. took a hard line on civil liber- that free- people, desire for wide-rang- Politics, however, was never ties. In April 1794 his govern- ing reform, strong preference the only part of Fox’s life. He ment moved to suspend Habeas dom and for peace rather than war and enjoyed the good life hugely, Corpus, effectively permitting the liber- an optimistic belief in progress often gambling and drinking to imprisonment without trial. through appropriate policy. wild excess. He was a flamboy- During the debate in parlia- ties of the For Fox, the correct ant playboy. There is a trace in ment, Pitt claimed there were response to trouble was toler- his character of an instinctive groups plotting a ‘whole system individual ance and liberalism rather than contrariness – a desire to be dif- of insurrection … under which repression and crack-down. ferent just for the sake of being the weak and ignorant, who were to be He believed that the latter different; an intuitive seeking are most susceptible of impres- valued in were more likely to trigger of the opposite point of view sion from such barren abstract revolution than the former. to that held by the incumbent positions, were attempted to be themselves In addition he thought it was majority, usually for princi- seduced to overturn govern- important to restrain the pled reasons but sometimes ment, law, property, security, and that power of the monarchy, not just for the hell of it. Fox has religion, order and every thing just because of any monarch’s bequeathed that instinctive of value in this country.’ encroach- potentially despotic tendencies contrariness to liberals down In response, Fox made one ment upon but also because financial waste the years. If you think of a of his most famous speeches, and corruption could too eas- liberal as someone who, find- underlining his reputation as them ran ily follow. In his speech on the ing themselves in a minority one of the leading orators of suspension of Habeas Corpus of one, is not put off but rather his generation. As a speaker grave risks Fox warned of the ‘despotism rubs their hands with glee and the force of his speeches was of the monarchy’ and against a thinks ‘what fun’, then Fox based more on clear arguments of encour- situation where ‘our pretended was certainly in that category. and nimble, humorous debate aging alarms were to be made the Although Fox’s gambling made than any original thought or pretexts for destroying the first him a somewhat disreputable great rhetoric. The impact of even more principles of the very system figure in the eyes of many, he his speeches made him a sig- which we affected to revere.’ was also a loveable and indeed nificant figure in parliament damaging Fox lost the vote at the end of principled character to others, but his style meant that he left the debate by 183 votes to 33 standing by his views rather behind few oratorical flights violations. – a crushing but not unusual than desperately seeking power to catch future imaginations. defeat. and the money which would This should not diminish the His defences of civil liber- come with it – even when he importance of Fox’s stance at ties were frequently based on a needed cash to pay his large the time, his willingness and desire to protect the constitu- gambling debts. Even the appar- ability to find the phrases and tion, especially the supremacy ently cynical power-seeking formulations to make the case of parliament. This also meant coalition with North earlier in for civil liberties and to argue he was not an enthusiast for his career was motivated largely that measures proposed in the democracy in the modern by a shared hostility to the name of protecting liberty and meaning of the term and he monarch. the British constitution in fact opposed more radical notions Fox also had an impact on threatened both. of democracy such as those two other important matters. Fox believed that freedom advocated in Tom Paine’s Rights His eloquent arguing of the and the liberties of the indi- of Man, believing they would case against slavery almost cer- vidual were to be valued in weaken parliament. As a result, tainly had an effect in helping themselves and that encroach- other radicals of the time, like reduce its extent and impact, no ment upon them ran grave William Cobbett, were often small thing given the amount risks of encouraging even more suspicious of Fox, even though of human misery slavery pro- damaging violations. This has the Tories tended to pigeonhole duced. He also secured the pas- become a persistent feature Fox and the radicals together as sage of the Libel Act to restore of liberal thought and was a untrustworthy. significant power to juries to defining element of the phi- As well as speaking out on determine what was or was not losophy of the Liberal Party civil liberties Fox attacked the libellous, an issue dear to the that emerged in the 1850s. Fox alleged misuse of public money, hearts of contemporary leaflet bequeathed to the Whigs and, demanded cuts in the Civil writers. later, Liberals, a clear legacy List and supported the idea of In final summary, Dr Pack in favour of civil liberties and annual parliaments, all of which said that Fox was greatly liked as

30 Journal of Liberal History 52 Autumn 2006 report a human being by many of He ended up a champion of correct, even if he secured Graham Lippiatt is Secretary of his contemporaries. He was press freedom, an opponent only limited support for the Liberal Democrat History charming, lively, quick-wit- of despotic regal powers them at the time. But then, Group. ted, funny and good com- and an advocate of personal liberals frequently know all pany (if you did not worry ­liberty. He argued these about arguing valiant causes about being corrupted in great causes, which were and being in the minority drunkenness or gambling). later seen as progressive and when the votes are counted.

RESEARCH IN PROGRESS If you can help any of the individuals listed below with sources, contacts, or any other information — or if you know anyone who can — please pass on details to them. Details of other research projects in progress should be sent to the Editor (see page 3) for inclusion here.

Hubert Beaumont MP. After pursuing candidatures in his native The Liberal Party in the West Midlands from December 1916 to Northumberland southward, Beaumont finally fought and won the 1923 general election. Focusing on the fortunes of the party in Eastbourne in 1906 as a ‘Radical’ (not a Liberal). How many Liberals Birmingham, Coventry, Walsall and Wolverhampton. Looking to explore in the election fought under this label and did they work as a group the effects of the party split at local level. Also looking to uncover afterwards? Lord Beaumont of Whitley, House of Lords, London SW1A the steps towards temporary reunification for the 1923 general 0PW; [email protected]. election. Neil Fisher, 42 Bowden Way, Binley, Coventry CV3 2HU ; neil. [email protected]. Letters of Richard Cobden (1804–65). Knowledge of the whereabouts of any letters written by Cobden in private hands, Recruitment of Liberals into the Conservative Party, 1906–1935. autograph collections, and obscure locations in the UK and abroad Aims to suggest reasons for defections of individuals and develop an for a complete edition of his letters. (For further details of the Cobden understanding of changes in electoral alignment. Sources include Letters Project, please see www.uea.ac.uk/his/research/projects/ personal papers and newspapers; suggestions about how to get hold of cobden). Dr Anthony Howe, School of History, University of East Anglia, the papers of more obscure Liberal defectors welcome. Cllr Nick Cott, Norwich NR4 7TJ; [email protected]. 1a Henry Street, Gosforth, Newcastle-upon-Tyne, NE3 1DQ; N.M.Cott@ ncl.ac.uk. Cornish Methodism and Cornish political identity, 1918–1960s. Researching the relationship through oral history. Kayleigh Milden, Life of Wilfrid Roberts (1900–91). Roberts was Liberal MP for Institute of Cornish Studies, Hayne Corfe Centre, Sunningdale, Truro TR1 Cumberland North (now Penrith and the Border) from 1935 until 1950 3ND; [email protected]. and came from a wealthy and prominent local Liberal family; his father had been an MP. Roberts was a passionate internationalist, and was Liberal foreign policy in the 1930s. Focusing particularly on Liberal a powerful advocate for refugee children in the Spanish civil war. His anti-appeasers. Michael Kelly, 12 Collinbridge Road, Whitewell, parliamentary career is coterminous with the nadir of the Liberal Party. Newtownabbey, Co. Antrim BT36 7SN; [email protected]. Roberts joined the Labour Party in 1956, becoming a local councillor Liberal policy towards Austria-Hungary, 1905–16. Andrew in Carlisle and the party’s candidate for the Hexham constituency in Gardner, 17 Upper Ramsey Walk, Canonbury, London N1 2RP; the 1959 general election. I am currently in the process of collating [email protected]. information on the different strands of Roberts’ life and political career. Any assistance at all would be much appreciated. John Reardon; The Liberal revival 1959–64. Focusing on both political and social [email protected]. factors. Any personal views, relevant information or original material from Liberal voters, councillors or activists of the time would be very Student radicalism at Warwick University. Particulary the files gratefully received. Holly Towell, 52a Cardigan Road, Headingley, affair in 1970. Interested in talking to anybody who has information Leeds LS6 3BJ; [email protected]. about Liberal Students at Warwick in the period 1965-70 and their role in campus politics. Ian Bradshaw, History Department, University of The rise of the Liberals in Richmond (Surrey) 1964–2002. Interested Warwick, CV4 7AL; [email protected] in hearing from former councillors, activists, supporters, opponents, with memories and insights concerning one of the most successful local Welsh Liberal Tradition – A History of the Liberal Party in Wales organisations. What factors helped the Liberal Party rise from having no 1868–2003. Research spans thirteen decades of Liberal history in councillors in 1964 to 49 out of 52 seats in 1986? Any literature or news Wales but concentrates on the post-1966 formation of the Welsh cuttings from the period welcome. Ian Hunter, 9 Defoe Avenue, Kew, Federal Party. Any memories and information concerning the post- Richmond TW9 4DL; 07771 785 795; [email protected]. 1966 era or even before welcomed. The research is to be published in book form by Welsh Academic Press. Dr Russell Deacon, Centre for Liberal politics in Sussex, Portsmouth and the Isle of Wight Humanities, University of Wales Institute Cardiff, Cyncoed Campus, 1900–14. The study of electoral progress and subsequent Cardiff CF23 6XD; [email protected]. disappointment. Research includes comparisons of localised political trends, issues and preferred interests as aganst national trends. Any Aneurin Williams and Liberal internationalism and pacificism, information, specifically on Liberal candidates in the area in the two 1900–22. A study of this radical and pacificist MP (Plymouth 1910; general elections of 1910, would be most welcome. Family papers North West Durham/Consett 1914–22) who was actively involved in especially appreciated. Ian Ivatt, 84 High Street, Steyning, West League of Nations Movement, Armenian nationalism, international Sussex BN44 3JT; [email protected]. co-operation, pro-Boer etc. Any information relating to him and location of any papers/correspondence welcome. Barry Dackombe. Liberals and the local government of London 1919–39. Chris 32 Ashburnham Road, Ampthill, Beds, MK45 2RH; dackombe@ Fox, 173 Worplesdon Road, Guildford GU2 6XD; christopher.fox7@ tesco.net. virgin.net.

