JapaneseJapaneseSociety Society ofCulturalof Cultural Anthropology

US Military Bases and Funshi

The Anti-Base Movement and Community Development in

Yomitan Village, Okinawa

HARA Tomoaki

Shizuoka University

One of the unprecedented features of our contemporary world i$ the globa[ scale of US military bases.

In what aspects, and to what extent, have US bases abroad affected adjacent communit[es? How have

these communities responded to the presence of the US bases? 1n addressing these questions, this paper explores the development and significance of'the n997 municipal master plan of Yomitan Village in

Okinawa, The municipaF master plan of Yomitan is unique in all of Japan in that it uses fLtnshi (feng shui> a$ one of its aesthetic principles, This paper is ooncerned with how Yomitan's officials relied on the notion of

funshi to forge their cultural identity despite the looming presenoe of US bases. By examining the history of

the anti-base movement and of community development in Yomitan, this paper demonstrates how a

reliance on funshi was used to counter and resist the presence and influence of these military bases.

Key words/ Okinawa, Yomitan Village, US military bases, anti-base movement, community deve[opment,

funshilfOsui

Acknowledgements:

I would like to thank the countless people in Ybmitan who have helped me over the years. I owe

special thanks to ARAK,4KI Takej6, CHIBANA Tadashi, IKEHARi4 Eijun, IZUMIKAImx Ybshihiko, KINJO

Hisae, KOBASHIGAWA Kiyohiro, NAKiXMA Asao, NISHImRA Ch6kichi, TA,JI"{A [rbshio, TAKUSHI Kazuko,

YAMAUCHI [Ibkushin, YONAHA Hitoshi, the Sobe K6minkan, and the Zlrikimi Kbminkan. I would also like to

thank Sarah KUNKEL fbr reading this manuscript at different stages and the JRCA editors and readers

for their insightfu1 eomments. I would also like to express my heartfelt gTatitude to Steve REDFORD for proofreading my draft, My fieldwork in Ybmitan from 2005 te 2007 was made possible by a Grant'in'Aid fbr Scientific Research (No, 17720224) of the Japan Society for the Promotion of Seienee.

Jlzpanese Review QfCulturalAnthrzrpology, vol, 12, 2011

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68 HARA Tomoaki

UndoubtedlM one of the unprecedented

features of our contemporary world is the

global scale of US military bases.

According reports, 2006, to official as of over 190,OOO US troops and 115,Ooo

civilian employees are stationed abroad in 909 military facilities located in thirty'nine

foreign countries and seven US territories (LUTZ 2009: 1). The majority of these foreign bases are located in Germany (287 sites), Japan (130 sites), and South Korea (106 sites). Seholarship on globalization - - and the local as well as global

responses to its influence has becomea prominent focus of anthropology during the last t,wo decades

2008; KEARNEY 1995; LEwELLEN 2002).

Likewise, scholarship pertaining to global war and governance has become a Fig. 1. Map of Okinawa Island showing significant focus of ethnographic study in the location of Ybmitan Village recent years (KELI;Y et al, 2010; LuCAS 2009). Ethnographic accounts and analyses

of the social and cultural impacts of US bases on local communities abroad, and the responses

of those cemmunities to these bases, however. are sparse (LUTZ 2009; TANAKA 2003, 2008;

VINE 2009; cf. CATTELINo 2010; GusTERsoN 2007), As H. GuSTERsoN highlights this lack of a

synthesis between globalization and military governance in his aTticle on anthropology and

"[a]nthropologists militarism, hardly wrote about...U.S, military bases in the eountries

where they did fieldwork" (GusTERsoN 2007: 157).

This lack of a fbcus on the effects of US military bases on adjaeent communities is true even of anthropological studies of Okinawa, the most militarized prefecture in Japan (HARA 2007),

Okinawa, a chain of small islands located south of the main islands of Japan in the western

Pacific Rim, is undoubtedly one of the victims of the brutality of modern nationalism and

imperialism. Once an independent kingdom, Okinawa was annexed by Imperial Japan in the

late nineteenth centurM endured one of the bloodiest battles of World War II, and was

subsequently placed under the control of the US military for twenty-seven years fo11owing the close of the war. Despite Okinawa's reversion to Japanese control in 1972, about 20 percent of the land area of Okinawa Island, the largest island in the prefecture, remains under the control of the US bases. Although scholars of Okinawan studies have produced remarkable works on the socio"religious traditions in post'war Okinawa, the majority of these works,

"saw whether consciously or unconsciouslM the U.S. military and related social practices...as

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US Militarv Bases and Fuftshi 69

ptknLgpt an impuritylnoise that needed to be hidden and eradicated fi7om their analyses" (INouE 2007: 29), In what respect, and to what･

extent, have the US bases on Okinawa

affected local eommunities? How have

these communities responded to the presence of the US bases? What roles have

local culture and memory played in these

responses? These fundamental questions

have rarelv been addressed in Okinawan

studies except for a few notable exeeptions (ANGsT 2009; INOUE 2004, 2007; NELSON

Fig. 2. HihoL Kaman Kugani Kan 2008; ToBE 2006).

("The Flying Phoenix, the Chain of With this inquiry in mind, this paper Flowers, and the Golden Cirele") explores both the development and

(Ybmitan Son 1997: 3) significance of the 1997 munieipal master plan of Ybmitan Village (Figure 1),i one with 36 percentage of land occupied by US bases,2 The municipal master plan of Ybmitan is

unique with respect to modern times in that it employs the notion of.fi {nshi (feng shui)3 as one

of its aesthetic prineiples. The essenee of Ybmitan's mast･er plan is illustrated by Figure 2,

Uiho' Kdman Kttgani Kan ("The Flying Phoenix, the Chain of Flowers, and the Goiden Circle"). This master plan is based on a Korean feng shui master's view of Ybmitan's geography,

namelM that the outline of Ybmitan Tesembles a phoenix flying towards the East China Sea with a chain of flowers (the coral reefi in her mouth (Cape Zanpa). Yet, un like ancient uses of

feng shui that concentrated on the supernatuTal and geomantie forces, Ybmitan sought to

ineorporate feng shui as a symbol for the direction of its plan:

From a global point of view, the twenty-fl'rst century is an era of sustainable community building. In Okinawa, the eommunal consciousness of fanshi, which relates to the connection between nature and human beings, is very mueh alive. Projecting the idea of harmony with nature, which is woven into.funshi, towards the future, we describe Ybmitan's future image as Hih6 1

There are no other municipalities in Okinawa, or fbT that matter, anywhere in Japan that have introdueedfaJoshi or feng shui as a key concept in their munieipal master plans (ef. HARA

`"Yomitan, i Okinawa" Accessed Deeembur 1, 2011. http:f/en,wikipedia.orglwikifYomitan 2 Yornitan has the sixth highest pereentage of US bases by geographic area among a]l municipalities in Okinawa (Okinawa Ken Chlji K6shitsu Kichi Taisakuka 2011: S). n In Okinawa,.litnsliiis variously ealledfanshii,punsu, or.fiinchi, depending on local dia]ect, In this papcr, I primarily usefanshi as it is the most commonly used term among the people of Yomitan, 4 All translations by the author un]ess otherwise indicated.

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70 HARA Ibrnoaki

2003a, 2003b). Feng shui, a coneept that originated and developed in ancient China, was

introduced to the Ryukyu Kingdom at least by the seventeenth century From the late

seventeenth century until Okinawa's annexation by the Japanese government in 1879, the

kingdom actively utilized feng shui as a means of environmental assessment in various

public works projects sueh as city plans, tree'planting programs, river improvement works, and village movement projects (KuBo 1990; WATANABE 1994). Feng shui, however, was not

utilized by publie governmental bodies in Okinawa after the abolishment of the kingdom, Meanwhile, feng shui gradually became incorporated into the daily lives of the common

people of Okinawa in practices such as building houses and tombs. It was in these practices

that elements of feng shui became intertwined with other folk beliefs and indigenized as fanshi.5 Although qi, defined as the circulating vital life force, is a very important coneept in classic

theories and practices of Chinese feng shui, the concept of kusati became important in the practices offanshi. Okinawans call hills, mountains, or woods behind their villages kusati, a term that literally means backrest, and believe that these kzisati will pTotect their villages (NAKAMATSU 1975). This belief in kusati is also related to the belief in utaki, or saered grove (WATANABE 1994), Utaki, the most sacred site for community rites, is oftent･imes located near

kusati, and it is said that the kami (spirit) of utaki i's the founding ancestor of a village.

Okinawans traditionally believe that their ancestors, the utaki, and the kusati would bring

about prosperity and pTotect them if properly reveTed. Thus, the use of,fitnshi in the designing of houses or tombs usually takes into account the positional relationship with kusaii, utaki, and other villagers' houses and tombs,6 The praetice of fanshi can be seen as the spatial production of locality and local subjects, the ,"ways to embody locality as well as to locate bodies in socially and spatially defined communities" (APPADURAI 1996: 179). [rb fu11y understand how and why fanshi has become a key concept in Ybmitan's municipal

-Ybmitan, master plan, one must examine the postwar history of especially the history of the

antiubase movement and of community development in Ybmitan after the 1970s, These efforts

by the people of Ybmitan are themselves unique in many respects, The purposes of this paper are: (1) to trace the development of the anti-base movement and of community development

in Ybmitan, (2) to clarify the charact･er of these efforts by the people of Ybmitan, especially those effbrts by public leaders, (3) to examine how these effbrts eventually led to the introduction of the concept of fanshi in the municipal master plan, and (4) to explore the significance and implications of Ybmitan's efforts in particular. This study is based primarily on field researeh, ineluding observations, interviews, and

doeument eollections that I have been eonducting in Ybmitan since 2001. I also volunteered at

5 In this paper, I would like to distinguish between three terms for descriptive purposes: feng shui, junshi, and ,fiIsui. Essentially, feng shui is used to describe the g¢ omantic practiees of the Ryukyu Kingdom or China used especially by the rulers and noblesljunshi js used to designate those practiees developed by the common people of Okinawa; and.fiisui is mainly used to refer to those used in mainland Japan (Okinawans occasionally use this term as we will see in the later sections), 6 The hami of a house or tomb is also oecasionally referred to asfanshi i'n Okinawa.

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US Military Bases and Funshi 71

'Ybmitan the Matsuri (Ybmitan Festival) in 2006, 2007 and 2011.

Outline of Yomitan

Ybmitan is a municipal village in Okinawa Prefecture and is loeated on the west coast of

the central district of Okinawa Island, Ybmitan is eighteen miles north of Naha, the capital of

Okinawa. The tetal aTea of Ybmitan is 8,690 acres, As of 2011, Ybmitan has a population of

appreximately 40,OOO.7 Many municipal villages in Japan have disappeared due to the Hbisei

no claigoppei ("the great merger of municipalities in the Heisei era"), implemented by the national and local governments beginning in the mid'1990s, Owing to the efforts of the

village government, Ybmitan never merged with other municipalities and stubbornly remains a village (son) despite having a higher population than neighboring towns (cho-) such as Kadena [[bwn (approximately 14,OOO) or Chatan [Ibwn (approximately 28,OOO),

Ybmitan's village government considers agriculture the most important seetor of its economy It promotes production of chrysanthemums, purple sweet potatoes, and sugar cane

as the main cash crops of the village, In realitM however, since the period of US military rule

-Ybmitan's (1945-1972), industrial structure has been characterized by a high proportion of

"Ybmitan tertiary industries, as have most other municipalities in Okinawa, In addition, has

"Okinawa grown as a bedroom suburb of the so'called Conurbation," an area that developed

as a result of the construction of US bases through vast areas of the central and southern parts of Okinawa Island (DbMAE 1997). As of 2005, approximately 73 pereent of the working population of Ybmitan is employed in tertiary industries and more than half of the working population commutes to other cities and towns.S It also must be noted that reeently there has been a steady influx of new residents into Ybmitan, espeeially into the southern part of the

village,

Ybmitan consists of twenty-three czza

[I'wenty`one of these cua had existed befbre the Asia-Pacific War, and the remaining two were

fbrmed after the waT. Befbre the war, eaeh aza constituted a politicallM economicallM and

eulturally autonomous community with a high degree of endogamy in spite of the

overwhelming impaet of modern capitalism and nationalism. Aft･er the war, the changes

enacted during the Battle of Okinawa and the subsequent construction of US bases

undermined the autonomy of the aza. Nevertheless, the tzza system has survived and cultural

variations between people of different aza, such as dialect or personality type, are still

diseussed by the people of Ybmitan today. Aia identity has been reprodueed pTimarily through

various activities carried out by a selfgovernment association of each aza (called ko'minkan or

y'iehikai) and other related community'based organizations, such as associations for children,

7 This population does not include the over 1,900 US servicc personnel, civilian employees, and thetr dependents who live in Yomitan (Okinawa Ken Chiji K6shitsu Kichi Taisakuka 2011: 25). SYomitan Son No Jink6 T6kei (Vital Statistics of Yomitan Village), Aeeessed December 1, 2011. http:11www.yomitan.jpfl.flO.html

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72 HARA Tomoaki

young people, women, or the elderly, Although there are considerable differences in

membership sizes or budgets between aza kOminkan, most of them perform the important

function of sustaining aza identity and solidarity by, among other things, perpetuating t･raditional performing arts and various annual events such as seinen go'do shukugakai tioint celebrations for those who were born in the same Chinese zodiac year), ireisai (memorial services for the war dead), ho'nensai (the festival of fertility), undokai (the athletic festival), and keiroJkai (the celebration for senior citizens),

CurrentlM thirty-four US military installations are Iocated in Okinawa, and two of them oceupy approximately 36 percent of Ybmitan's land area: the Kadena Ammunition Storage Area (2,639 acres) and the [Ibrii Communication Station (479 acTes). The fbrmer extends over

five municipalities, including Ybmitan, and takes up huge areas of forestland adjacent to the

Kadena Air Base, which is the largest and most active US Air Foree base in East Asia. The

latter, named for the two torii (an archway to a Japanese Shinte shrine) at its front gate, is

home to the 10th Area Support Group (the Senior Army Command on Okinawa), the lst

Battalion of lst Special Forces Group (also known as the Green Beret･s) and other units, and

there are about 500 active-duty soldiers in all as of 2008, The [Ibrii Communication Station is

eonsidered the most significant installation of the US strategic communication network in

the Western Pacific area.

"Sugar Historical Background: From a Cane Village" `fMilitary to a Base Village"

tCYUntanza," Prior to the Asia'Pacific WaT, Ybmitan was called The Omoro SOshi9 says that YUntanza was once called Ufunishi (faT north) because Yinntanza was located in the most

northern part of Chazan which itself was one of the three kingdoms fbrmed on Okinawa

"the Island in the fburteenth century, It is said that the curtain lifted on Great Ryukyu Trade

Era" (firom the late fourteenth eentury to the sixteenth century) at YUntanza. The Omoro SoJshi

deseribes a young man of- YUntanza named Taiki who departed from Nagahama Harbor and

visited the Ming dynasty of China as the fiTst official envoy of King Satto of ChUzan in 1372

(cf. KERR 2000: 65; SAKIHAKA 1987: 144). In the fifteenth centurM the renowned militarist

Lord Gosamaru built Zakimi Castle near Nagahama Harbor, and actively took paTt in the

prosperous trade in the area. Yinntanza was known for its unique local artifacts called

n{ntanfa Hbnaui (textile) and China )2ichi (pottery). It is likely that the creation of these

artifaets was infiuenced by foreign artifaets brought to YUntanza in the Great Ryukyu [Ibeade

Era. As discussed in detail later in this paper, the importance of foreign trade in the village's

history became a collective memory and cultural vesource that influenced Ybmitan's

community development. In addition to its involvement in foreign trade, YUntanza has also

9 Omoro SOshi is a collection of aneient poems and songs from the Ryukyu Islands, eompiled by the gevernment of the Ryukyu Kingdom during the sixteenth and seventeenth century.

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US Military Bases and Fleizarhi 73

been one of the laTgest producers of sugar eane in all of the Ryukyus sinee the pretmodern era.

The overwhelming majority of the working population in YUntanza engaged in agriculture

befoTe the war, and it successfu11y developed and cultivated high-quality types of sugar cane

and purple sweet potatoes (cf. Ybmitan Son Ytikusho 1969: 101). However, this fertile land

upon which the people of YUntanza relied on foT their livelihood was devastated by the war.

In June 1943, the Japanese Imperial Army announced to the landowners of Yiintanza that the army would commandeer their property to build the Kita Hik6j6 (North Airfield) per the

National Mobilization Act, Construction of Kita Hik6jo- began the next month and more than

5,OOO of Yinntanza's residents were ordered to aid in the construction. The army also ordered

the residents of YUntanza to provide food, horses, houses, and public buildings for its soldiers,

an order that caused signifieant hardship for the residents, On Apri} 1, 1945, 183,OOO US

troops in 1,500 warships landed on Okinawa Island. They were preceded by seven days of

'Efuntanza, heavy artillery fire in a bombardment of the proposed landing site, and the

adjacent Chatan, Approximately 96 percent of all the houses and buildings in Yinntanza were

destroyed by the US attack. UltimatelM 4,OOO of YUntanza's 18,OOO residents died in the

Asia-Paeific War,

Soon after the landing, the US military took total control of the entire aTea of YUntanza in

order to secure military facilities. The fiTst military government on the island was set up in

the aza of Hija, YUntanza. The US military used the western coast of YUntanza as a landing 'fomitan site for its equipment and expanded and upgraded Kita Hik6j6 (renamed Auxiliary Airfield) in preparation fbr an attack of mainland Japan. As a eonsequence of these military

developments, the people ef YUntanza were not allowed to return from concentration camps run by the US military until November 1946, or more than one year after the official close of

the war, During this period in which the population of YUntanza could not retuTn home, the villagers stayed in other parts of Okinawa as refugees. The people of these other regions

regarded the former YUntanza residents as a nuisance and the very name of their village

became an epithet with a negative eonnotation. Thus, when the people of Ytintanza were

"Ybmitan" finally allowed to return to their village, they renamed it in the hope of restoring

the reputation of the village (Ybmitan Son Yatkusho S6muka 1957: 14). It should be noted that when the people of Ybmitan repopulated the village, 95 percent of

the village's Iand was still under control of the US military and without reeompense to the rightfu1 owners ('fomitan Son Ylikuba S6mubu Kikakuka 1988: 31).iO As a result, people from

all of the different aza were forced into 5 percent of Ybmitan's land area, Most of these people

found it dieneult to find land to farm find thus, with the advent of the eonstruction of US

bases in the 1950s, many villagers began performing gztn sagyo- (military-related work).ii In

short, agriculture in Ybmitan dec}ined after the war and the local economy became

iO It was only after ]952 that the United States Civil Administration of the Ryukyus (USACR) attempted to compensate Okinawan residents, through rental fees, for land occupied by the US Military. ii In 1956, the gross ineome of military'related workers comprised approximately 43 percent of Yomitan's gross annual ineome (Yomitan Son Yakusho 1969: 101),

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74 HARA Tbmoaki

increasingly dependent on work generated by the US bases. Moreover, as saered sites in each asa weTe subsumed under land appropriated by these military bases, many religious practices

associated with these sacred sites declined or disappeared, In this regard, AsATo Eiko states

"the that, after the war, structure of the village communities [in Okinawa] disintegrated, not

only in terms of the main economic activities...but also in terms of ceremonies and rituals

Tooted in rural life" AsATo 2003: 232).

As mentioned above, prior to the Asia'Pacific War, each aza in Ybmitan constituted an autonomous community based on geegraphical and blood ties. After the war, however, most

aza were either occupied or divided by the presence of US bases and the residents of each aza

were forced to mingle with people from different ctza. In s'ome cases, residents relocated

several times beeause each time they occupied a parcel of land, it was then taken over again

by the US militaTy (NAKATA 2007; YAMAucHI 2003, 2006), As a result, each aza was

transformed from a community bound by geography to one whose members were sometimes

spatially distant but eonnected through blood and marriage ties, Thus, afteT the war,

membership in an aza was not based on actual residence but, rather, on patriarchal relations,

and it gradually beeame more voluntary De6pite such changes, each ctza ko'minkan, as well as the asisociated community organizations, performed important roles in rebuilding village life

after the war.