Journal of Liberal History 52 Autumn 2006 31 Liberalism Reunited The Huddersfield Experience 1945 – 47

Conventional h a t e v e r i t s The participation of both Liberal existing prob- factions within Churchill’s wisdom suggests that lems, the events wartime coalition again mud- the break between o f 1931– 32 died the dividing lines between removed any them and there were talks on the Liberals and Liberal Wimmediate or short-term pros- possibility of reconciliation in Nationals was never pect of a recovery in the fortunes the latter stages of the conflict. of the British Liberal Party. These, however, broke down, healed, with the latter From differing assessments of less over issues of policy than the drifting inexorably the performance of the outgo- determination of the mainstream ing Labour administration and party to contest the forthcoming towards absorption differing attitudes towards the general election as a fully inde- National Government which pendent movement. in the Conservative took its place, there emerged in As has been well described, Party. But in specific effect two Liberal parties, along a final attempt to repair the with a small and increasingly breach was made in 1946. Talks locations such as isolated third grouping under began following an initiative in London and Burnley David Lloyd George. May by Ernest Brown, a former In the wake of the general leader of the Liberal Nation- the two groups did election of October 1931 almost als, but had ground to a halt by come together in three dozen Liberal MPs coa- the autumn, largely because the lesced around the leadership of Liberal Nationals would not the wake of the 1945 Sir John Simon to form the so- consider anything other than a general election. In this called Liberal National group, reunited party taking its place pledged to give unqualified sup- alongside the Conservatives in article David Dutton port to the government what- In specific a broad anti-socialist alliance. considers the process of ever polices it took to meet the The Liberals, by contrast, were current economic emergency, locations still insistent that any reunified fusion in Huddersfield including the introduction of party must be a completely inde- tariffs. Though neither side the proc- pendent political force beholden and argues that this seemed keen to admit the fact neither to Tories nor Labour.1 helped ensure the openly, the Simonite group rap- ess of But in specific locations the idly assumed the functions and merger was process of merger was brought survival of an outpost attributes of a separate party to success. On 1 July 1946 The of Liberalism during and, while both sides hinted brought to Times announced that the Lon- at eventual reunion, the split don Liberal National Party and the party’s darkest days. turned out to be permanent. success. the London Liberal Party had

32 Journal of Liberal History 52 Autumn 2006 Liberalism Reunited The Huddersfield Experience 1945 – 47

decided to unite and that a new The first himself held office in both the Mabane from being readopted as organisation would begin a Yorkshire Liberal Party and the Liberal candidate for Hud- campaign to ensure representa- sign of the Yorkshire Liberal National dersfield in the general election tion in parliamentary and local Party. As a result, it was not until of November 1935, and, in the government elections in Greater truly inde- shortly before the outbreak of absence of a rival Liberal candi- London. The impact on the for- the Second World War that the date and with full Conservative tunes of Liberalism in the capital pendent mainstream Liberal Party in support, he was easily able to was, however, at best marginal; Liberal Huddersfield finally began to retain his seat. neither component in the reun- reassert itself. The first sign of truly inde- ion had much to offer in terms action Mabane easily overcame pendent Liberal action came of residual strength in London. the surprised reaction of the from a small group of disgrun- But the development of events in came from staunchly free-trade Hudders- tled women in the local party. the West Riding town of Hud- field Liberal Association (HLA) Six members of the Hudders- dersfield was of considerably a small when he first became a member field Women’s Liberal Associa- greater significance and argu- group of of the Liberal National group late tion resigned on 12 January 1938 ably contributed to the survival in 1931 by arguing that he could when that body, in advance of its of an outpost of Liberal strength disgruntled act as a bridge between it and male counterpart, decided for- during the darkest decade in the the mainstream party. He faced mally to affiliate to the Liberal party’s long history. women in more serious opposition after his National Party. With six others Divisions in the Hudders- decision not to accompany Her- the rebels then formed the Hud- field Liberal Party were slow to the local bert Samuel and his followers dersfield Borough Women’s Lib- appear after 1931, not because of party. when, somewhat belatedly, they eral Association.3 But it would the absence of a Liberal National crossed the floor of the House be more than a year before their splinter group but because of the of Commons to rejoin the ranks menfolk followed suit. Finally, success of the town’s Liberal MP, of the opposition in the autumn in the spring of 1939, the forces William Mabane, in taking the of 1933. But again, the majority of independent Liberalism man- local Liberal Association with of the HLA accepted Mabane’s aged to reassert themselves. him into the embrace of the explanation that Samuel should Under the guidance of three Liberal National Party, almost have taken this step immedi- prominent local activists, Ashley without the association being ately after the conclusion of the Mitchell, Ernest Woodhead and aware of what was happening Ottawa agreements in August Elliott Dodds, all of whom had to it.2 As late as 1939 the Asso- 1932 or not at all. Sixteen mem- stood unsuccessfully as Liberal ciation kept up its affiliation to bers voted against him at the candidates in earlier general elec- the Liberal Party Organisation, HLA’s annual general meeting in tions, a rival Liberal Association while only sending observers to March 1934 and a small number was set up with the full backing meetings of the Simonite Liberal resigned from the association of the Liberal Party Organisa- Nationals. Meanwhile, Mabane in protest. But this did not stop tion in London.4 As the Liberal

Journal of Liberal History 52 Autumn 2006 33 liberalism reunited Nationals clung tenaciously to One hope- the continuation of Churchill’s enthusiastic support. Now the title of HLA, the new body government, conducted a vig- we are looked upon as Tories, was christened the Huddersfield ful indica- orous and confident campaign. and they are in great disfavour Borough Liberal Association.5 But Huddersfield had been at present. Unless redistribu- Mabane refused to be dis- tor of the transformed by the migration of tion helps, we shall never beat couraged. The HLA was, he around 17,000 industrial workers Labour in a three-cornered declared, an even more united prospects into the town during the course fight. We have few leading men body than it had been a year ear- of reunion of the war. On a massive swing and women and we have no lier. It was true that ‘the smallest J. P. W. Mallalieu, whose pedi- appeal to enthuse the masses.8 possible minority of people’ had was that gree as the son of a former Lib- given the appearance of disu- eral MP may have enhanced his One hopeful indicator of the nity, but this was not the reality. many local appeal, took the seat for Labour prospects of reunion was that It was, he insisted, ‘an arrogant with a majority of nearly 9,000 many local activists in Hudders- assertion’ to suggest that all who activists over Mabane, leaving Harrod, field seemed more concerned supported the National Govern- in Hud- despite the support of the Hud- with propagating the gospel of ment must forgo their right to dersfield Daily Examiner, a fur- Liberalism than with the pre- describe themselves as Liberals, dersfield ther 13,000 votes behind.7 To cise party label under which and he sought further to blur the no avail, the newspaper, which they campaigned. Mrs Potts, distinction between Liberals and seemed was controlled by the Wood- the Chairman of the Borough Liberal Nationals by reminding head family and edited by Elli- Women’s Liberal Association, his audience that, notwithstand- more con- ott Dodds, insisted that Harrod reported that during the general ing the opposition of Archibald cerned was the only Liberal candidate election campaign she had been Sinclair and the party leader- in the field. invited to speak to the Milns- ship, many distinguished Liber- with propa- Set in a national context, Har- bridge branch of the Hudders- als, including the party’s former rod’s performance – 16 per cent field Women’s Liberal National leader Lord Samuel, had backed gating the of the poll – was almost respect- Association. In so doing she had the government over the recent able. The party of Gladstone received the promise of several Munich settlement.6 gospel of and Asquith was now reduced women to join the Borough Lib- Such internal wrangling Liberalism to a parliamentary representa- eral Association.9 But for real was largely put on hold with tion of just twelve MPs. Nearly progress to be made, one side or the coming of European war in than with 85 per cent of the party’s candi- the other had to take the initia- September 1939. Meanwhile, dates had come third. Its leader, tive. Some months before nego- Mabane’s personal career began the pre- Sir Archibald Sinclair, and chief tiations began at a national level, to prosper. Appointed Assistant whip, Percy Harris, were among the Executive Committee of Postmaster-General in June 1939, cise party those who had gone down to the Borough Liberals authorised he later served in junior posts at label under defeat. In the face of disaster on their president to get in touch the Ministries of Home Security such a scale, Liberals had to con- with his opposite number in the and Food before rising in May which sider the full range of options Huddersfield Liberal Associa- 1945 to the rank of Minister of open to them. Inevitably, the tion to consider the possibility of State at the Foreign Office in they cam- question of reunion with the exploratory talks on the theme Churchill’s short-lived caretaker Liberal Nationals forced its way of reunion.10 ‘I have to enquire’, government, an administration paigned. on to the political agenda. In wrote H. V. Wood of the Bor- in which Liberals declined to Huddersfield it was clear that the ough Liberals, participate. But as the military Borough Liberals were deter- tide finally turned and minds mined to carry on. But the out- … whether, in your judgement moved again to the issues of look for the Liberal Nationals and considered opinion, the domestic politics, it was evi- was far from rosy. Organisation time is opportune for a small dent that the Borough Liberals had decayed and membership delegation of three or four of had not gone away. Indeed, they substantially declined during the principal honorary execu- decided to contest the forth- the years of war. Mabane’s agent, tive Officers of your Associa- coming general election and Stanley Hickman, presented a tion to meet a like number of secured the services of a prom- gloomy prognosis. The Bor- Officers of my Association for ising candidate in the person of ough Liberals had: the purpose of exploring the Roy Harrod, a committed free present political position, par- trader, academic economist and … plenty of keen, able people ticularly in Huddersfield, and future biographer of John May- of the type who enjoy poli- to ascertain what are the points nard Keynes. tics, and as the election figures of difference in policy and/or Mabane, standing now as an show have attracted the average otherwise which still separate unequivocal Liberal National Liberal. So long as there was our two Associations. Those with Conservative support and no Sinclair Liberal candidate delegates would enquire as to as the only candidate favouring we got their votes, if not their whether such differences could

34 Journal of Liberal History 52 Autumn 2006 liberalism reunited

be resolved and as to whether a direct influence on affairs returned almost entirely through reunion is practicable or not.11 through parliamentary rep- the efforts of the Conservative resentation, there is no future organisation, and that there is For the Liberal Nationals, J. D. in working as an independent practically no Liberal National Eaton Smith reacted cautiously. party. Our objective must be organisation, as such, in those His first loyalty was to Mabane, to secure as great a degree of constituencies’.19 who had already been rea- unity as we can as a first step … In Huddersfield ‘the one dopted as the Huddersfield Lib- to a larger association with all bright spot’ was the municipal eral Association’s candidate for who feel that Socialism is a real elections. But, stressed Hick- the next general election. But danger.16 man, this was only because of the officers of the HLA, with- collaboration with the Borough out disclosing the approach to But the Borough Liberals were Liberals. Despite the latter’s ear- their full Executive Committee, not to be thwarted and Elliott lier decision to run candidates eventually agreed that Eaton Dodds – ‘determined to make as of their own in 1946, the Liberal Smith should meet Wood and, much trouble as he can’17 – took National Alderman Joseph Bar- if he considered that a further steps to publicise the secret low had successfully united the meeting would be useful, that approach made at the end of two groups into a single fighting a Liberal National delegation, 1945. The balance of advantage force, convinced that ‘we must to include both Eaton Smith between the two groups began get together or go out’.20 Three and Mabane, should be consti- rapidly to change. The problem Borough Liberals were among tuted.12 The meeting between for the Liberal Nationals was the candidates put forward. It the two presidents took place that their position was visibly was a situation which Mabane on 9 January 1946. Eaton Smith crumbling. Amid evidence that had some difficulty in under- stressed that the HLA was more the local Conservative Party was standing. ‘It is rather confusing concerned with fighting social- becoming restive at the continu- to me’, he confessed. ‘It appears ism than with party labels and ing subordination of its electoral – am I wrong – that while the argued that in two years’ time, aspirations to a pact designed Borough Liberals refuse to con- when the reality of Labour gov- to support a government which sort with the Conservatives for ernment had become apparent, no longer existed, the Liberal any Parliamentary purposes, yet all Liberals would be compelled Nationals’ own organisation was for municipal purposes, in effect, to unite against the common beginning to collapse. Hickman ourselves, the Conservatives and menace. But the two men parted wrote to warn Mabane who, the Borough Liberals make a with a feeling that the Borough ensconced in London, was los- solid block.’21 Others interpreted Liberals’ approach had been pre- ing touch with the reality of the this situation more positively, mature.13 The Borough Liber- situation in Huddersfield: especially when the Liberals als’ own interpretation of what ‘fighting as a united team, held had happened was that their The position here is becoming every one of their seats and came initiative had been rebuffed. increasingly difficult and Mr within an ace of capturing a seat Their task now was ‘to go for- Eaton Smith and I are having from Labour’, while the Con- ward without any hesitation’.14 a struggle to keep any inter- servatives lost three out of the Indeed, the Borough Liberals est alive. Apart from a faithful four seats which they were con- proceeded to adopt a number handful, there is no enthusiasm testing.22 According to Harrod of candidates for the November and without the W[omen’s] the results showed that it was municipal elections – something L[iberal] A[ssociation] the ‘only through Liberalism that they had decided against in 1945 whole structure would Huddersfield could succeed in in the light of the possibility of collapse.18 displacing the Socialist Member reunion.15 The prob- of Parliament’.23 The opening of discussions This dismal picture was in line Several prominent Borough on a national level inevitably with that which existed in many lem for Liberals were becoming impa- breathed new life into the process other constituencies, such as the Liberal tient at the lack of progress in Huddersfield. In line with the Denbigh and Bradford South, towards reunion and objected Liberal Nationals’ stance in the where the Liberal Nationals Nation- to any new approach until there national negotiations, Mabane had once been strong. Prepar- was evidence that it would be stressed that there was no future ing for a meeting with Lord als was sympathetically received.24 But for Liberalism except as part of Teviot, chairman of the Lib- the situation was transformed an anti-socialist coalition: eral National Organisation, that their when, at the beginning of 1947, Anthony Eden had been advised position the local Conservative Party I am quite sure that unless we that ‘in a number of constituen- decided to nominate a candidate merely wish the Liberal Party cies now represented by Liberal was visibly of its own for the next general to be a propagandist body and National Members, it is not an election. Mabane now had no not a body which seeks to have exaggeration to say that they are crumbling. realistic prospect of recovering