After the Asia-Pacific War, the people of Ybmitan not only endured drastic changes in their economic, social, and cultural lives but also faced everyday threats from the presence of the

US bases, For example, in 1960, the US military began a paraehute training program at Ybmitan Auxiliary Airfield (hereafter, Ybmitan Airfield). This airfield was located in the

middle of the village and deaths, iajuries and property damage resulted from parachute training accidents while the tTaining program was in effect through the 1990s. In 1965, a

trailer that fell from a transport aircraft killed a ten'year"old girl. In 1967, a US paratrooper

smashed into the roof of a villager's house. Other aecidents resulted from falling auxiliary

tanks, jeeps and other assorted eargo like conerete blocks, lumber and boxes of weapons,

Meanwhile, a bomb disposal site constructed in the aza of Zakimi also resulted in a number of

accidents, During the 1960s, flying debris from bombs disposed of at the site frequently fe11

upon villagers' houses and farms, Yet, these incidents are merely anecdotes in a far more

chronic pattern of base-related accidents and crimes that caused enoTmous damage to the lives and property of the Ybmitan people during the period of US military rule, Even in 1972,

"reverted" when Okinawa back to Japanese control, appToximately 73 percent of Ybmitan's ]and was still occupied by the US military In realitM Ybmitan was just an Okinawan village within a US base.

The Anti-Base Movement and Community Development

The Emergence of the YAMAUCHI Administration 'Ybmitan During the period of the US military rule, the people of protested against the

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US TvTilitary Bases and Funshi 75

presence of US bases whenever base'related accidents or crimes took plaee and through a broader island-wide movement for a reversion to Japanese governance. However, it was not until the actual 1972 reversion to Japanese governance that Ybmitan began a continuous and organized anti-base movement (cf. HASHIMOTO 2009; YOSHIHARA 2003). This movement was

led by YAIvlAucHI [[bkushin, who was elected mayor of Ybmitan fbr six successive terms from

1974 to 1998.

YIXMAUCHI was born in Ybmitan, then YUntanza, in 1935, and survived the Battle of Okinawa whieh took place when he was nine years old. During the Battle of Okinawa, his

family sought shelter in the mountainous and heavily wooded northern part of the island and,

against all odds, managed to survive. During the batt]e, however, YAMAucHI lost close friends

who were crushed to death inside a collapsed cave amidst the US attack. As he recounted,

"when I learned about the tragic death of my friends, I swore that I would never forget them7'

YAIylAucHI was a distinguished athlete in his teens and, as such, was a wellTknown figure in

the village. At Ybmitan High School, he learned about the Japanese Constitution, a document

that asserts the sovereignty of the Japanese people and renounces war. He was deeply moved

by the Constitution, even though it was not applicable to Okinawa while under US eontrol,

and consequently decided to go to college to become a high school teacher. Attending the University of the Ryukyus, he studied history and geography, Upon gracluation in 1958, he

became a teacher at his alma mater, Ybmitan High School, where he devoted himself to both

the education of his students and to the reversion movement.i2 During his classes, YArv･rAucm

often talked to his students about his war experienees, the culture and history of the Ryukyus,

and the importance of the Japanese Constitution as well as the American Declaration of

Independence, the Emancipation Proelamation, and the independence movement of India.

When he stressed the importance of refiecting upon the culture and history of the Ryukyus,

he often referred to an aphorism of IHA (IFA) Fuya, often called the father of Okinawan

"IVtxnji studies, no tatst{ tokoro wo fakaku hore, soko niwa izumi ari" C`Dig deep where you stand; "YAMAucm below you lies the spTing") (IHA 1975: 290; cf. HARA 2007),i3 recalls that he was

very fond of teaching and intended to serve as a teacher until his retirement. The question

thus arises: why did such a dedicated high school teacher become a politician?

A village'wide movement in Ybmitan opposing the construction of an asphalt plant in the

village would set the stage fbr the emergence of YAiN(AucHI's administration, The demand fbr

asphalt in Okinawa increased rapidly after the reversion of Okinawa to Japanese control. In

1972, the Japanese government launched a ten-year Okinawa Promotion and Development Plan (Okinawa Shinko- Kdihatsu Keikaku), a plan that provided Okinawa with 1.4 trillion yen in "eorrection national subsidies. The primary goals of the plan were the of the disparity

i2 Okinawa kyffshoimin Kbi (The Okinawa Teaehers' Association) was very influential in the reversion movement. They assumed a leading role in OkinaTva Ken Sokoftu 1;leikki Kl,o-gi Kkei (the Council fbr the Reversion of Okinawa Prefeeture to the Homeland), established in 1960, that became the dominant force in the island-wide reversion movement (cf. WARNER 1995), C`Where i3 This aphorism was originally coined by F. W. NIETzscHE: you stand, there dig deep! Below you ]ies the well!" (NIETzSCHE eL al. 2001: 12),

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76 HARA Tbmoaki

between Okinawa and mainland Japan and the improvement of basic eonditions for

advancement in self'support" (Okinawa Kaihatsu Ch6 1972: 1). Under the slogan of kakzasa

zesei (closing the gap between Okinawa and mainland Japan) and honclo nami (raising incomes and standards of living to the levels of mainland Japan), public works projects, such as roads,

port･s, and agrieultural modernization were implemented, thus creating a significant demand

for asphalt.

Based on this demand, a construction company from mainland Japan presented a plan to Ybmitan's mayor, FURUGEN S6k6, to construct an asphalt plant･ in the village, FURUGEN approved this plan in February 1974, However, }bmitan Son Shokuin Ro'do Kumiai (the Ybmitan Government Employees' Association, hereafter, the YGEA) expressed opposition to the plan,

given concerns about pollution in Ybmitan, At that time, pollution began to be recognized as a negative eonsequence of Japan's rapid economic growth during the 1960s and, throughout the countTM anti"pollution campaigns were launched in response (cf. ScHREuRs 2002). The YGEA

carried out an awareness campaign about the environmental dangers of an asphalt plant and established a village'wide couneil that opposed the construction of the plant. EventuallM t･he ifomitan, construction company gave up its plans to construet the plant in In 1974, Mayor

FURUGEN resigned flrom his position in order to assume responsibility fbr misleading the public. YAMAucHI Tbkushin participated in this anti-pollutien eampaign as a member of the

Ybmitan Branch of the Okinawa lbaehers' Association. Some Ybmitan residents, especially

members of the YGEA, considered thMAucHI to be the right candidate fbr the next mayor. At

that time, most employees of the Ybmitan government were relatively youngi4 and many of these young employees were fbrmer students of YAMAucHI.i5 They were also active in each of 'Ybmitan the azds associations for young people. Sinee Y14)(AucHI was also active in the Village'Wide Council for Ybung People, many employees of the Ybmitan government knew him directly or at least indireetly. An infbrmal group that advocated fbr YiUNcAuCHI as a mayoral candidate grew out of the group involved in the public movement against the construction of the asphalt plant (Ybmitan Son Shokuin R6d6 Kumiai 1991: 415), The members of this infbrmal group asked YAMAucHI to run for mayor in the next election

and began to fbrm support organizations in several czza. YA"cAucHI initially firmly turned

down their requests but finally agreed to run for mayor after some persuasion by his colleagues and the foTmation of organizations supporting his candidacy He gave speeehes in

"SLoLMAucHI the st,reets throughout the campaign despite running unopposed. Thus, won the

"What election by default in July 1974. Recalling his initial election, he stated, came to my

mind first was that I would never betray my former students and seupai

i4 Around 1972, the Yomitan government gained many young employees in order to handle the large amounts of offiee work that came with the reversion of' Okinawa to Japan control, In faet, the average age of a Yomitan gevernment employee was around thirty-two in the eaTly 1970s (Yomitan Son Shokuin R6d6 Kumiai 1991: 433). i5 YAMAUCHI taught not only at Yomitan High School, but a]so at another area high school and at a community

adu]t school. According to YAMAUCHI and others, many of those who attended the community adult scheol at that time were young leaders ofthe aza and of theYomitan government (personal communieation).

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IJE ]iTilitary Bases and Funshi 77

me." It was a great challenge for Y141N･tAUCHI to seTve as mayor, not only･ because he had no governmental experience, but, because he also now had to irnplement a community

development program based on what he had so earnestly taught in school: democracM the

Constitution, and the culture and history of the Ryukyus,

"Ecological Promoting the and Cultural Village" 'Ybmitan's YIMvrAucHI's first act as mayor was to set a goal fbr community development and

"IVingensei he described this goal as the }Z{takana KdndyoH B'unka Miira" ("Ecologieal and Cultural Village with a Rich Sense of Humanity"). At the time, while the official po]itical directives of

kakusa zesei and hondb nami had the primary aim of stimulating Okinawa's economy, YAIX(AUCHI put the issue of bunka (culture) at the top of his policy agenda. He considered this concept of

hunka as central to beth enaeting the philosophy he had taught his students and as a means of

countering the overwhelming influence of the US bases, Specifically, the term bunka

represents various art and intellectual practices such as the performing arts, other forms of

music and dance, the theater, fine arts, handicrafts, folk tales, and literature, Yl"IAucHI

"bunka thought that hunka was significant because is a product of a rich humanity and it gives people dreams, pride, and courage" (personal communication), For YlvNQNucHI, bunka

represented the antithesis of war and of the influence of- the militaTy bases as he believed

both of these concepts ran counter to one's sense of humanity Cc£ HARA 2010).

Y)XMNUCHI's view of bunka was primarily infiuenced by an episode involving Kyoto and Nara

during the Asia'Paeific War. After the war, there was a rumor circulating in Japan that the

US military refrained from bombing Kyoto and Nara to save the cultural heritage of those

areas,i6 This rumor left a strong impression on YArvlAucHI. When he was a college student, he

visited these two ancient cities fbr the first time and was overwhelmed by their cultural

richness. These experiences made him believe that a culturally rich area could avoid the

effects of war and military bases.

YxMAuCHI also believed that the communit･y"based creation and development, of bunka by the people of Ybmitan was erucially important in that it promoted their psychological

"people independence from the US bases, As YIMIAuCHI recalls, became dependent on the US

bases psychologically as well as economically under the US administration." Many villagers took the presence of the US bases for granted at that time. Especially fbr the generations of

Ybmitan residents born after the war, the presence of, the US bases came to represent a normal state of affairs, YAMAucHI meanwhile was a member of the last generation to

remember prewar Ybmitan. He thought that it was important for the villagers to become independent from the US bases, not only economieally but also psyehologicallM in order to

remove these bases from the village. [[b promote the creation and development ol- bunka in the eommunitM it was necessary to improve kankyO or the local living conclitions so that people

!e YOSmDA Morio (2002) argues that this rumor was not true. He writes that it was the General Headquarters of

the Allied Forees that acknowledged the rumor as faet and aetively cireulated it,

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78 HARA Tomoaki

could live without fear and promote various cultural praetices. Thus, YAMAuCHI put the issues of kankyo' (environment) as well as bunka at the top of his policy agenda.

"Dig Promoting his goals of bunka and kanOo-, YA"(AucHI recalled IHA Fuya's aphorism: deep

t`digging where you stand; below you lies the spring." For YArvlAucHI, up" the cultural heritage

of the loeal community thus represented the starting point for the creation and development

"the of bunka. In this sense, lecal community" meant both an individual aza as well as the

entiTe village. In fact, various traditienal cultural practices such as music, dance, annual events, and fblk tales have been passed down through generations in each cua. For most

"local "aza villagers, culture" fbremost represented culture." Thus, YAMAUCHI encouraged

"dig villagers to up" their aza culture and pursue creative cultural practices eonsistent with

their aza eulture.

The Rise of the Anti"Base Movement

Meanwhile, the YAb"IAucHI administration worked resolutely toward the difficult task of

removing US bases. In July 1974, immediately after YAIylAucHI beeame mayor, flying debris

erupted from a bomb disposal site in Zakimi. After a similar accident occurred again in

February 1975, the Ybmitan government requested the US milkary and the Naha Defense

Facilities Administration Bureau to shut down the bomb disposal site immediately Despite

the village government's vigorous protests, the US militaTy notified the Ybmitan government

that it would resume using the bomb disposal site in July 1975, Upon xeceiving this

notification, the Ybmitan government, the YGEA, the Ybmitan Village AssemblM the

presidents of aza kOminkan, parent-teacher associations, and ether local organizations held a

meeting to discuss the matter and resolved to stage a sit-in protest. About 200 people staged

the sit-in in front of the bomb disposal site a day after the US military's announcement,

At the same time, the Ybmitan government began to discuss plans for future land use

pending the possible elosuTe of the site. They considered it crucial to present a concrete plan in order to reclaim the land, In the middle of this discussion, the Ybmitan government received an inquiTy firom a group of potters about using a pieee of land in Ybmitan for building

pottery studios. The main reason they selected Ybmitan was that the village is one of the

oldest sites of pottery production in Okinawa. The discussion between the Ybmitan

gevernment and the group of potters developed into a plan to construct Yachimun No Sato (Pottery Village), where pottery studios would be located areund a large common'use

climbing kiln. The villagers' sit-in protest and the YAIylAucHI administration's tenacity in negotiating with the US military and the Japanese government led to the return of the land

to Ybmitan in 1978. The construction of Yaehimun No Sato began in the same year and was

completed in 1980. Yiichimun No Sato attracted many visitors from both within and outside

the village, and soon became one of the majQr centers of Okinawan pottery Sinee the 1980s,

many potters and other craft artists have moved to Ybmitan and opened studios there, and

now Ybmitan, with more than fifty kilns, is known as a vi11age of artists.

In 1976, in the midst of the stTuggle for the closure of the bomb disposal site, the Ybmitan

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US Military Bases and Atnshi 79

government discovered that the US military had begun the constTuetion of a new military antenna base in Ybmitan Airfield. The US military justified its failure to notify the Ybmitan

goveTnment of this construction because it was using the US funds. The construction site

"Ybmitan included an area of the airfield where the government had planned to build a public athletic square, Such a plan to build public facilities on a US base had no precedent in

Okinawa, However, the Ybmitan government proposed this radical efEbrt to reclaim land

based on the fbllowing clause in the Japan-US Status-of"Forees Agreement (SOEA), which defines the legal position of the US military deploying in the terTitory of Japan:

Article II 4. (a) When facilities and areas are temporarily not being used by the United

States armed forces, the Government of Japan may make, or permit Japanese nationals to

make, interim use ef such facilities and areas pTovided that it is agreed between the two

Governments through the Joint Committee that such use would not be harmfu1 to the

purposes for which the facilities and areas are normally used by the United States armed forees.17

The Ybmitan government and other local organizations began a sit-in protest at the site in

the same way as they did at the bomb disposal site. At the same time, Mayor YAMAuCHI

visited Kadena Air Base eveTy day to meet the US commandertin-charge, He also visited the

Ybkosuka Naval Base on mainland Japan to meet the authorities of the US Naval Forces in

Japan, In response to the request from the Ybmitan government, the US Naval Forces in

Japan notified them that they would suspend eonstruetion fbr one month. HoweveT, the

Ybmitan government diseovered that the US military planned to call out Tiot police upon

resuming eonstruction. Under these ciTcumstanees, YAItemucHI finally decided to make a

direct plea to US President Jimmy CARTER. [I]his direct appeal from YumucHI to CARTER was

covered by the major media and gathered national attention, There was no subsequent reply

-YlwnUCHI. firom CARTER to However, two months after YAMAUCHI sent his appeal to CARTER,

the US military annouiiced the unpreeedented decision that it would withdraw its plan to

-Ybmitan's construet the military antenna base. It would be overly simplistic to assume that

protests directly caused the US military to cancel its military base construction, yet, without these protests, the US military would probably have constructed the military base as

originally planned. In 1978, the Ybmitan Athletic Square officially opened on the site. The same year, the 31st Ybmitan [Erack and Field Meet was held on the new field. Since then, the

field has not only been uti]ized for spoTts events but also for various eultural events. [I]he

'Ybmitan, most prominent of these, the Ybmitan Festival, the largest cultural event in has been held on the field every year since 1979.

iT Agrreement regarding the Status of' United States Armed Forces in cJapan. Accessed Deeember 1, 2011. http:ttwww,mofa,go.jplregionln-amerieatuslq&atreff2.html

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Ybmitan Festival

The Ybmitan Festival is an annual event that symbolizes the focus on bt{nka in Ybmitan's

community development. It began in 1975 to commemorate the establishment of the Ybmitan

Folk History Museum, the first museum of its kind established hy an Okinawan village

government. The scale of the festival expanded after it changed its main venue from the

'Ybmitan schoolyard of Ybmitan Elementary School to the Ybmitan Athletic Square, Now, the

Festival draws 150,OOO people during a two-day period in November every year, and it has

grown into one of the largest festivals in Okinawa. In the festival, various traditional and modern performing arts are exhibited by more than 7,OOO Ybmitan residents of all ages.

Participants perform the traditional music and dances to establish the prestige and identity of their [ua; some aza have even revived long-forgotten pieces for the festival. Visitors can also

enjoy food and shopping at more than fifty booths. The highlights of the festival include

Akainko Rytikyz-t Koten Ongaku Dai Ens6kai ("Akainko Ryukyuan Classical Music Concert,"

hereafter, Ahainko Dai EnsOkai) and Shinkolgen C`The Ship for [Iributary [Erade").

Aiminko Dai Enso-kai is a magnificent cencert held on the first evening of the festival. More

than 400 musicians of Ryukyuan classical music and dancers from the village gather on the

stage and pay homage to Akainko, a legendary historical figure from the aza of Sobe, said to be the father of Ryukyuan classical music and its principal instrument, sanshin (a fretless three-stringed musical instrument) (NAKATA 2004), One organizer of a 1lytlbu dbjO (Ryukyu

Dance School) in Ybmitan said:

Akainko Dai Enfijkai is wondeTfu1 because many dancers from the village ¢ an perfbrm

together on the same stage regardless of their schools, Ybu might think that we could

perform in a relaxed mood since it's a local festival, The truth is the opposite. Akainko Dai

Enso-kai makes us feel most nervous. It's the largest annual event for our school. My

students became more sineere as they started to perfbrm at Akainko Dai Ens6hai.

As stated above, one of the features of this concert is that musicians and dancers from

different schools perfbrm together on the same stage. Until the cTeation ofAkainko Dai Enso-kai

in 1981, such eollaboration had hardly ever happened in Ybmitan, or in other parts of Okinawa.

ShiHko-sen is another unique program that cannot be seen in any other area. Shinko-sen is a speetacular theatrical performance held on the festival's second evening that eelebrates Taiki,

a prominent historical figure from the aza of Uza, As mentioned previouslM Taiki was the fust off:icial envoy from the Ryukyus to China, In this perfbrmance, about 800 Ybmitan residents re-enact Taiki's journey It begins as the sun sets, with brass band music, gToup singing, and

fireworks. Aparade of female torchbeareTs and male drummers enter and light a beacon'fire

stand, Then a 50'foot･'long motorized ship, built upon the body, of a 4-ton truck, slowly enters

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US Military Bascs and Fztnshi 81

the venue eseorted by bojutsuiS warriors. Taiki and his fe11ow travelers, played by young

'Ybmitan members of fomitan Son Sho-koJ Ktii (the Chamber of Commerce and Industry) and

others, wave at the erowd from the bow as the ship approache$ the stage,

"Shinko-sen The emcee narrates: safely came back home carrying ouT dreams and hopes

across the ages and the oceans, ShinkoMsen is the ship that fills us with energy and couTage.

Welcome back, Taiki!" Taiki and his fe11ow travelers disembark and enjoy the various

performances including musie, dances, and niartial arts in honoT of their return, After the

"Dear celebration, the ship sets sail again and the emcee closes her speech: Taiki and your

courageous companions, we share your passion and spirit. We will move along step by step with you to create our peace and culture in the future. All aboard, courageous YOmitan people!"