Journal of Liberal History 52 Autumn 2006 35 liberalism reunited his parliamentary seat. As the affiliate to the Liberal Party electoral pact between Conserv- Examiner put it, ‘the Tories Organisation – a clear indica- atives and the new Liberal Asso- themselves had kicked away tion that in future Huddersfield ciation was maintained until the trestle on which the Liberal Liberalism would be fully com- 1961. When, in 1956, the Con- National platform has rested’.25 mitted to the mainstream party. servatives began to grow rest- Quietly, Mabane resigned his The Borough Liberals were able less, claiming that the Liberals membership of the Huddersfield to sweeten the pill by announc- had broken a written agreement Liberal Club, a gesture which ing that Roy Harrod, their can- on the selection of candidates to indicated that he did not wish didate in 1945 whom they had represent certain wards – ‘we to stand again in the constitu- already readopted, was willing have sacrificed much to preserve ency. The small band of sup- to follow Mabane’s example and and maintain an anti-Socialist porters upon whom his position stand down so that the new joint front and to avoid three-cor- had rested now decided that the Association could begin afresh nered contests; we have received game was up. Hickman resigned the process of selecting a parlia- no reciprocal sacrifice of the to take on the position of Con- mentary candidate.27 interests of the Liberal group’ servative agent in the neigh- Several prominent Borough – the pact was formalised by the bouring constituency of Elland, Liberals could scarcely believe division of the town into spheres while Eaton Smith gave up the that the process of reunion of influence.30 presidency of the Huddersfield could be achieved so easily and Huddersfield Liberals thus Liberal Association, to be suc- so clearly on their terms and really did have their cake and ceeded by Alderman Barlow. sought assurances, which were eat it. The party’s institutional Progress towards reunion given, that ‘a full Liberal pro- independence was preserved at a was now rapid. A key meeting gramme was implied for the new time when the Liberal Nation- between delegations from the Association’.28 In an atmosphere Hudders- als, for all practical purposes, two groups took place on 10 of ‘extreme cordiality’ and a finally sacrificed theirs by enter- March 1947. At this meeting the determination to ‘let bygones be field Liber- ing into the Woolton–Teviot relative negotiating strengths of bygones’ the two Associations Agreement of 1947. But at the the two delegations was imme- met together on 25 June to make als thus same time Huddersfield Liberals diately apparent. For the Bor- Liberal reunion in Huddersfield enjoyed the electoral advantages ough Liberals Wood stressed that a reality. The resolution that a really did of collaboration with the Con- they were affiliated to the main- new Huddersfield Liberal Asso- have their servatives, something which had stream Liberal Party and would ciation be formed and that it be been at the heart of the Liberal remain so, a point immediately affiliated to the Liberal Party cake and Nationals’ political strategy conceded by the representatives Organisation was carried by an throughout their existence. The of the Huddersfield Liberal Asso- overwhelming majority.29 eat it. The result of this policy in terms of ciation.26 Mabane’s absence from Despite the fact that the maintaining a beacon of Liber- the Liberal National delegation majority of Liberal members on party’s alism during a time when the was critical since, as someone the Borough Council had been institu- party had almost disappeared as who had been closely involved loyal supporters of Mabane as a live force in English local gov- in the recently stalled national the town’s MP, it seemed that tional inde- ernment is only too apparent. negotiations in which the Lib- the Liberal National heresy in After the municipal elections of eral Nationals had insisted upon Huddersfield had now been pendence 1953 Huddersfield was one of just a broad coalition with the Con- extirpated. Yet Liberal National two boroughs across the country servatives as the sine qua non of influence continued to be felt was pre- in which Liberals remained the reunion, he would have found in one important respect. Since served at a largest single group.31 Not until it impossible to adopt a different 1931 there had been no contests 1962 did they lose this position stance at the local level. between Conservatives and time when in Huddersfield. Agreement on policy posed the representatives of the Hud- What happened in Hudders- no problems and at a second dersfield Liberal Association in the Liberal field needs to be set in a broader meeting the two delegations annual elections to the borough context. In many areas a tradi- agreed upon a five-point state- council. Only in by-elections Nation- tion of Liberal–Conservative ment to be submitted for the did the two parties oppose one als, for all cooperation predated the Lib- approval of their respective another in order to determine eral National schism of 1931–32 associations. The key point was which of them should compete practical and continued into the post-war that the Huddersfield Liberal with Labour thereafter. The era. It tended to depend upon a Association and the Hudders- advantages which this arrange- purposes, right-leaning local Liberal Party field Borough Liberal Associa- ment to avoid three-cornered which saw socialism as the ulti- tion must both dissolve, that a contests had brought about – in finally mate challenge to its core princi- new body would then be created effect Liberal control of the local sacrificed ples and values. Even before 1914 out of the joint membership and council – were not lightly to there were towns in which Lib- that this new Association must be abandoned and an informal theirs. erals were starting to join forces

36 Journal of Liberal History 52 Autumn 2006 liberalism reunited with the Conservatives in an The sur- Liberals and Conservatives ruled ment for Huddersfield West, anti-Labour front for local elec- out a national alliance, these did a seat he held until the general tions. By the inter-war period a vival of not preclude a local parliamen- election of 1964. In parallel with Liberal presence was only main- tary agreement.34 The town’s the arrangement in local govern- tained on many councils as a Liberalism group of Liberal councillors, ment, this Conservative–Liberal result of anti-socialist municipal where residual Liberal National pact allowed for the presence alliances with the Tories. Even as a potent influence remained strong, was of a Liberal MP at a time when in Manchester, with its long rad- force in of like mind. ‘The only matter the parliamentary party seemed ical tradition, Liberals effectively upon which there was full agree- in danger of disappearing alto- gave up their independence Hudders- ment was that three-cornered gether. Indeed, Huddersfield when, in 1931, they joined the elections were most undesir- West and Bolton West – where, Conservatives in an anti-Labour field in the able and that the probable result after 1951, Liberals enjoyed the pact. Politics in Bristol followed of such elections would be the benefits of a similar but more a similar pattern. After the Sec- immediate return to Parliament of Labour formal pact – were the only two ond World War the Conservative post-war Members.’35 Indeed, the coun- English constituencies which Party found it possible tacitly to cillors reacted strongly when it consistently returned Liberal support, or at least not oppose, era helped was suggested that the HLA had Members through the 1950s. 39 right-leaning Liberal MPs, such decided to nominate a candidate History would show that a as Sir Rhys Hopkin Morris in lend cred- for the East Division and they right-leaning anti-socialist front Carmarthen. In Cardiganshire called upon the association to did not offer the Liberal Party in 1948 the local Tories initiated ibility to reaffirm its previous announce- the road to salvation which it negotiations with their Liberal the party’s ment that it would energetically sought. Indeed, by the time counterparts about the possibil- promote a Liberal candidature that the Huddersfield pact was ity of a jointly supported candi- claim to in the West Division, but not dissolved in the early 1960s, Jo date to oppose Labour. 32 cause a three-cornered fight in Grimond was tentatively leading West Riding towns such as remain the East.36 his party towards realignment Huddersfield, where Liberalism The Conservatives responded with non-ideological Labour. had always been individualist a viable positively. After all, the local Nonetheless, the survival of and anti-Labour in orientation, political Tory organisation was not well Liberalism as a potent force in with the economic liberalism of placed to fight two constituen- Huddersfield in the immediate local mill-owning families to force. cies after twenty years of relative post-war era helped lend cred- the fore, offered fertile ground electoral inactivity. Recognis- ibility to the party’s claim to for this sort of strategy. The ing that, if Liberals stood in both remain a viable political force challenge to Mabane from the constituencies, a Conserva- at a time when that claim was in Borough Liberal Association tive victory in either would be danger of being forfeited. had never really been a challenge unlikely, and conscious that from the Liberal left. Indeed, at a every single seat won might be David Dutton is Professor of Mod- meeting of the Yorkshire Liberal important in the drive to remove ern History at the University of Liv- Federation in July 1943 delegates Attlee’s Labour government erpool. His forthcoming study of the had debated a motion proposed from office, the Executive of National Liberal Party, Liberals in by Ashley Mitchell in which the the Huddersfield Conservative Schism, will be published by I.B. author of the Beveridge Report Association recommended on Tauris. was described as a socialist.33 4 January 1950 the withdrawal Thus, while many Liberals had of their candidate in the West 1 I. Hunter, ‘The final quest for Lib- no hesitation in denouncing the Division in favour of a Liberal, eral reunion 1943–46’, Journal of Lib- eral Democrat History 32 (2001), pp. Liberal Nationals, they often did providing that, in the event of 12–16. so from a standpoint that had the Liberals holding the bal- 2 I have explored these issues more much in common with them. ance after the election, the lat- fully in ‘William Mabane and Hud- Nor was the strategy of con- ter pledged himself to oppose a dersfield Politics, 1931–47: By any tinuing inter-party cooperation Labour administration commit- other name a Liberal’, Northern His- tory, XLIII, 1 (2006), pp.137–53. in Huddersfield restricted to ted to further socialism in any 3 Kirklees District Archives municipal politics. The constitu- vote of confidence in the House (K.D.A.), WYK 1146/1/2/1, Bor- ency was divided into two seats, of Commons.37 ough Women’s Liberal Association East and West, soon after the Donald Wade, the Liberal Question and Answer Session 30 general election of 1945, opening candidate, sought to avoid the July 1942. I am grateful to Kirklees District Archives for permission to up fruitful scope for a mutually appearance of a formal pact, but quote from unpublished material advantageous arrangement. It was happy to announce that this in their care. was Elliott Dodds who first took was the sort of pledge he would 4 Mitchell contested Scarborough and up the issue in the pages of the willingly give to an enquiring Whitby in 1923 and 1924, Penistone Examiner, arguing that although elector.38 On this basis Wade fundamental differences between found himself elected to parlia- concluded on page 43

Journal of Liberal History 52 Autumn 2006 37 A ‘sincere, thorough and hearty Liberal’?