It was several young employees of the Ybmitan government who created Akainko Dai Enso'kai

and Shinko-sen. The central figure responsible for putting together these cultural events was

KoBAsHIGAvinyA Kiyohiro, who was in the last generation of Yan･IAUCHI's high school students, After graduating flrom college, KoBASHIGAwA first worked for a private company. However, he wanted to work with YAMAucHI, and finally succeeded in getting a position in the Ybmitan government in 1981. Aecording to KoBAsHIGewA, many other fbrmer students of YAMAUCHI were applying for government positiens at that time because they wanted to work with their old socia] studies teacher (personal communieation). This illustrates the importance of school

"My ties for YIVN(AUCHI's political success, As he told me, experience as a teacher became my

strength. I could get to know many young people through teaching, and this became a great

power when I was working as mayor,"

SoQn after KOBASHI(hcu4 began to work at the general affaiTs division, YxMAucHI called

him to come to his office. KOBASHIGixwix reealls:

"Ybu YA"{AucHI-sensei [teacher] said. take chaTge of the Ybmitan Festival. I know you were

`"soul" in charge of a school fest･ival when you were at Ybmitan High. We need the of the

festival, We need programs that represent Ybmitan's culture and unitM programs that can be seen only in this festival. So I am giving you an assignment. There are two historical

figures firom Ybmitan called Akainko and Taiki, i want you to create programs for the

festival that feature these two figures. That's your homework. Ybu can go your own way" At

"usua! that time, I knew almost nothing about the ways" of the government, So I asked him.

"Would 'CYe)s, it be really okay to do anything I want?･" I promise you.;' YA"(AUCHI'sensei replied.

After that meeting KoBAsHIGAwA and his colleagues began to study about Akainko and made

a plan to ereate a huge orchestra to celebrate Akainko. However, soon he found that there

were many schools of Ryukyuan classical music and each school was a rather elosed circle:

i8 Bojutgu is a R.vukyuan martial art using a staff weapon called bo'.

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82 HAHA Tc}monlci

At least at that time, thos.e sehools were exclusive by nature, and thus, they were Teluctant･

to join an orchestra with other schools. Some sensei suggested to me that if other schools

were to perform in the program, they would be unable to join it. And some other sensei even bluntly refused to participate with other schools, I made a tenacious effOrt to persuade "If them. you pay homage to Akainko, the reots of Ryukyuan classical music, the school

doesn't matter, does it?" And eventually, it worked. InterestinglM there has been growing

communication and exehanges between different schools since Akainko Dai Enso-kai began. I

think I could succeed beeause I was young and reckless, and I didn't belong to any

particular school, ActuallM I knew nothing about Ryukyuan elassieal music at first.

"Ybu YAJNcAucm-sensei once told me, don't, know anything about classical music? Good." [Chuckles]

It took another several years fbr KOBASHIGAytLA and his colleagues to create the ShinkOsen

program that eventually premiered in the 11th Ybmitan Festival held in 1985. The main

"the theme of the first decade (1975-1984) ol- the Ybmitan Festival was accumulation of

"the culture," and the year 1985 was the first year that creation of culture" was implemented

as the main theme of the next decade's festivals. The bztnka being created, and the Ybmitan

identities tied to this culture, clearly come from memories of the pre-modern era. ARAKAKI [I]akej6, another eentral figure who was involved in the creation of thc Shinko-sen program, said:

I am from [the aia ofl Nagahama and I heard a lot about Taiki and the history of

prosperous trade from eldeTly people when I was a yeungster, I al$o heard that various

foreign cultures, sueh as potterM songs and dance, were brought into Nagahama Harbor at that time, In fact, there are many place names in our aza containing the term 7b ("China").

When I was a high school student, we built a small ship using a tractor and marehed in a

parade at a school festival, I created the outline of the Shinkosen program based on these experlences.

The ultimate goal of the Shinko'sen progrliam was to make the Ybmitan people proud of theiT bunkLi, KOBiXSHIGAWA said:

"the The basis of Ryukyuan eulture was fbunded during Great Ryukyu Trade Era," and it

was Taiki who paved the way fbr this great era, We wanted them [the people ofYbmitan] to know this historM and to take pride in their own culture. We wanted to tell them that we

eould earve out a new future as Taiki did. As YAINIAucHI-sensei told us, we also believed that

it was important fbr them to understand and respect their own culture so that they would

be able to understand and respect other cultures as well,

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IJ'S )iTilitarv Bases and Funs'hi 83

'Efomitan, Akainko and Taiki had been relatively unknown among the people of except

among members of Sobe, Nagahama, and Uza. HoweveT, the Ybmitan Festival, with its new

traditions of Akainko Dai Enso-kai and Shinkjsen, made these two historical figures well known

again, As a result, pTomoting bunka through the festival has worked to fbrge a sense of renewed cultural identity and cultural pTide among the people of Ybmitan.

[[bwards Economic Independence -fomitan Along with promoting cultural praetiees sueh as the Festival, the Ybmitan government has sought to end local economie dependency on the presence ef the US bases (cf. BANASICK 2005; SASAKL 1999; TANJI 2009). In this regard, the Ybmitan goveTnment has put

its effbrts into the develQpment of subtropical agrieulture as well as the promotion of local industries such as pottery and weaving, and sustainable tourism.'" As early as 1981,

YArylAuCHI said that he wanted to build a stron.crhold for subtropical agriculture in the area of

Ybmitan Airfield (YArvlAucHI 2001: 110), He thought that subtTopical agriculture was the most

appropriate industry for Ybmitan, to make the most of its natural environment. Moreover, he

undeTstood that farmers had suffered Iong-term privations throughout the history of the

Ryukyus. One of his dreams as mayor was to build an aenuent agricultural village.

Underst･andablM the Ybmitan Chamber oi' CommeTce and Industry (hereafter, the YCCI) raised a strenuous objection to this pro"agriculture policy at first, YIM･mucHI recallsi

"Agrieulture I once said at a meeting of the YCCI, comes first in our policy" Of eouTse, they

"Do got really mad. They said, you understand that this is a meeting of the YCCI? This is "Yes, not a meeting of an agricultural eooperative." I replied, I do. But if farmers in our village get wealthier, they would buy elothes, applianees, and cars at your stores, wouldn't they?"

The YCCI was established in 1973, one year befbre the Y14rv･tAUCHI administration came into office, and they had just begun their activities to promote industrial and commercial

development in the village at the time when YAAcAucHI wanted to promote agrieulture. Moreover, many members of the YCCI at that time were said to be politieally conseTvative

and opposed many of YAA･IAuCHI's innovations outright. As members of the younger

generation became involved in the organization, however, the attitude of the YCCI began to

change, and they staTted t6 collaborate with the village g'overnment and agricultural

cooperatives. NIsHmlRA Ch6kichi, exeeutive director of the YCCI as of 2011 and one of

YAAaAucHI's former students, played a large role in this collaboration. NIsHIHIRA recalls:

i9 The Yomitan government has promoted locally-led sustainable tourism prejects such as the development of pesticide'fr'ee golf courses, as well as sought the creation of equa] partnerships with resort companies to maintain its influenee in the development process (SAsAKI 1999), The government has a]so put its efforts into the natural environmental conservation. As early as the 1970s, when landfi11 prejects were initiated in various parts of Okinawa, the Yomitan government did research to protect the nntural eoastline on the western coast of the village (Chiiki Keikaku KenkyUjo 1980).

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I think that Y,xMAuCHj-sensei's idea was that we should not expeet some great pewer somewhere e]se to solve our problems. In faet, raising the purchasing power of the local residents really matters, as YlwovzAucHI"sensei mentioned. The members of the YCCI depend on the local community. I thought t･hat our organization [the YCCI] should take a leading role in the community development of Ybmitan.

In 1984, the YCCI conducted a survey of the villagers regarding their ideas for the future of Ybmitan's economic development. The results included projects such as the revitalization of ]ocal industries (e.g. pottery and weaving), the promotion of tourism, and the creation of specialty goods using local agricultural produets. The following year, the YCCI fbrmed a promotion committee to help realize this future vision. The committee consisted of young people from the YCCI, the Ybmitan government, and the agrieultuTal cooperatives in the

village. One of the projeets that they considered most feasible was the development of processed agricultural products macle from purple sweet potatoes. NTsmHmA said:

Before the war, agriculture flourished in our village, Yi]mjtan was especially famous for its

high quality purple sweet potatoes, However, afLer the war, agriculture was declining and

farmers were facing a predicament. We believed that we could add value to purple sweet potatoes by creating and distributing good processed preducts, and Tevive agriculture in

"Isn't our village. Some members of the YCCI asked, it a projeet that should be carried out by agrieultural cooperatives?" But we theught that we could align primary industries, seeondary industries, and tertiary indust･ries through this preject and eventually increase

the strength of the entire local economy.

In 1986, the YCCI initiated a pxoject to create specialty goods made from purple sweet potatoes and other agricultural products. The YGEA also supported this projeet. They asked

for the assistance of a small cake shop ca]led Okashi No Porushe and a seikatsu kaixen gurapu (lifestyle refbrm group) in Ybmitan. TAKusHI Kazuko, the president of Okashi No Porushe,

"ActuallM recalls, I was uncertain about creating sweets using purple sweet potatoes, But I accepted the request because this project was for the sake of Ybmitan. I was born and raised

here, and NISHIHIRA-,s'an is a friend ot' mine firom ehildhood. I couldn't say no to him. [Chuckles]" Okashi No Porushe ereated tarts, sponge cakes, and other sweets using purple sweet

potatoes and received positive responses from those involved in this project. They deeided to try to commercialize these sweets; they asked farmers in the village to increase produetion of

sweet potatoes that they processed into sweets, and started to sell them using their

distribution network in Okinawa. The challenges they faced were to increase consumer

recognition of both these product6 and the high quality of Ybmitan's purple sweet potatoes. The YCCI held various events both within and outside Okinawa such as exhibitions of local

products and symposiums on purple sweet potatoes t･o solve this challenge. Eventually, the

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IJS Militn]'y Bnses and F"nshi 85

sweets ereated by Okashi No Porushe, especially purple sweet potatoes tarts, became popular

in Okinawa. Moreover, in 1995, two airline companies adopted purple sweet potatoes tarts as

their in-flight sweets. Soon, purple sweet potatoes tarts became one of the most popular souvenir sweets in Okinawa, and Ybmitan's purple sweet potatoes became a recognized brand,

Along with creating specialty goods made from purple sweet potatoes, the YCCI started the thixaokoshi ,Juku (Sehool for Village Development) in 1991 to conduct human resource

development programs in cooperation with the YGEA. Later discussion in the iVlti"aokoshi htku led to the establishment of thTee locally owned companies: Zanpa Goxtuii Kurahu (the Zanpa

Golf Club), "tntanza (the YUntanza Corporation), and K)mitan Kukuru Ri.7.to'to Okinawa (the

Ybmitan Kukuru Resort Okinawa), In general, collaboration between a ehamber of commerce and industry and a local government employees; assoeiation was rare in Okinawa, or in other

parts of Japan. NIsHIHIRA said:

ActuallM we had no thoughts of coopeTation with the YGEA when we presented our future

vision of Ybmitan's economie development. Later, I was asked by the YGEA to talk about this vision, and we built up a cooperative structure after that. In general, a local government employees' association is politically progressive and a chamber of commerce

and industry is polit･ically conservative. So our cooperation with the village government

employees' association might be strange if looking f}rom the outside. Yet, afteT all, the village government was resoureefu1 in pursuing a community development, So I believe we have been proeeeding in the right direction.

Thus, the YCCI has played a laTge role in the eommunity development of Ybmitan since the

1980s, paTticularly in the effort te lessen the loeal economic dependency on the presence of

the US bases.

Return to F"rtij'ima

Between the 1970s and 1980s, the eontinuous ell'orts of the Ybmitan people to remove the

US bases resulted in the closure of other bases in the village in addition to the bomb disposal

site. While 73 percent of Ybmitan's area had been used for US bases in 1972, this had been reduced to 48 percent by 1988 (Ybmitan Son Yakuba S6mubu Kikakuka 1988: 34). During this period, military land was transformed into park$, or used fbr medical and welfare

institutions, and 1fomitan's militarytdependent economy bccame more diversified. Moreover,

some aza, starting with [Ibguehi, were able to realize their dreams to return to their .fitrzijima

(original settlement).

[]bguchi, located on the west coast･ ef Ybmitan, is one of the oldest aza in the village and home to the well-known prehistoric site of [[bguchi'Agaribaru (c£ NET,sON 2006). In the Battle

of Okinawa, the US military selected [[bguchi as a landing site and completely devastated the

area. Six years after the war, in 1951, the people of [[bguchi were allowed to return to their

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86 HARA Tbmoaki

homeland, which they did in 1952. However, the fo11owing year, the US military ordered them

to move out and re-confiscated their lancl to construet the [[brii Communication Station, The

people of [[bguchi were forced to move to another area and built a new settlement there. Thus, their ultimate desire was to return to their junijima. In 1971, they organized 7bguchi ltichinoki Buraku Kaiho' Vkikyu' Jinushi Kai (the Toguchi Land Owners' Associat･ion for Liberating the

Original Settement), anticipating the 1972 reversien of Okinawa, and began te draft a

petition to the national and Iocal authoTities to that effect. EventuallM in 1973, their homeland was indeed returned to them.

Under the YAIy{AucHI administration, the Ybmitan government began to discuss reutilization plans of former military land with each aza kiminhan and, in this case, the people of [Ebguchi stated that they wanted to restore their fartv'ima as it was befbTe the war. This meant that they wanted to restore the layout of their original settlement, ineluding housing

sites, fields, sacred sites, burial grounds, and other plaees. They did not want to adopt a grid

patteTn like a modern suburban area. YONAHA Hitoshi, one of the government employees who discussed the matter with the "The people of [ibguchi, told me, people of Tbguchi and the Ybmitan government shared the

same recognition that if we ignored the layout of thefaray'ima, the people's social relationships

and everyday lives might get awkward," TAJI"{A Tbshio, a consultant from [[bkyo who has been involved in planning the reutilization of formennilitary land in Ybmitan for more than "The thirty years, added, layout of the original settlement was developed over a long period of time. We thought that it was most suitable for its land and people. AetuallM it was impossible for us to create a better plan in a short period of time."

The Ybmitan government approved the idea of [Ibguchi's people and inaugurated the [Ibguchi juray'ima restoration project in 1975. As prewar records and maps were destroyed during the Battle of Okinawa, they utilized aerial photos taken by the US military before the

invasion as well as the mernories of elderly villagers to reconstruet the Iayout of the original

settlement, TAJIMA and other staff members visited elderly people and began to build a map of the .fiimtiima. Although theTe weTe some discrepancies in the infbrmation they gatheTed, they finally created the map on which the.fitnu'ima restoration project was based. The.fiirLy'ima

of Uza and Gima were also restored in the late 1970s and early 1980s, foIIowing the

precedent of Tbguchi,

"Cultural Driving Wedges" into Ybmitan AirfTield

Altheugh the number of US milit･ary bases in Ybmitan was reduced to some extent after the

1970s, some still remained in the village. After the 1980s, YOmitan Airfield became the focus

of Ybmitan's anti-base movement. OriginallM most of the area was private land that was

confiscated by the Japanese Imperial ArmM whieh had implied that it would return the land

to its owners after the war. However, the landowners were not presented with any written

document to this effect, The US military constructed the airfield there during the Battle of

Okinawa and, after the war, retained control of the site as fbrmer Japanese military land,

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US ptlilitary Bases und Funshi 87

Then, after the 1972 reversion, the Japanese government regained contro] of the land and

registered it as state'owned land, Thus, the fbrmer land owners had neither been able to

collect rent from the US military nor from the Japanese government. Moreover, the aidield, which occupied a vast level plateau in the middle of the village, was one of the major obstaeles te Ybmitan's community development plans.

Disappointed by the governmental response after the reversion, the former landowners finally organized }?)mitan Hiktij'oe Sho.vuLken Kdefiiku Jlnushi Ktii (the Ybmitan AiTfield Landowners' Association for Restoring Land Ownership) in 1976, and began to draft a petition to the national and local authorities. In response to the petition, the Japanese government issued a

"fomitan set･tlement proposal in 1979 in which the government and the Okinawa prefectural

government were asked to submit a redevelopment plan for the land of the airfield. That

same year, parachute drop training at Ybmitan Airfield once again led to an accident. Despite

this, the US military continued to conduct training. The people of Ybmitan and its government thus began to resort to various means to stop the training, The Ybmitan government and other local organizations established a joint committee that lodged a strong protest against the US military and Naha Defense Facilities Administration Bureau, demanding the cessatien of parachute drop training and the return of the Ybmitan Airfield

land. They also monitored training, and tried to sabotage it by using such items as kites,

fireworks, automotive lights and horns, and searchlights. On some occasions, when Tiot police

were dispatched, the Ybmitan people sang and danced in front of them, trying to make them

CCAIthough laugh. As YAMAuc:HI said, we resorted to various means to stop the paraehute

training, we have never resorted to violent means. Culture and }aughter weTe our weapons."

In the meantime, the Ybmitan government and the lanclowners began to discuss redevelopment plans for the land of Ybmit･an Airfield and finally announced their offieial plan

in 1987. Aeeording to this plan, the Ybmitan government would construct various public faeilities as well as build eenters for subtropical agriculture. In faet, the Ybmitan government

had already begun to construct public facilities in quick succession inside or near the airfield, including the Ybmitan Welfare Center (1980), the Ybmitan Gymnasium (1981), the Ybmitan [[lrraditional Crafts Center (1982), the Ybmitan Heiwa No Mori (`fYbmitan Forest of Peaee") Baseball Field (1987),ZO and the Ybmitan Multipurpose Square (1987). The primary goal of

eonstructing these facilities was to stop parachute drop training at the airfield as well as to

build strongholds fbr Ybmitan's welfare and cultural aetivities. According to YAMAucHI,

studying American history in eollege was very helpfu1 for him during the negotiations with

US officials to eonstruct these faeilities:

20 In 1987, the Yomitan Heiwa No Mori Baseball Field was the site of a softball tournament, part of the 42nd National Athletic Meet he]d in Okinawa. During the tournament's opening ceremony, one vi]lager tore down and "Rising burned the Japanese Sun" flag, considered by some te be a symbol of Japanese imperialismi he was arrested fbr destruction of property. A fu11 account of this event and the incidents that fo11owed is found in work bv- S. CHTRA>JA (l992) and N. FIELD (l 991).

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S8 HttRit Toinoaki

I really think it was good for me that I had studied American history in college. When I was

a teacher, Ijust taught it to students in classes. But afterIbecame mayor, this historieal

knowledge became a weapon for me during negotiat,ions with the US officials. I told them

`rYbu what they could not deny. For example,Isaid to them, must know that the human

right to the pursuit of happiness is proclaimed in your Deelaration of Independence." Of

[`Yes, "We, course, they replied, we do," So I continued, the people of Ybmitan, also have this

human right as proclaimed in youT Deelaration of Independence as well as in our

Constitution. Our request･ is based not on an arbitrary code, but on the principle of the

Declaration of Independence." They could not counter my argument. Studying the history

ofAmerica really meant a lot to me (personal communication).

"driving YA",IAucHT said that eonstructing these public facilities was just like cultural wedges into the military base [Ybmitan Airfield]," The Ybmitan government expected that the US military would cease parachute drop training if it built public facilities around the airfield

because the training would become teo dangereus. However, contrary to its expectations, the

US military did not cease its training. The US military condu ¢ ted parachute drop training

more than 120 times during the 1980s, leading to ten accidents, Although the Japan-US Joint

Committee began to discuss the relocat,ion of Ybmitan AiTfield as early as 1980, it did not

announce any specific plans until a decade later. Moreover, the US military began heliborne training and airfield damage repair tTaining at the airfield during this period, which caused

new tensions with the people ofYbmitan.

In l99], the Ybmitan government decided to build it･s new municipal building in the middle of Ybmitan Airfield, based on its redevelopment plan. There was no prececlent fbr such a plan

to build a municipal building on a US base. As expected, the US military and the Japanese

government both strongly opposed this plan. Their initial response was to suggest

constructing a new municipal building over the site of the old one. Later, the US military

suggested that it would acquiesce to the plan if the Ybmitan government would build the

building at the fringe of the airfield. However, the Ybmitan government did not accept this

compromise proposal, Yl'NMiXuCHT insisted that they wanted to build the building there

beeause the plaee was most convenient for' the villagers. While it was true that the site was

almost equidistant frorn each settlement, there were also other reasons for the Ybmitan

government's proposal, Before the Asia-Pacifie War, Ybmitan EIement･ary School stood on the

site, and villagers used to congregate and enjoy various events at the schoolyard, Moreover,

the oldest map of the village showed that there was an intersection of main roads at that

"This place in the pre-modern era. particular place was like the navel of the village before the

war," YAMAucHI said. Therefore, this place was selected based on the personal and eollective memories of the people of Ybmitan as well as for political and praetieal reasons. In eontrast, the construct,ion ef the military bases ignored the role of the site as a holder of personal and collective memories. Thus, the negotiations between the Ybmitan government, the US militar.v, and the Japanese government were not just battles over space but struggles of

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US Militarv Bases and Fttnshi 89

remembrance against obfuscation as well.