A ‘sincere, thorough and hearty Liberal’, as he liked to describe himself, Jabez Spencer Balfour, MP for Tamworth from 1880 to 1885 and for Burnley from 1889 until 1892, was, if not exactly an ornament, certainly an undoubted asset to the Liberal cause until commercial and personal disaster plunged him into notoriety. He had built before then a reputation as a shrewd and successful businessman, a pillar of Nonconformity, a devoted friend of the temperance movement, and a dedicated champion of Liberalism, first in municipal Croydon and then on the national platforms on to which, as a reliably crowd-pleasing orator, he was often invited to speak. David McKie tells his story.

38 Journal of Liberal History 52 Autumn 2006 A ‘sincere, thorough and hearty Liberal’? jabez balfour, 1843 – 1916

alfour – Jabez in was Croydon, where he soon Under his Tamworth in the west Midlands, his youth and in his established himself as a person of his heart was always in Croydon, late notoriety, but consequence. The town’s popu- guidance, where it often seemed that little always J. Spencer lation had grown from 6,000 in of consequence moved without Balfour when he 1801 to well over 50,000 by the the Libera- him. The issues he raised in the Bwas in his prime – was born, on time the Balfours arrived, and Commons were as likely to con- 4 September 1843, in the Maida Jabez and Liberal businessmen tor building cern the people of Croydon as Hill area of London, to Clara like him believed it was time it society … the people of Tamworth. Before Lucas Balfour, a celebrated lec- was thoroughly modernised and borough status, he regularly turer, writer and temperance given its independence from the established topped the poll for the school campaigner, and her husband county of Surrey. board. He sat on the bench and James, who had married her Though motivated by a itself as was active in local charities. He when she was not yet sixteen high local patriotism, they also spoke often, and copiously, at and whose own attachment scented a political advantage. the biggest the extravagant self-congratu- to the temperance movement Ratepayers excluded from vot- society in latory banquets that punctuated reflected a previous weakness for ing under the old limited vestry the civic year. He served on an drink. Clara Balfour’s fame as system would be enfranchised the land, array of committees from the a writer and a speaker at a time if Croydon attained borough hospital to the commons preser- when women speakers on public status, and that would push up offering vation society. He was president platforms were rare brought the the Liberal vote. ‘In Croydon’ of the local Liberal Party and a family out of near penury into a says J. N. Morris in his history families … patriotic officer in the military relative affluence which paid for of religion and politics in the the chance Volunteers. the precocious young Jabez to be town, Religion and Urban Change, He was also by now a figure sent to schools abroad. ‘incorporation put an end to the to liberate of increasing national repu- By now, his father was work- claims of Anglicanism to act as tation. Under his guidance, ing at the Palace of Westmin- the focus of community loyalties themselves the Liberator building society ster as an aide to more senior … what the “democratisation” – its name designed to echo officials while developing his of local government … achieved from the that of the Liberation Society, own business interests. In the was therefore the supersession suze- an umbrella organisation pro- year of his seventeenth birth- of the Anglican oligarchy who moting the interests of English day, probably though his father’s had previously ruled the town rainty of and Welsh Nonconformity and contacts, Jabez joined a firm of by what was in effect “a new challenging the privileged sta- parliamentary agents. But his municipal elite”.’ landlords. tus of Anglicanism – established ravening ambition and restless That Croydon was given bor- itself as the biggest society in energy propelled him towards ough status in 1883 might have the land, offering families who greater things. Having married been partly due, Balfour sug- (Left): Jabez had seen no such hope before ‘wanted’ on and settled in Reigate, he moved gested, to the influence he had charges of fraud the chance to liberate them- in 1869 with his wife and young deployed as a backbench Liberal (Croydon Local selves from the suzerainty of family to the greater stage that MP. Though he represented Studies Library) landlords. A string of satellite

Journal of Liberal History 52 Autumn 2006 39 A ‘sincere, thorough and hearty Liberal’? companies buttressed the Liber- for the Liberation Society as hos- greatness of Gladstone to the ator: some to buy land, some to tile to the survival of the Angli- need to reform the franchise build homes for the society’s cli- can church and by implication and extend it to women or the ents. In time, the Balfour group to the Christian religion too. case for home rule for Ireland, launched its own bank, the Lon- And despite their success in local he could captivate and enthuse don and General. Before long, it politics, the Liberals were con- an audience, his Commons moved away from its founding sistently disappointed at national speeches were rare and made commitment to extending the elections in Croydon, even after no great impact. An MP could benefits of home ownership to Jabez had gone and less contro- achieve far more, he liked to unprivileged families and began versial candidates contested the explain, by assiduous work in to embark on prestige projects: seat. Maybe with his character- committees and party meetings the mighty Hotel Cecil, off the istic optimism, Jabez overesti- and Westminster corridors than Strand; the luxurious apartment mated his chances of success. At by addressing the House. He complex of Hyde Park Court; any rate, in the event, he took made much more of a splash in Whitehall Court, alongside the only 4,315 votes to the 5,484 of His fellow his constituencies: at Burnley, National Liberal Club. Admir- the eminent local Tory drafted a town he always extolled in ers began to talk of Balfour’s in to oppose him. Croydon lavish terms, he got himself ‘Midas touch’, and companies His affection for Croydon did installed as president of the in trouble sought to steady not survive this reverse. There- Liberals football club, on whose behalf themselves and redeem their after he was rarely seen in the he accepted the Lancashire Cup reputations by giving him seats town. He left his fine house and persuaded after their unexpected defeat on their boards. As the Pall Mall moved to the edge of Hyde Park, him to put of their bitter rivals Blackburn Gazette was later to recollect: while he also acquired a coun- in 1890, while also delivering ‘Evidently, he was the coming try house in the village of Bur- his name a lecture lasting one hour and man, and there appeared to be cot in Oxfordshire, where he twenty minutes to the local Lit- no bounds to his popularity. He established himself as the phil- forward erary and Philosophical Society was affluent, always smiling, anthropic modernising squire of in honour of Dr Johnson. And always ready to give freely of the village. as charter working people’s organisations both time and money.’ Balfour was eager throughout mayor of were impressed with the energy So when borough status was to resume his career at West- and resolution with which he granted, his fellow Croydon minster. Though he lost at Wal- the town, took up their causes at West- Liberals persuaded him to put his worth in the general election of minster and in government name forward as charter mayor 1886, and failed to hold a Liberal a role he offices. Above all, he got him- of the town, a role he performed seat at a by-election in Don- self talked about: as for instance with such energy, enthusiasm, caster two years later, he took performed when, trapped in a late-running generosity and swagger that advantage of an early warning of with such train and anxious not to be late the aldermen and councillors a coming vacancy at Burnley to for a Burnley occasion, he hired voted to keep him on for a sec- sweep into the town and tie up energy, a special train to complete his ond term. With his seat at Tam- the nomination within hours of journey from Wakefield. worth doomed to be swept away the formal announcement that enthu- Yet the party leader on whom in a redistribution, he hoped to the former member was quitting. he always lavished such praise ride back to Westminster on this Six days later, he was elected siasm, failed to fulfil his dream of min- tide of popularity at the general for Burnley, unopposed, the generosity isterial office. Perhaps Gladstone election of 1885 as member for town’s Unionists having been knew what was coming. Within Croydon. so badly wrong-footed that they and swag- weeks of his re-election, Bal- But here he was disappointed. did not put up a candidate. At four’s commercial empire was In the second year of his mayor- the general election of 1892, he ger that in serious trouble. The economy alty his reputation was dented was re-elected with the biggest was running into recession. The by the operational problems percentage majority seen in the the alder- near-collapse of the great city and financial difficulties of town since the 1832 Reform Act. men and house of Barings had fractured the Croydon tramway system, Now he anticipated preferment, investors’ confidence. And sub- which he ran with some Liberal confidently expecting, accord- councillors ordinates strategically placed colleagues, and his opposition ing to one seasoned political within Balfour companies had to a planned new railway line reporter, an under-secretaryship voted to begun to betray him. The col- linking the town centre with the at the very least. lapse of one of these companies city of London – an opposition The record of his Commons keep him brought down his London and all too clearly attributable to his performances hardly suggested on for a General Bank, where customers seat on the board of a rival com- that Balfour would prosper at found the doors locked against pany. The Tories also succeeded the despatch box. Despite his second them on 2 September 1892, and in alienating potential supporters success on public platforms, within a few days the rest of the by representing Balfour’s support where on subjects from the term. empire began to look doomed.

40 Journal of Liberal History 52 Autumn 2006 A ‘sincere, thorough and hearty Liberal’? Balfour tried to dismiss these Balfour Balfour established himself in Yard’s extradition specialist, a problems as merely ephemeral, Buenos Aires and then, when the redoubtable man called Frank but investigations by the Offi- had worked press caught up with him there, Froest, hired a train and had it cial Receiver swiftly made them in Salta, 800 miles up-country. stationed in sidings near Salta. look terminal. on the Here he was joined by a When, in April 1895, the latest The whole edifice, it was young woman he said was his ruling favouring Balfour’s extra- quickly established, had been basis that wife, though in fact she was the dition was reported from Bue- built on illusion. The cel- if people daughter of an old business asso- nos Aires, he had Balfour aboard ebrated profits were nearly all ciate, who had been his unoffi- the train before the local courts pure invention. Balfour had thought cial ward after the early death of could convene to declare this worked on the basis that if peo- her father. His wife, Ellen, had procedure illegal. With Froest on ple thought you were highly you were long been out of the picture, the footplate, the train steamed successful and prosperous they confined to the Priory Hospi- south-eastwards. But a posse of would pump in the sums that in highly suc- tal since a breakdown after the Salta officials and Balfour sym- time would make you successful cessful and birth of her second child, with pathisers caught up with it, and and prosperous. Under Balfour’s no expectation that she would one of the officials rode on to the accounting system, companies prosperous ever recover. Ensconced in Salta, line in order to block the tracks. simply computed what divi- Balfour resisted all attempts When the driver attempted to dends and bonuses would need they would to return him to London. He stop the train, Froest obstructed to be paid to keep them looking planned to do business there, and him, and the train mowed the healthy and commercially allur- pump in the local community was confi- horseman down. Later the Brit- ing, and then cooked the figures the sums dent he would bring the place ish government paid $50 in ex to fit. Fictitious transactions were new prosperity. The great tem- gratia compensation, stipulating engineered between Balfour that in perance champion negotiated to that this was to cover both the companies (easily done, as the purchase a local brewery. Even man and the horse. directors of company A would time would when the extradition treaty was The outcome of the trial be much the same people as the finally ratified, he thought him- when it came was a foregone directors of company B) to boost make you self safe, arguing that it could not conclusion, and the sentence of company balance sheets when successful be used retrospectively. fourteen years’ imprisonment results were due to be published When the federal courts in with hard labour, handed down and dividends fixed. Complai- and pros- Buenos Aires said that it could, on 28 November 1895, reflected sant valuers and auditors devised he took up more time by appeal- less the largely technical charges and approved grossly inflated perous. ing. He was adept in exploiting he faced than the public outrage assessments of company assets. the angry resistance to central over the havoc the crash had (At one point, one of the Balfour power then evident in much of created. Many hundreds were companies had as its auditors a the Argentine republic, claim- ruined. Some killed themselves; retired Nonconformist minister ing that federal attempts to send some went mad; some died from and Jabez’s tailor in Walling- him home constituted an outra- grief and despair. ‘You will ford.) The money which trust- geous attack on the rights of the never’ Balfour was told by the ing investors had committed to province. As soon as a ruling judge, a former Conservative the Liberator to safeguard their was given by the government MP, ‘be able to shut from your futures had been shamelessly or the courts of the capital, the ears the cries of the widows and milked for other Balfourite pur- authorities in Salta refused to orphans you have ruined.’ poses. Too late, they found that accept it and asserted his right He served ten years and four the man who paraded himself as to stay. And even when that months of his sentence. Released their benefactor had robbed and hope of escape appeared to be on 14 April 1906, he was hired betrayed them. exhausted, he and his advis- by the Northcliffe Press to write As the awful truth began to ers discovered a provision in an account of his prison expe- emerge, ruined shareholders and Argentine law which said that riences, which led the Weekly Liberator clients clamoured for no one against whom a legal Despatch for twenty-six weeks recompense, even for vengeance. case was outstanding might and was later, in a slightly more But at this point, their prey dis- leave the country; on which muted form, published as a book: appeared. For weeks there were basis, they organised a roster of My Prison Life. Remarkably free rumours of sightings all round sympathisers to bring actions from self-pity and self-excul- the world. In fact, he had fled to against him one after the other. pation, its revelations shocked Argentina, which seemed a safe British officials in Buenos middle-class breakfast tables. enough choice since no extradi- Aires began to warn London When the Northcliffe Press tion treaty existed between that that hopes of ever getting him tired of him, he set himself up country and Britain (there had back were fading. In the end it as a mining consultant, though been negotiations, but no final took something close to a kidnap that came to a halt with the out- version had ever been ratified). to bring him home. Scotland break of war.