FinallM the US rnilitary replied that they would approve the Ybmitan government's plan if

the Japanese government would approve it. However, the negotiations with the Japanese

"I government proceeded with difficulty tried to persuade the Japanese government, basing

my arguments en the Constitution. But they did not approve our plan. During a buneh of

runarounds with the department chief of the Ministry of Finance, I was hit by inspiration,"

YIMvlAUCHI said. -

"Do I said to him after a pause, you know aboutfasui?, Asian people have been selecting the

places to build houses and settlements based on the philosophy offasui sinee early times. The people of Okinawa have also been using.filsui, The people of each village and crza have

been using it. Ybu said that we should construct a municipal building at the fringe of the

airfield. But we cannot accept such a proposal, This building will be the stTonghold fbr our village's administrative, political, educational, eultural, and welfare activities in the

twenty'first･ century We did historicahresearch and found that this place was a cultural

center and the most important place in our village, and that it was the best place to build a

municipal building in terms ofMsui as well, That's why we have been asking you again and

again to approve our plan. Do you deny Asian philosophy?

"Have `[Yes, He then asked me, you really theught it out that far?" we have," I replied. He

became silent for a whjJe and, after that, we began to share a confidence with each other.

He did not approve our plan on the spot. But afteT this meeting, the Ministry of Finance

eventually approved our p]an. I remember that one professor of geography told us about ,Msui when I was a college

student. However, to tell you the truth, I knew almost nothing about the details of,fasui at

that time, As forfanshi, whatIremembered at that time was that elderly people used to talk about it when I was a youngster. Ybu must know that the people of our aza [Uza] were

forced to move again and again after the war because our.fiiray'ima was incorporated into a

US militaTy base. About every ten years, we were foreed to move. When we moved to a new

place, I remembered that elderly people discussed, using the term.fitnshi, whether it was a

good place to live,

"fomitan In 1995, the Japan-US Joint Committee reached an agreement on the joint use of Airfield with the Ybmitan government, and the village government soon began construction of

the municipal building, introdueing various traditional Okinawan styles. That･ same year, a twelve-year-old girl was abducted and raped by three US servicemen in Okinawa. This incident prompted the Japanese and US governments to establish the Speeial Action Committee on Okinawa (SACO) to diseuss the return of US bases in Okinawa. In 1996, SACO produced its final report, and the US government agreed to return to Japanese control about 20 pereent of the Iand on Okinawa used fbr US bases, including Ybmitan Airfield. The US

military finally eeased its training at t･he airfield in the middle of this discussion. In 1997, the

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90 HARA Tbmoaki

Ybmitan government opened its new municipal building. However, it took nine more years

before the land of Ybmitan Airfield was returned.

The above description might give the impression that all the Japanese and US national

officials were hostile to Ybmitan's community development. As a matter of faet, according to

"Ybmitan YA)cAucHI and others, there were some fans" in both the Japanese and US

governments (personal communication). Whenever those oen,cials of the US militarM the US embassy or the Japanese government visited Ybmitan, Ylwh(AUCHI took them to vaTious sites

in the village, including Ylachimun No Sato, the Ybmitall [[bcaditional Craft Center, the

Ybmitan Folk History Museum, and the Ybmitan Art Museum,2i and let them expeTience

making pQttery and weaving textiles. In the evening, the Ybmitan government entertained them with Okinawan fbods, awamori (an Okinawan distilled spirit), music, and danee.

YAiN･IAUC･Hl believed that the power of bunka would affect visitors across borders of

nationality. In fact, some Japanese and US officials who visited Ybmitan became sympathetic

to Ybmitan's cemmunity development and paid ineognito visits to the village afterwards.

Aeeording to YIAJN･tAucHI and otheTs, there were those who even ealled themselves the

"Ybrnitan [Erio" in the US embassy (personal communication). YAMAUCHI and others stress

"cultural that they were able to drive wedges" into Ybmitan Airfield because of these

"Ybmitan fans" in the Japanese and US governments.

The Municipal Master Plan

In 1992, soon after the Ybmitan government decided to build its new municipal building in

the middle of Ybmitan Airfield, a comp. rehensive revision of the City Planning Law was

implemented by the Japanese government. The revised law required each local government to elearly outline its municipal master plan that would shew its future vision for eommunity

development. The law also required local governments to include resident･s' views in their

master plans.

As for taking into consideration these views, the Ybmitan government had already been diseussing reutilization plans of former military Iands with each aza kOminkan. In the 1980s,

these discussions led to a mapmaking project in order to restore the layouts of thefarty'ima of eaeh aza. Through their research, those involved in this projeet rediscovered many similarities between each farwfimds layout and found that such a layout of a .fitrwfima was

deeply influenced by,fi{nshi. For example, a.fitritfima was usually located on the south side of a

hill and developed towards the south as its population inereased. They called the hill on the

north of the settlement kusati, which literally meant backrest, and they used to build tombs

and sacred site$ around kusati (NAKAtMATsu 1975: 146'56), Moreover, a.faruf'ima was usually

2i The Yomitan Art Museum, established by the Yomitan governmcnt 1n l990, was the first ot' its kind among Okinawan villages. Fer YMmucm, the .museum was not a place to exhibit famous or rare artwork. Rather, it was an incubator to foster the art and culture of the village as well as an important loeation for negotiations with the Japanese and US othcials (personal communication). In fact, the Yomitan Art Museum holds an annual exhibition of artworks created by villagers of all ages, ineluding painting, sculpture, ceramic arts and glasswork.

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US Militarv Bases and Ftm.s･hi 91

surrounded by a windbreak of trees called ho-gu and had a community square called ashibina in

the center where people would congregate. InterestinglM after the 1990s, the people of Ybmitan began to use fasui or junshi as a "topophilia" symbolic concept to publicly express their (TuAN 1974) or attachment to their land, as well as their wish for prosperity and happiness at their settlements, whether original

or new. Although the peop}e of some aza could return to their,faray'ima, even now there are

those, like the people of the aza of Kna, who are still unable to return to their farzij'ima, as

those areas are incorporated into the US bases, After the war, the people of Kina formed a

new set･tlement not far from theirfaray'ima. However, the infrast,rueture of the new settlement

was underdeveloped and they were forced to live in poor conditions for a long time. It was not

until the 1980s that they began an environmental improvement projeet･ for their new

settlement. In 1990, the people of Kina constructed a monument to commemorate this project,,

"Fz'/sui On its flront, it bears the inscription kissye' no chi'7 ("A place of good.filsrti"). Another "Fu'sui inscription on the back of the monument explains, means.fitnshi, a coneept that our

ancesters highly valued in looking for a place where one could live in peace." SimilarlM the

people of Tbkeshi constructed a monument in 1993 to commemorate an integrated

"Hito environmental improvement project in their set･tlement with the inscription vvashite.fiisui sadumaru" ("Goodfasui was achieved beeause of our cooperation").

In 1994, the Ybmitan government began to confer with the people of each aza to ereate

visions of their futuTe and eventually compiled them in a report called }bmitan Son Azabetsu -Ybmitan K6so- ("The Future Vlsion of Each Aza of Village") (Ybmitan Son 1995), In this report, several aza use the terms,filsui in their future visions, As one oftheir goals, the people of Kina

focused on returning to their .fitrqfima and building a peacefu1 and relaxing settlement t･here

"building based on the philosophy of,filstti, The people of Zakimi describe their main goal as a

eommunity utilizing wind, water, and floweTs" thus implicating the concept offasui, [[b this

end, they are promoting environmental beautification projects in their set･tlement, such as

planting trees and flowers, and cleaning rivers and wells.

Along with conferring with the villagers, the Yl)mitan government began formu]ating a

municipal master plan, Those involved with this project identified three foundations of the

master plan:

First, our village is located on a peninsula as well as on the margin of a metropolitan area,

Thus, our village constitutes an autonomous area where the residents can enjoy not only a

rural environment but also the convenience of urban living. ConsequentlM it is important

to formulate an autonomous plan that values our unique lifestyle and creative eommunity development.

Second, unlike metropolitan munieipalities, our vi'11age consists of aza that have their

own decision'making structuTes, Thus, it is important to implement a plan for building

community facilities (e.g. athletic fields) and improving the living environment in cooperation with the people of each a2a.

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92 HARA Tomoaki

Third, the environment of our village shows a unique combination of the sea, rivers, and mountains, exemplified by the coral'reef lagoon, Cape Zanpa, Zakimi Cast･le, and Mt. Ybmitan-dake. Moreover, these geographical features are deeply related to the history and

culture of our village and have various potential meanings, Our municipal master plan must be based on these three foundations and must reflect our future vision and the fundamental policies of our village (Ybmitan Son 1997: 1).

The discussion based on these fbundations as well as conferences with the villagers Ied the

projeet members to the concept offanshi. Recalling the discussion, YoNAHA Hitoshi, a member of the municipal planning staff, said:

If we were to fo11ow a national standard, we wc)uld adopt a grid pattern plan, putting emphasis on efficiency ActuallM we may adopt such a plan in a business and commercial

area. However, what is important is how the residents think and feel about their own living environments, Thereibre, we introduced the cencept offanshi, putting priority on amenity

and eomtbrt for local residents rather than on efficieney. As you must know, a layout of

original settlements was developed based onfanshi,

Thus, they introdueed the concept offanshi in the master plan, eventually creating the figure ofHih6 Kaman Kiigani Kinn (C`The Flying Phoenix, the Chain of Flowers, and the Golden Circle"). The hill where Zakimi Castle is loeated is called kusati, and the vast Ievel plateau on its

southern side is called Kligani Klrxn (Golden Cirele). This area ealled Kugani Kinn was planned to

beeome the economic and cultural center of the village although the area was still oceupiecl by

Ybmitan Airfield at that time, They planned to build various public facilities in the middle of 1

expected to beeome an ashibina" (traditional community square) where people will eongregate.