Journal of Liberal History 52 Autumn 2006 41 A ‘sincere, thorough and hearty Liberal’? But still he would not give Perhaps less dishonest than his to make pious people, among whom he up. In August 1915, just short of their businesses prosper; and got aspired to be numbered, could his seventy-second birthday, he the great- clean away with it. Bad though always shore themselves up with went out to Burma to take up he was – and the sufferings he a precedent from 1 Chronicles a post at a tin mine. When his est mystery inflicted on his victims cannot 4:10, which suggested that God new employers realised how old be condoned or forgiven – he might approve of their hopes of he was, and contemplated what in Balfour’s was not, even then, the worst of becoming rich. ‘And Jabez called the heat of the place might do story is the bunch. on the God of Israel, saying, Oh him, they ordered him home. Perhaps the greatest mystery that thou wouldest bless me That decision, though well whether in Balfour’s story is whether he indeed, and enlarge my coast, meant, was fatal; he returned was an honest man who went to and that thine hand might be to a bitter winter. He died on he was an the bad or whether he was bad all with me, and that thou would- 23 February 1916, on a train to along. His mother had written to est keep me from evil, that it south Wales, where he was due honest one of his older brothers when may not grieve me! And God to start a new job with a col- man who Jabez was five: ‘he will either be granted him that which he had liery company. ‘A man of cold- good or evil – there is nothing requested.’ blooded villainy’, The Times went to negative about him’. Spender, ‘Into the depths of human had dubbed him in the moment who examined his rise and fall motives’ wrote Spender ‘what of his disgrace, ‘one of the most the bad or more closely than most, was sure plummet can be cast? In the impudent and heartless scoun- never entirely sure. His develop- complexities of human charac- drels on record.’ Yet now he whether he ment of the Liberator seems to ter, who shall judge or decide?’ was almost forgotten. It took was bad all have been coloured by a genu- These are questions that go some time for the authorities in ine commitment to enhance the much wider and deeper than the Newport, where his body was along. daily lives of Nonconformist history of Jabez Balfour. removed from the Fishguard England – while also enhancing train, to establish who the dead the lives of those who sat round David McKie, a former deputy man was. Obituarists over the the boardroom table. This Non- editor and chief leader writer of next few days remembered him conformist Liberal was fully The Guardian, now in retire- as a minor politician and major attuned to the kind of teach- ment, writes a weekly column, rogue. ing more often identified with Elsewhere. His Jabez, The Rise Yet others who knew him Adam Smith and for that mat- and Fall of a Victorian Rogue, suggested that had bad times not ter Margaret Thatcher, which published in 2004, was shortlisted arrived when they did, he might teaches that men fired with the for the Whitbread biography prize. have ended up knighted, pos- urge for self-enrichment are His Great British Bus Journeys: sibly ennobled, even a member often the most effective agents Travels though Unfamous perhaps of the Privy Council. for the general improvement of Places appeared in March 2006. Had his companies survived the economy and of society. And through the crisis of 1892, they might possibly, some City observers maintained, have pros- Journal subscriptions pered to a degree where genuine profits would have accrued, his As noted in the last edition, the subscription rate for the Journal of Liberal History is increasing from the 2006–07 membership year, which starts with the next issue, number 53. This will allow companies might have been put us to increase the length of each issue and so publish the greater volume of material now being back on an honest footing, and submitted. We have also taken the opportunity to simplify the rates structure, which is as follows: those who became his victims Standard subscription (printed copies): £20.00 a year for individuals (£12.50 unwaged) and would have been saved from £30.00 for institutions. Overseas (non-UK) subscribers should add £5.00 to these rates. penury. Some of his cherished projects, like the Hotel Cecil, Online subscription (no printed copies will be sent, but access is made available online to pdf would indeed make substantial versions of all current and past issues): £40.00 for individuals and £50.00 for institutions. money one day. And certainly, it For payment details, see page 3. Payment is now possible by credit card via our website, www. was mordantly noted later in the liberalhistory.org.uk. City and in newspaper commen- The subscription year for individual subscriptions starts on 1 October, but subscriptions taries – the outstanding example commencing after 30 June continue until 30 September in the following year without further of which, still richly readable, payment. Subscribers receive all issues of the Journal published during the subscription year; those was that by J. A. Spender in the joining before 1 July are sent any issued since the previous 1 October. The subscription includes Westminster Gazette – there were membership of the History Group unless we are informed otherwise. those now occupying the high Institutional subscribers are invoiced at the start of the calendar year for the period until the places to which Jabez Spencer following 31 December. Balfour had once aspired who Standing order mandate forms are available on request from the Membership Secretary (see had resorted to methods no contact details on page 3).

42 Journal of Liberal History 52 Autumn 2006 liberalism reunited

Liberalism Reunited appropriate acknowledgement 1946. Thomas sent Eden a list of 31 V. Bogdanor (ed.), Liberal Party Continued from page 37 will be made in any future ‘Liberal National constituen- Politics (Oxford, 1983), p. 254. publications. cies’ which included Hudders- 32 National Library of Wales, in 1929, Halifax in 1935 and Bat- 9 K.D.A., WYK 1146/1/2/1, field despite the fact that the Cardiganshire Liberal Associa- ley & Morley in 1945. Wood- Borough Women’s Liberal seat had been lost in the 1945 tion papers, file24 . head stood in Huddersfield in Association meeting 30 August general election. 33 West Yorkshire Archives Serv- 1918, in Sheffield Hillsborough 1945. 20 K.D.A., Mabane MSS, DD/ ice, WYL 456/3, Yorkshire in 1923 and in Pudsey & Otley 10 K.D.A., WYK 1146/1/4/1, WM/1/9, Hickman to Mabane Liberal Federation meeting 22 in 1924. Dodds was Liberal can- Borough Liberals meeting 30 12 October 1946. May 1943. didate in York in 1922 and 1923, October 1945. 21 K.D.A., Mabane MSS, DD/ 34 Huddersfield Daily Examiner, 7 in Halifax in 1929 and in Roch- 11 K.D.A., Mabane MSS, DD/ WM/1/9, Mabane to Hickman Oct. 1947. See also B. J. Evans dale in 1931 and 1935. Granted WM/1/9, H.V. Wood to J.D. 11 October 1946. and A. J. Taylor, ‘The Rise and their collective lack of electoral Eaton Smith 6 November 1945. 22 Huddersfield Weekly Examiner, Fall of Two-Party Electoral success, Mabane ridiculed the 12 K.D.A., WYK 1146/1/1/5, 23 November 1946. Co-operation’, Political Studies aspirations of his opponents. Huddersfield Liberal Asso- 23 Ibid., 14 December 1946. XXXII (1984), pp. 257–72. ‘Although they have been given ciation Officers meeting 5 24 K.D.A., WYK 1146/1/4/1, 35 K.D.A., DD/CS/dp/13, meet- the pick of Liberal candidatures December 1945. Borough Liberal Association ing of Liberal councillors 6 throughout the North of Eng- 13 K.D.A., Mabane MSS, DD/ executive meeting 26 Novem- April 1948. land, they have contrived not WM/1/9, Hickman to Mabane ber 1946. 36 K.D.A., DD/CS/dp/13, meet- merely to reduce the Liberal 10 January 1946. 25 Huddersfield Weekly Examiner, ing of Liberal councillors 1 vote but to put themselves very 14 K.D.A., WYK 1146/1/4/1, 23 November 1946. November 1949. safely and successfully at the Borough Liberals meeting 29 26 K.D.A., WYK 1146/1/2/1, 37 Huddersfield Daily Examiner, 5 bottom of the poll.’ Huddersfield January 1946. Borough Women’s Liberal January 1950. Weekly Examiner, 1 April 1939. 15 K.D.A., WYK 1146/1/4/1, Association members meeting 38 Ibid., 13 January 1950. 5 Huddersfield Daily Examiner, 5 Borough Liberals meeting 27 27 March 1947. 39 In Bolton a formal agreement April 1939. May 1946. 27 K.D.A., WYK 1146/1/4/1, was signed by the chairmen of 6 Ibid., 17 July 1939. 16 K.D.A., Mabane MSS, DD/ meeting of delegates of Hud- the Liberal and Conservative 7 The figures were Mallalieu WM/1/9, Mabane to Hickman dersfield Liberal Association Associations, allowing Arthur 33,362, Mabane 24,496 and 6 May 1946. and Borough Liberal Associa- Holt a free run in Bolton West. Harrod 11,199. 17 K.D.A., Mabane MSS, DD/ tion 28 April 1947. This agreement lasted until 8 K.D.A., Mabane MSS, DD/ WM/1/9, Hickman to Mabane 28 K.D.A., WYK 1146/1/4/1, Frank Byers contested a by- WM/1/9, Hickman to Mabane 8 July 1946. Borough Liberal Association election for the Liberals in Bol- 20 August 1945. Every effort 18 K.D.A., Mabane MSS, DD/ A.G.M. 21 May 1947. ton East in 1960. has been made, but without WM/1/9, Hickman to Mabane 29 Report of meeting held on 15 success, to trace the holder of 12 October 1946. June 1947 in Hylites, the news- the copyright in the Mabane 19 University of Birmingham, heet of the Huddersfield Young papers. If the holder would Avon MSS, AP 11/12/38, J.P.L. Liberals Association. care to contact the author, Thomas to A. Eden 29 May 30 The Times, 6 April 1956.

British Liberal Political Studies Group Winter Conference 2007 Call for Paper Presenters

The British Political Liberal • The Liberal Democrats in the 2006. Please send ideas to the • Non-members of the Brit- Studies Group winter conference European Parliament Conference Convenor, Dr Russell ish Liberal Political Studies will be held on the weekend • The Liberal Democrats in Deacon, who will then circulate Group or the Liberal Demo- of 19–21 January 2007 at local government them to the BLPSG executive. crat History Group: £198 for Birmingham University’s • Ideology of Liberalism and or the weekend or £99 for a conference centre. policy creation Registration details single night. • The Liberal Democrats and The conference is hosted by The registration fee for The Saturday night will also host issues of gender INLOGOV and is organised in the conference, including a dinner with a guest speaker. • Liberal lessons from history conjunction with the Liberal accommodation, will be: Please contact Russell Deacon • Liberal leadership (particu- Democrat History Group. to receive a booking form. Due to larly comparative) • Members of the British Lib- limited space, bookings should be • Liberal political figureheads eral Political Studies Group Panels made early. or political trend-setters or the Liberal Democrat Proposed panels for papers History Group who are pre- Paper-givers are required to Conference Convenor include: senting papers: £148 for the submit a 200-word summary of weekend or £80 for a single Dr Russell Deacon • The evolution of the Liberal their paper to the Conference night. British Liberal Political Studies Democrats and the current Convenor. If the paper is deemed • Members of the British Lib- Group direction of the party of the required standard for eral Political Studies Group • Studies of local Liberal the group then a space will be UWIC, Cyncoed, Cardiff CF23 or the Liberal Democrat His- Democrat parties and allocated for it on a relevant 6XR; email: [email protected]; tory Group not presenting campaigning panel. Ideas for papers should be tel: 02920 417102 papers: £175 for the week- • Liberal Democrats in power submitted as soon as possible, end or £85 for a single night. and opposition and the full papers by 13 October

Journal of Liberal History 52 Autumn 2006 43 Reviews

The 2005 general election Andrew Geddes and Jonathan Tonge (ed.): Britain Decides – The UK General Election 2005 (Palgrave, 2005)

John Bartle and Anthony King (ed.): Britain at the Polls 2005 (CQ Press, 2005)

Dennis Kavanagh and David Butler: The British General Election of 2005 (Palgrave, 2005)

Pippa Norris and Christopher Wlezien (ed.): Britain Votes 2005 (Oxford University Press, 2005)

Reviewed by Tom Kiehl

or the Liberal Democrats the electorate may otherwise in the 2001–05 parlia- suggest. Fment there was something As much a fixture of general reminiscent of the sense of elections themselves, numer- optimism and opportunity felt ous books are published in by the SDP/Liberal Alliance in their aftermath to assess the the 1979–83 Parliament. In both campaigns, results and why the cases the government had led public voted in the way that Four titles the country into a controver- they did. Four titles, to a greater … have sial war based on questionable or lesser extent, have attempted motives, the main opposition to get to grips with the question attempted party was divided, ineffec- as to whether 2005 represented a tual and stood little chance of success or a missed opportunity to get to winning an election and the for the Liberal Democrats. main third party went into the Although no specific tome grips with general election anticipating a focuses entirely on the Lib the ques- potential breakthrough follow- Dems, two have individual ing a string of sensational by- chapters on the Liberal Demo- tion as to election results. crat campaign and the implica- As was the case in 1983, the tions of the result for the party whether result of the 2005 general elec- – Britain Votes 2005, edited by tion was mixed. The percentage Pippa Norris and Christopher 2005 rep- of the electorate prepared to Wlezien, and Britain Decides: resented a vote for the Liberal Democrats The UK General Election 2005, in 2005 jumped from the teens edited by Andrew Geddes and success or to the twenties, as happened Jonathan Tonge. A third, The to the SDP/Liberal Alliance British General Election of 2005, a missed in 1983. However, a net gain of by Dennis Kavanagh and David around a dozen seats in both Butler, has a ‘Lib Dem and the opportu- contests did not quite give others’ chapter, but this merely nity for the main third party adequate sets the scene ahead of the grounds for proclaiming the campaign proper. The fourth, the Liberal breakthrough that the backing Britain at the Polls 2005, edited by of a quarter, or thereabouts, of John Bartle and Anthony King, Democrats.

44 Journal of Liberal History 52 Autumn 2006 reviews has no specific chapter on the The overall the party not taken such a cen- Both Britain Decides and Lib Dems. tre-left stance on most issues, Britain Votes 2005 have their fair The two titles which have tone of this success may have been more share of useful statistics and individual chapters on the party forthcoming. Fieldhouse and tables to mull over, though if are the most useful for schol- chapter Cutts concede that there were this is what you are looking for ars attempting to interpret the positives for the party to draw then you should undoubtedly result from a Liberal Democrat is that from the result – the Lib Dems choose The British General Elec- perspective. These are further the elec- are clearly the only challenger tion of 2005. Taking the same for- enhanced by the fact that the to Labour in the big cities, and mat as they have done for many chapters were contributed by tion was the real story in this election is years, Kavanagh and Butler’s Andrew Russell and Edward in non-Lib Dem seats where the style is the most identifiable to Fieldhouse, the authors of last more of an party increased its share by 4.3 readers and, unlike the other year’s excellent Neither Left nor per cent on average. However, books, is helped by being writ- Right – The Liberal Democrats and opportu- what is striking about the Field- ten almost entirely by the two the Electorate. nity lost in house and Cutts piece are the principal editors. Although the Andrew Russell’s piece in numerous references to the Lib Liberal Democrats rarely come Britain Votes 2005 is quite descrip- an uneven Dems running at a high-water under special attention in this tive, though he makes some mark or to a ‘ceiling effect’ in book, it does make good obser- salient points. He argues that, perform- traditional areas and seats they vations about their campaign. It had the party gained seats more already hold. The impression suggests that the party had the evenly from the other parties ance for given is that the Lib Dems have clear support of The Independent instead of predominantly at the the Liberal now been boxed into a corner newspaper, a paper which gave expense of Labour, this would where they face a huge strate- the most positive coverage of have been preferable, even if the Democrats. gic dilemma and that the only the election and also one of the total net gain had remained the rational response would be con- few to increase its circulation same. This is an interesting view solidate what they have got and during the month. One could that has not been heard much hope for incremental gains. take the view that the party’s elsewhere. He also presents the Having Russell and, in slight improvement during the party as looking more vulner- part, Fieldhouse contribute campaign may in some way be able to recovery on the part of these chapters acts as a fitting attributed to this. However, either or both of the other main addendum to Neither Left nor The British General Election of parties in a way not seen since Right, which was always going 2005 makes the criticism that 1997. His underlying concern is to suffer from being published the party needs to improve its the party’s strategic dichotomy so close to the 2005 general national campaign to comple- and the fact that it has not yet election. ment its well-established tar- demonstrated that it can appeal Overall Britain Decides: geting. John Curtice, Stephen to both moderate Conservatives The UK General Election 2005 is Fisher and Michael Steed are and those to the left of Labour in preferable to Britain Votes 2005. brought in at the end of the equal measure at the same time. Both dissect the election with book to analyse the results. Russell concludes that the logi- individual chapters on the effect They highlight potential new cal future for the party may be to of the leaders, media and issues; trends in favour of the Lib Dems return to a long-term strategy of however, in Britain Decides the amongst Muslims, students equidistance. robust conclusion by the edi- and tactical-voting Conserva- In his chapter in Britain tors of the book is a particularly tives while also emphasising Decides: The UK General Election powerful rallying call for vot- the opportunity offered by 2005, Edward Fieldhouse, along ing reform. The style of Britain 2005’s substantive growth in the with David Cutts, paints an Decides is also more accessible. number of second places. even grimmer view of the elec- Several constituency contests Of the four books, Britain at tion result and future prospects are highlighted for closer the Polls 2005 is the least useful for the party. The overall tone inspection at the end of each for those wanting to analyse the of this chapter is that the elec- chapter – six involving Lib Dem election from a Lib Dem per- tion was more of an opportunity battles; five of them are Lib spective. The whole feel of this lost in an uneven performance Dem victories and one Lib Dem text is that it is aimed far more for the Liberal Democrats. The loss. The book might have also at an American market where chapter is not a direct attack benefited from an analysis of the idea of three-party politics on a poor campaign and makes one or two near-misses – either is quite alien. This book is more it clear that it would be harsh where the party expected to of a collection of essays about to blame the Lib Dems for gain (Orpington) or where they disparate topics grouped loosely not making a breakthrough, came from nowhere almost to under the umbrella of the 2005 given the electoral system. Yet take the seat (Islington South & general election. Still, some there is a sense here that had Finsbury). interesting ideas are addressed

Journal of Liberal History 52 Autumn 2006 45 reviews in a couple of the chapters. the morning of 6 May 2005. Of He does when the dispossessed burst the Anthony King, in ‘Why Labour course, 2005 was better than silence ‘by the only power at its won – again’, contains a beauti- 1983. Achieving sixty-two seats concede command’. ful illustration of the diversity of in a night made up largely of The Village Labourer caused the UK national picture and its gains is better than winning that … the a sensation when it was first no longer being about uniform twenty three seats in a night published in 1911, selling over a national swings, by comparing mainly of losses. However, the party has thousand copies in the first six the contrasting fortunes of the sense on the one hand of moral put itself in months. It caught the wind of Lib Dem 2001 gains in Cheadle victory and on the other of the public debate on the ‘flight and Guildford. In his chapter, total exasperation is one that a position from the land’ which had found ‘New Labour’s Hegemony: has not been felt in the same its precursors in F. G. Heath’s Erosion or Extension?’, Ivor way since 1983. There is enough whereby it The English Peasantry (1874) and Crewe provides the most damn- information and advice in all G. C. Brodrick’s English Land ing indictment of the Liberal four books to ensure that the could make and English Landlords (1881). Democrats’ campaign and its Liberal Democrats do not have its much- More importantly, it added to result to be found in any of to wait another generation for the debate surrounding the land these books. Yet he does con- their potential breakthrough to vaunted reforms of the Liberal govern- cede that, provided there is a come about again. Party strate- ment, particularly after the change in overall strategy, the gists would do well to read these break- publication of The Land in 1913, party has put itself in a posi- books and take heed of them. the report of Lloyd George’s tion whereby it could make its through at Liberal Land Enquiry Commit- much-vaunted breakthrough at Tom Kiehl works in the Liberal the next tee. Upon reading The Village the next election. Democrat Whips’ Office in the Labourer, Arthur Clutton-Brock At the beginning I implied House of Lords, and is Deputy election. claimed never to have seen that you could be forgiven for Reviews Editor of the Journal of so powerful an argument for feeling a sense of déjà vu on Liberal History. ‘democracy in all its aspects’. A. E. Zimmern thought the style ‘quite Thucydidian’ and Graham Wallas praised its ‘over- mastering sense of dramatic force’.1 G. M. Trevelyan felt that The radical soul of liberalism if a cheap version of the book were made available to the poor, J. L. & Barbara Hammond: The Village Labourer Britain might face a revolution. (Nonsuch, 2005) Formal academic opinion, however, has been less kind to Reviewed by Tom Villis the Hammonds. The assault started with J. H. Clapham, who disliked the bias against the he conventional view of that enclosure made England upper classes. For him, enclo- the enclosure movement, economically more produc- sure was necessary to increase today as in 1911 when tive. However, in a series of T productivity, and he criticised the Village Labourer was first chapters written in Lawrence’s the Hammonds for the naivety published, is that it provided powerful prose and backed of their statistical analysis. This for the modernisation of agri- up by Barbara’s scrupulous gave rise to one of the long- culture, helped feed a growing research, the reader is shown est running historiographical population and kick-started how enclosure was in effect a debates of the twentieth cen- industrialisation. Changes in series of legalised thefts perpe- tury, the so-called ‘standard of agriculture can often be ana- trated by a parliament which living’ controversy. lysed in rather abstract ways: in acted only in the interests of On the one hand were terms of rising labour produc- the landed gentry. These acts, ranged the ‘catastrophic school’ tivity, for example, which made the Hammonds argue, stripped epitomised by the Hammonds a surplus of labour available the village labourer of his com- and the Webbs and continued for manufacturing. What Bar- mon land and his economic by E. P. Thompson. On the bara and Lawrence Hammond independence. In an attempt other side were the economic remind us – and we cannot be to alleviate the distress which historians, such as Clapham and reminded too often – is that followed, the Speenhamland – later – Chambers and Mingay, such ‘efficiency’ was achieved system of poor relief merely who stressed the effectiveness at the cost of immense suffering institutionalised pauperism. of enclosure in stimulating and the degradation of the rural The final part of the book then industrial growth and feeding poor. The authors do not deny describes the swing riots of 1830 a growing population. Like

46 Journal of Liberal History 52 Autumn 2006 reviews many such debates, however, Even E. P. Thompson takes the attempts of some to fit the it has generated as much heat issue with their ‘outraged Hammonds into a proto-Marx- as light. Some qualifications to emotion’ and their attempt ist tradition, they never entirely the Hammonds’ catastrophic to moralise history. Yet this lose faith in traditional liberal- vision are useful, notably that overtly moral standpoint gives ism. Unlike the Webbs, their the Speenhamland system was the book its enduring appeal. outrage is always with untram- not as systematic as they have This is not to say the substance melled capitalism rather than indicated. Nevertheless, as E. P. of the historical evidence has with capitalism itself; unlike Thompson famously pointed been entirely discredited; Peter Hilaire Belloc, their problem out in The Making of the Eng- Clarke for one has shown that is with unreformed parliament lish Working Class (1963), it is the empirical part of their rather than with parliamen- perfectly possible to maintain research has stood the test of tarism in general. In contrast that a slight improvement in time surprisingly well. to Marxist approaches to the average material standards The Hammonds, however, subject, shades of grey abound was accompanied by intensi- explicitly wrote the book to in the Hammonds’ account. fied exploitation and greater effect change in the present. Like true liberals, they cannot insecurity. Lawrence in private It forms, therefore, part of completely dismiss the gentle- expressed his irritation with the Whig historiographical man class which had been the ‘the new school which argues tradition in its tone, style and driving force behind English that if only one paid attention intended popular audience. constitutional development: to statistics it wd become clear Indeed, many of the preoccupa- that everything went well at tions of traditional liberalism … it is only just to record that the Ind. Rev.’2 It is testament are evident in the book. The in other regions of thought to the Hammonds’ continu- original subtitle was ‘A Study and conduct they bequeathed a ing importance that their work in the Government of England great inheritance of moral and remains the starting point for Before the Reform Bill’. This liberal ideas: a passion for jus- these debates nearly a hundred was dropped from subsequent tice between peoples, a sense years later. printings, restored in 1987, but for national freedom, a great Above all, one senses, it was dropped again for the present body of principle by which to the mixture of moral and scien- edition. Nevertheless, this check, refine, and discipline tific language which jarred on subtitle was evidence of the the gross appetites of national the ears of Clapham and subse- Hammonds’ continuing faith ambition. (p. 268) quent professional historians. in constitutional reform in the Whig tradition. Enclosure had The great service of the Ham- been passed by an unreformed monds’ book is to show us parliament; the Hammonds that this class, so admirable in had not lost faith in the power so many respects, could be so of liberal constitutional reform morally bankrupt with regard to provide for the resolution to those less fortunate than of social injustice. The book themselves. itself was intended to further However, the most striking the constitutional struggles of part of the Village Labourer is the the early twentieth century. If way in which the dispossessed the process by which land had are not treated as a mere abstrac- been acquired in the past could tion but allowed to speak with be shown to be questionable, it their own voice. This was the therefore ceased to be authorita- first time that the long-forgot- tive justification for arrange- ten riots of 1830 were exposed ments in the present. This to the reading public. Lawrence became an important argument had come across the disturbances for the taxing of landed wealth while leafing through old edi- in the People’s Budget of 1909 tions of Cobbett’s Political Regis- and the constitutional crisis ter. For readers at the beginning which followed. of the twenty-first century as Nevertheless, one of the much as those at the beginning attractions of the Hammonds’ of the twentieth, this final sec- book is the way one sees this tion on the riots which spread traditional Whig belief in the over southern England and the power of constitutional reform brutal repression with which in tension with the rights of they were met make compelling the poor labourer. Despite reading. The historical concern

Journal of Liberal History 52 Autumn 2006 47 reviews with the governed as well as Tom Villis lectures in history for society than a country governed the government, which is illus- the University of Cambridge, the centrally from Westminster’ trated so effectively in this book, Open University and Webster Uni- (p. x). Using Lloyd George’s becomes part of an academic versity. He is the author of Reac- own early correspondence and tradition taken up by Rudé, tion and the Avant-Garde: the diaries and those of his political Hobsbawm and Thompson. One revolt against liberal democracy contemporaries, and a great deal of the tragedies from the Liberal in early twentieth-century Brit- of searching through national Party’s point of view is that this ain (London: I.B. Tauris, 2006). and local newspapers over many moral outrage has been hijacked years, the author has quarried so effectively by the socialist left. 1 S. A. Weaver, The Hammonds: A a large amount of evidence to We can remind ourselves in this marriage in history (Stanford, 1997), support his contentions. pp. 111–12. book, however, of the radicalism 2 P. Clarke, Liberals and Social Demo- The volume is consequently which still nourishes the soul of crats (Cambridge, 1978), p. 246. a thorough and detailed account British liberalism. of Lloyd George’s political career in a Welsh context before his election as the Liberal MP for the Caernarfon Boroughs in a by-election in April 1890, and his record as a MP until about The young Lloyd George and Wales 1899. This is followed by a brief closing chapter which exam- Emyr Price: David Lloyd George (University of Wales ines the Lloyd George legacy Press, 2006) to Welsh life in the twentieth century. There is much fascinat- Reviewed by Dr J. Graham Jones ing material on Lloyd George’s Price con- intervention in the politics of Merionethshire in 1886 when ith the publication of Welsh journals at the time, the fidently he came close to selection as this important volume, present reviewer expressed the the Liberal candidate for the the new ‘Celtic Radi- hope that the author would soon challenges W county, eventually happy to cals’ series recently launched by adapt his work for an English stand down in favour of his the University of Wales Press audience.1 head-on young radical associate Thomas and edited by Dr Paul O’Leary To some extent the present the view of Edward Ellis (1859–99). This is (senior lecturer in Welsh His- volume is an English version or followed by detailed accounts of tory at the University of Wales, adaptation of the Welsh volume other biog- Lloyd George’s contribution to Aberystwyth), has got off to published seven years ago. In the tithe and disestablishment an auspicious start. The author, both volumes Emyr Price con- raphers … debates, his founding of the Emyr Price, is well known fidently challenges head-on the short-lived newspaper Udgorn in Wales as a prolific author, view of other biographers of who tend Rhyddid (throughout his career lecturer and broadcaster and Lloyd George – such as Bentley to inter- LG was always fully aware as one of our acknowledged B. Gilbert, the late John Grigg of the potential power of the experts on the life and career of and Kenneth O. Morgan – who pret Lloyd press), and the battle to secure David Lloyd George. Indeed, tend to interpret Lloyd George’s the Liberal nomination for the his preoccupation with Lloyd early career as a relatively insig- George’s six highly disparate boroughs George now extends back more nificant precursor to his success within the Caernarfon District than three decades, beginning as a radical British politician early in 1888–89. Some new material with a pioneering MA thesis from 1905. Their argument career as emerges of Lloyd George’s firm ‘Lloyd George’s Pre-parlia- tends to be that during his early commitment to labour issues mentary Career’, presented to career Lloyd George paid lit- a relatively and the welfare of the Welsh the University of Wales as long tle more than lip-service to language even at this very early ago as 1974. Since then he has the national rights of Wales as insignifi- stage of his career. published a substantial number a convenient stepping-stone A full analysis ensues of the of monographs and scholarly towards stardom and career suc- cant pre- closely contested by-election articles which have enhanced cess as a radical British politi- cursor to in the Boroughs in April 1890 our understanding of Lloyd cian at Westminster. Mr Price when Lloyd George secured George. A few years ago he takes a totally different line. In his success election to parliament by a published the well-received his opinion, ‘Lloyd George had wafer-thin majority of just Welsh volume Lloyd George: y a committed and visionary view as a radi- eighteen votes. After he had Cenedlaetholwr Cymreig: Bradwr of a self-governing Wales which arrived at Westminster Lloyd neu Awyr? (Gomer Press, 1999). could create a vibrant, more cal British George remained true to his In two reviews published in progressive and a more equal politician. commitment to Welsh home

48 Journal of Liberal History 52 Autumn 2006 reviews

creation of the Welsh Assem- of the financial burden of Lloyd bly, individuals as diverse as George’s pre-parliamentary and Ron Davies (Labour), Richard parliamentary career up to 1911’, Livsey (Liberal Democrat) and the date of the introduction of Dafydd Wigley (Plaid Cymru), the payment of MPs, whereas were ‘the inheritors of the of course LG began to draw a Lloyd George mantle of Young (relatively generous) ministerial Wales’. As Kenneth Morgan salary from the time of his entry rightly wrote in a review of into the Cabinet as President of this volume’s Welsh language the Board of Trade in December predecessor, ‘The effort to make 1905. The Liberal Party did not his hero more of a consistent ‘emerge triumphant’ ‘through- Welsh nationalist than previous out Wales’ in the first county historians have done smacks of council elections in January 1889 the devolution enthusiasm of (p. 67), as Brecknockshire fell to the 1990s rather than the Lib- the Conservatives. Stuart Ren- eral politics of a hundred years del, the Liberal MP for Mont- earlier … The author’s wider gomeryshire from 1880 until his speculations on the movements retirement in 1894, is described of the time owe as much to his (p. 127) as ‘the unofficial leader patriotic heart as to his head’.2 of Welsh Liberals’, but, in fact, It is especially pleasing that he had been elected the chair- the author has provided this man of the Welsh Parliamentary volume (unlike the Welsh ver- Party in 1888. Frank Edwards sion) with helpful scholarly MP represented not Brecknock footnotes, but disappointing and Radnor (p. 138), but simply that these often fail to give Radnorshire. In 1920, LG urged the full call numbers of the Welsh devolutionists to seek, documents cited. This is true of not ‘Welsh Home Rule’ (p. rule, disestablishment and devo- important archival sources like 187), but ‘federal Home Rule’. lutionary solutions. This impor- the Lloyd George Papers, the Mair Eluned’s death in 1907 tant volume includes much William George Papers and the did not ‘cause the beginning valuable information on the Sir John Herbert Lewis Papers of the long estrangement’ (p. neglected Cymru Fydd move- in the custody of the National 190) between Lloyd George and ment, its significance, the rea- Library of Wales. Indeed, I am his wife Margaret; there had sons for its eventual breakdown surprised that more use was not been severe difficulties in the and failure in 1895–96 and the made of the William George relationship ever since LG had half-hearted attempts to revive Papers which contain a great first entered parliament back in it during subsequent years. deal of extremely valuable 1890. Finally, the propaganda By far the least satisfactory source material relating to the body launched by Lloyd George part of the book is the rather themes outlined in this book. to accompany his dramatic brief epilogue-like Chapter XI, To some extent the volume has ‘New Deal’ proposals in 1934–35 ‘The British-Welsh Politician, a rather dated air and smacks was the Council of Action for 1899–1945, and the Legacy of of research undertaken in the Peace and Reconstruction, not Young Wales’ (pp. 186–208) 1970s and 1980s and not subse- the Council for Economic and where Price valiantly attempts quently updated in the light of Social Reconstruction (p. 204). to look for evidence to support archival collections which have While the volume has a number the view that Lloyd George become available and listed in of attractive photographs, all of still sought to safeguard Welsh the meantime. To some extent, these are well-known and most interests from 1900 onwards. the author is happy to cite from have been published many times Even less convincing is his effort published materials rather than before in earlier volumes. to portray devolutionary suc- consult the original documents In conclusion, this important cesses in the second half of the himself. volume must be warmly wel- twentieth century, culminat- The general standard of comed as the latest addition to ing in the establishment of the accuracy is high. It is clear the ever-growing body of lit- National Assembly for Wales that Price has fully mastered erature on David Lloyd George. in 1999, as the direct legacy of the minutiae and detail of his It is especially valuable for the LG’s devotion to Welsh issues. subject’s early life and career. focus which it provides on LG’s On the very last page of the text Factual slips are few. But we early career within Wales and (p. 208), we read that the Welsh read (p. 53) that LG’s younger his abiding commitment to politicians who oversaw the brother William shared ‘much Welsh causes. Not all historians

Journal of Liberal History 52 Autumn 2006 49 reviews will accept Emyr Price’s empha- Political Archive at the National tactful silence. After LG fell sis and arguments, but he has Library of Wales, Aberystwyth. from power in the autumn of certainly produced a volume 1922 (forever, as it happened), which is stimulating, thought- 1 Journal of the Merioneth Historical and he set up home with Frances at provoking and highly original. Record Society, Vol. XIII, no. IV a new house called Bron-y-de (2001), 407–08; Transactions of the It will be eagerly received. Caernarvonshire Historical Society near Churt in Surrey. There- 61 (2000), pp. 135–38. after Frances’s long-term role Dr J. Graham Jones is Senior 2 Welsh History Review, Vol. 21, no. 1 was ‘still in public LG’s devoted Archivist and Head of the Welsh (June 2002), p. 205. secretary, still in private sharing him with Maggie, the eternal mistress still subordinate to the wife and obliged to make herself scarce whenever Maggie came out of Wales – even when she came to Churt’ (pp. 254–55). David and Frances Eventually, after the death of his wife Dame Margaret in January John Campbell: If Love Were All … The Story of Frances 1941, he made an honest woman Stevenson and David Lloyd George (Jonathan Cape, of Frances by marrying her in October 1943. In January 1945 he 2006) accepted an earldom and she thus Reviewed by Dr J. Graham Jones became a countess. Less than three months later he was dead. Not long afterwards Frances left r John Campbell first a twenty-two year old recent north Wales to return to Surrey earned our eternal classics graduate, as a temporary where, as the Dowager Coun- Mgratitude and com- tutor for his youngest daughter tess Lloyd-George of Dwyfor, mendation almost thirty years Megan, who had received but she outlived him by more than ago with the publication of little formal schooling. Frances twenty-seven years, eventually the volume Lloyd George: The was intelligent, organised, dying in December 1972 at the Goat in the Wilderness, 1922–1931 highly attractive, feminine and age of 84. (Cape, 1977), an authoritative, ambitious. She immediately The backbone of Mr Camp- pioneering study of LG’s so- caught the Chancellor’s roving bell’s sources is the private dia- called ‘wilderness years’, which eye, was appointed his private ries of some of the leading actors has stood the test of time and secretary in 1912 and the follow- involved in this bizarre saga: has never been superseded. ing year became his long-term those of Frances herself at the Since then he has published mistress. As A. J. Sylvester, LG’s Parliamentary Archive at the substantial, well-received biog- trusted ‘Principal Private Sec- House of Lords, together with raphies of a host of eminent retary’, noted in an interview This bizarre those of Lord Hankey at Cam- political figures, among them decades later, ‘No one would bridge, Lord Riddell at London F. E. Smith (Earl Birkenhead), suspect her of a sexual relation- situation and A. J. Sylvester at Aberyst- Roy Jenkins, Aneurin Bevan, ship with anybody. You’d take wyth. These are supplemented Edward Heath and Margaret her to be a prim schoolteacher.’1 continued by the voluminous correspond- Thatcher. The publication of John Campbell shows how for more ence between Lloyd George and If Love Were All reflects the the ‘restless schoolteacher, fol- Frances at the House of Lords recent upsurge of interest in lowing politics only through than thirty and the Lloyd George fam- Lloyd George. Previously the the newspapers’ was dramati- ily correspondence and papers Lloyd George industry seemed cally catapulted into a position years at Aberystwyth. In every case rather to have run out of steam where she enjoyed regularly ‘the there are existing published since its conspicuous heyday in company of Cabinet ministers, – while the volumes containing edited the late 1960s and 1970s when Prime Ministers, generals and press and and annotated selections from works seemed to pour from the foreign statesmen’ at No. 11 and each of these sources, but John presses. subsequently No. 10 Downing the media Campbell has in each case used The present offering is prob- Street (p. 15). From 1913 until the original source materials ably the most substantial. The 1922 she lived out her life at the unfailingly himself, meticulously transcrib- main theme of the book is, of hub of British politics. ing and re-interpreting with a course, familiar enough. In This bizarre situation con- observed fresh eye the mass of intricate 1911, David Lloyd George, then tinued for more than thirty a tactful information they contain. In so Chancellor of the Exchequer, years – while the press and the doing, he draws attention to the employed Frances Stevenson, media unfailingly observed a silence. many omissions, transcription errors, misinterpretations and

50 Journal of Liberal History 52 Autumn 2006 reviews

lady to preside there’ (p. 193). surely very wide of the mark Other writers have argued, boldly to assert (p. 352) that convincingly, that by this time there were 11.3 million unem- Dame Margaret felt that her ployed in Britain in 1929. And youngest daughter was now old picture 26, captioned ‘LG and enough to be told the whole Megan in the 1930s’, was in truth and thus spilled the beans. fact taken during their North The author also sensitively American tour in 1923. describes the long relationship Throughout most of the vol- between Frances and Colonel ume the discussion is very full T. F. Tweed, a member of LG’s and extremely detailed. Only staff at Liberal Party HQ, and from 1941 onwards does the discusses openly the still vexed, pace noticeably quicken – the contentious question of Jennifer war years, the death of Dame Longford’s paternity. Perhaps Margaret, the second marriage the most striking revelation in to Frances, the final return to the book is the disclosure of the north Wales in September 1944, intimate, highly embarrassing the (? reluctant) acceptance of relationship between LG and an earldom in January 1945 and Roberta, the first wife of his LG’s final pathetic weeks. The eldest son Richard (pp. 374–75). last chapter – no. 38, ‘Occu- The author has made use of pation: Widow’ – deals with a wide range of primary and Frances’s life after her husband’s published source materials in death in rather less than seven researching and writing this pages and outlines only the monumental tome. He has, major turning points in her long however, shunned the use of story. The volume contains a journal articles and chapters large number of fascinating misjudgements of the exist- in published volumes – a deci- photographs, some well known ing published texts. Where the sion perhaps inevitable given and published many times sources are thin, Campbell uses the massive existing Lloyd before, some completely new considerable skill and imagina- George bibliography. Nor has and fresh. They add very much tion in piecing together the he conducted formal interviews to the appeal of the volume. complex, involved course of with surviving members of the Occasionally, one felt that events, occasionally even mak- Lloyd George family such as the very long quotations, ing use of an unpublished novel the present Earl Lloyd-George especially from Frances’s copi- penned by Frances. (b. 1924), Dr W. R. P. George ous diary entries, and from Adopting a strictly chrono- (b. 1912) and Viscount Tenby the voluminous correspond- logical approach and an unfail- (b. 1930), all of whom remem- ence between Lloyd George ingly lively, engaging writing ber well Lloyd George, Dame and Frances, could sometimes style (which immediately capti- Margaret and Frances Stevenson have been abbreviated a little vates the reader), Mr Campbell and have unique reminiscences – with advantage for the flow has arranged this mass of mate- of the events described in the of the narrative which runs rial into thirty-eight relatively latter part of the book. He to no fewer than 557 pages. short, easily digestible chapters. has, however, undertaken his As it is, Mr Campbell can rest While not refraining from research and writing with the assured that he has left no stone exposing the numerous, untold blessing and full collaboration unturned and that he has writ- skeletons in the Lloyd George of Jennifer Longford (Frances’s ten what is surely the last word family cupboard, he deals sensi- daughter, born in 1929) and on one of the greatest love sto- tively and tactfully with themes Ruth Nixon, Jennifer’s daugh- ries of the twentieth century. like the fraught relationship ter and a historian in her own between Lloyd George and right. He has also made full use Dr J. Graham Jones is Senior members of the Stevenson fam- of the private papers still in the Archivist and Head of the Welsh ily, or the shock discovery by family’s custody, referred to as Political Archive at the National Megan Lloyd George in 1920 ‘Ruth’s box’ in the footnote ref- Library of Wales, Aberystwyth. or 1921 that Frances was rather erences in the volume. more than her father’s secretary John Campbell’s detailed 1 In an interview with Mervyn and confidant. The latter revela- knowledge of the minutiae Jones, 1989: Jones, A Radical Life: tion he attributes to Frances’s the Biography of Megan Lloyd George, of the political history of the 1902–66 (London: Hutchinson, very prominent role at Cheq- period is impressive. Very 1991), p. 34. uers – ‘the first Prime Minister’s rarely does he slip up. But it is

Journal of Liberal History 52 Autumn 2006 51 A Liberal Democrat History Group fringe meeting Yellow Book versus Orange Book Is it time for a new New Liberalism?

A hundred years ago, the Liberal landslide victory in the 1906 election opened the way for a period of radical social reform based on the social-liberal ideology of the New Liberalism.

British Liberalism changed decisively from its nineteenth-century Gladstonian inheritance of non- interventionism in economic and social issues to a much more activist role for the state, exemplified by the introduction of graduated income tax, old-age pensions and national insurance. With a few exceptions, the party adhered to this social liberalism throughout the remainder of the century.

In 2004, the authors of the Orange Book: Reclaiming Liberalism challenged this ‘nanny-state liberalism’ and argued that the Liberal Democrats needed to return to their nineteenth-century heritage and ‘reclaim economic liberalism’.

Which way now for the Liberal Democrats? What can we draw from the lessons of history? Debate the question with Paul Marshall, co-editor of the Orange Book and its successor, and Ed Randall, co-editor of the Dictionary of Liberal Thought.

12.45, Wednesday 20 September 2006 Library, Hilton Metropole Hotel, Brighton