'YArvTAuCHI As stated above, referTed to .fusui during the difficult negotiations with the

Japanese government, However, YoNAHA and other municipal planning staff members did

not know about this episode until recentlyl and YAMAucHI also did not know that･ the

municipal planning staff attempted to intToduce the concept of.fitnshi in the master plan at that time. Despite this, each of them had come across the practice offanshi(filsui as a means of

community development in their struggle against the US bases, YAMAuCHI says the fo11owing,

"The referencing the aphorism by IHA FuyU: spring that the municipal planning staff and I dug coincidentally wasfasui" (YAJNcAUCHI 2001: 6).

In 1998, soon after the munieipal master plan was issued, Yl'"･kxuCHI resigned from the

mayor's offiee and beeame the Chief Chamberlain of Okinawa Prefecture, YASUDA Keiz6, who 'Ylan･tAuCHI, had served as the Deputy Mayor of Ybmitan for twenty years under became the

new mayor of the village. Under the YxsuDA Administration, the Ybmitan government announeed its fundamental pQlicy in the fbrm of tyT?ka (the Ryukyuan lyrieal poetry):

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US Military Bases and b'im.shi 93

iiitasa artt.fitnshi [GoodYitnshi]

Mktsaru chimugukunt [Rich eompassion fbr others]

Stikijiikt{ru hanaya [Full-bloomed flowersfbunka]

thira nt, miati [That's the goal of our village] (Ybmitan Son Yhkuba S6mu Kikakubu 1998: 7)

One interesting point about this "yu'ka is that the term hana (flowers) is essentially.

synonymous with bunka. While this policy has been slightly modified since then, fitnshi and hanafbunka remain key eoncepts in the policies of the Ybmitan government.

Conclusion

Ybmitan's unique incorporation oCfanshi into its munieipal master plan can be considered a

product of the distinctive brand of community development pr'omoted by the Y)tMAucHI

administration. Fttnshi is elosely linked to the twin philosophies underlying this community

development: bunka and kank.vO, That is to saM junshi is part of the historical and cult･ural

heritage that can be traced to the feng shui used in the Ryukyu Kingdom, and its use in the

master plan suggests haTmonious relations between the village and its environment.

The community development of Ybmitan has been inseparably linked to its anti"base

movement, and the concept of hunka has been central in t,his linkage. One of the unique

elements of Yl)mitan's anti'base movement is that the important role played by bunka did not

lead to traditionalism or cultural exelusivism. The coneept･ of culture has been reeently

criticized in anthropology as inevitably suggesting an inordinate degree of boundedness,

"the homogeneity, coherence, and stability, and thus becoming essent･ial tool for making

other" (ABU'LUGHOD 1991: 1431 cf. BRUMANN 1999). In fact, the concept of eulture or bztnka

has long been a key concept in modern Japanese culturalism22 and theories of Japanese

uniqueness (MORRIS'SuzuKI 1988).2: However, as R. WILmA"cS (1973: 11) once reminded us of

the emergent quality of culture, new meanings, new significanees and experiences have been

cTeated through the diseourses and practices of bunka in Ybmitan's case. Although YA"tAuCHI

"digging has valued up" traditional culture,24 he has even more highly valued the creation of

new bunka based on it, As a ease in point, the introduction of.fitnshi to the master plan was not

22 A. AppAI)ul{AL (1996: 15) uses the word culturalism to designate a feature of movements t/hat mobilize$ eultural difl'erence$ to articulate group identity especial]y at the level of natienTstate. 23 T. MoRRIs-SuzuKI (1988: 60-78) traces the history of the concept of hztnko in Japanese thought, In prc-modern Japan, hztnka implied the ordering and improvement of society by the use of bztii (the written word, learning or scholarly rule) xather than by the use of bu (military>. The eoneept of culture made inroads into Japanese theught after the Meiji period, became intertwined with the concept of bunka, a]id has played a central role in modern Japanese detlnitions of nationhood. Zi "digging With reference to up" traditional culture, the Yomitan government has so far promoted dialectal revitalization movements. In 1989, the government published Ybmitan Son Dainiji SZigO Keikakit Kihon 1

Yomitan Board of Education and other local organizations have sponsored an Okinawan speeeh eontest every year since 1993. Thc Yomitan Board of Education has also promoted the collection of folk ta]es ft'om each ciza,

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9,1 HARA Tbmeaki

the revival of the geomancy used in the era of the Ryukyu Kingdom to determine the Iayout of

each aza's settlement, Moreover, the unifying figuTe of Hiho- Kaman Kugani Kdn was created

based on a Korean feng shui master's vision for Ybmitan, implying Ybmitan's history of

interaction with mainland East Asia,

Although this unique anti'base movement and community development were led by

YAMAUCHI [Ibkushin, they could not have been caTried out without the support of a nurnber of

non-governmental organizatiens. The cooperation of the aza and their community-based

organizations with the Y:FulxtAucHI administration, in addition to the very survival of the aza

system after the Asia-Pacifie War, has been crueial to Ybmitan's culture-oriented community

development, The Ybmitan Government has promoted the community development at the aza

level as well as on the village level; in turn, each azds effbrts have been influential in the

policy and decision-making process of the Ybmitan Government, as seen in the case of the

faray'ima restoration projects. In fact, some aza used the concepts of.iiinshi orfasui, befbre the Ybmitan Government ever did, to publicly present their visions and strong senses of place. In

addition to the importance of the aza, other local organizations including the YGEA, the YCCI,

and the informal network of YArvlAucHI's foTmer student,s, have been critical to the success of

Ybmitan's community development. It is the social bonds within each aza, as well as the

oveTlapping social ties of workplace and sehool, which transcend the azds boundaries, that

made possible such village'wide effbrts,

"driving Another unique aspect of Ybmitan's anti-base movement has been its strategy of cultural wedges" into US bases. The unprecedented construction of a series of public facilities on Ybmitan Airfield finally led to the bold plan of eonstructing a new munieipal building in

the middle of the airfield. The decisive factor in the difficult and extended negotiations of this

plan with the Japanese government ended up being YAMAucHT's appeal to.fiisui and its ability

to connect the villagers to the land, their traditions, and their personal and collective

memories of the prewar period. 'Ybmitan's In sum, the use of.fitnshi in municipal master plan encapsulates the fundamental pTinciples of Ybmitan's anti-base movement and community development. As such,./iinshi has

beeome a concept that represents the antithesis of the influence of the military bases in the

context of Ybmitan's effbrts. Whi}e war and military bases destroyed thejung'ima, estranging

people from their homes, junshi reflects the memory of prewar settlements and landscapes as well as the villagers' topophilia, As R J. STEwART and A. STRrtrHEHN (2003: 1) point out,

perceptions of and values attached to landscape through remembered and imaginary

experiences are able to become sites of cultural identity, [[b extend this discussion, we should

look at Ybmitan;s anti-base movement ancl community development as a struggle of

remembrance against obfuscation as well as a struggle to stem violence and regain control of

the land, Ybmitan's effbrts underscore the importance of local landscape, collective memorM

and the championing of local culture in promoting demilitarization without resorting to

traditionalism or cultural exclusivism,

As described above, not only was the introduct･ion offanshi int･o YbmitanJs municipal master

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US Militai'y Bases and 1'7unshi 95

plan unique, it also refiects the village's distinctive and efTective anti-base movernent and

community development. However, it must be noted that Ybmitan's effbrts continue to face

many challenges. First, 36 percent of Ybmitan's land area is still occupied by the Kadena

Ammunition Storage Area and the Torii Communieation Station, which causes many

problems. For example, a sergeant assigned to the [[brii Cemmunieation Station was involved

in a fatal hit-and-run aceident in 2009. This led te a publie outery because he refused to

submit to questioning by Japanese police and was not handed over to Japanese authorities

until he was indicted, On the other hand, there are some villagers who support the military

presence in the village, which brings us to the second point: a number of Ybmitan villagers

work at US bases or collect rent for military land,25 and at least some of them oppose the

return of the military land. One landowner told me:

There is a discrepaney between YAMAucm Tbkushin's idea and our real idieas, Actually,

most people in our aza want the US mMtary to keep using our land. Otherwise, we will have big trouble. We won't be able to eollect even half of the rent if we plant flowers or

sugar eane on the land. The village government employees are okay because they have

secure jobs with good pay But･ we, the farmers, will have a big problem if we lose our rent, There are many local people who built their houses anticipating that rent, If the US

military returns the military land, it's going to be hard for them to pay their mortgages. There are some local people working at US bases. If they lose their jobs, what is the village

government going to do about that? I am an old man, se I would be able to survive for the few years [until my death]. What I am worried about is what would happen to young people,

our children and grandchildren, in the future,

A symbolic event related to US base workers in Okinawa occurred in 2008 which supports

the afbrementioned landowner's statement. Zen C7tthyngun R6d6 Kumiai Okinawa Chikzt llbnbu

(The Okinawa Branch of All Japan Garrison Forees Labor Union, hereafter, the Okinawa

Branch) withdrew from the Okinawa Peaee Movement Center that has been central to

Okinawa's peace movement sinee its estab].ishment in 1993.26 According to a local newspaper,

`CAs a representative of the Okinawa Branch stated as follows: the younger generation members increased, it became difficult to gain the support of our members for the anti'base movement" (R.vilkyz', Shiizp6, November 5, 20e8).

Third, it is apparent that･ a part of Ybmitan's economy is still basetrelated beyond rent and

25 For example, more than 90 percent of the land arca of the Torii Communieation Station is private property, and 1,028 landowners eollect a total of more than 1,3 billion yen per year as of 2006 (Okinawa Ken Chiji K6shitsu Kichi Taisakuka 2008: 274). Some aia kOminkan also collect rent fbr leasing their common land to the ToTii

Communication Station and the Kadena Ammunition Storage Area, 26 The Okinnwa Braneh's precleeessor, the Union of Military Base Workers known as Zbngunrb, was once the largest labor union in Okinawa and played a signitlcant role in Okinawa's reversion movement and anti'base movement (Ko,JIMA 2004) . The Union of Military Base Workers joi ned the All Japan Garrison )]orces Labor Union m 1978.

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96 HARA Tbmoaki

wages paid to local people, Expenditures by the US military and base'related revenues firom

the national government still make up a substantial proportion ofYbmitan's economy In fact, the Ybmitan government received more than 2.2 billion yen as base-related revenues from the national government, which comprised 17.5 percent of the total revenue of the Ybmitan government in 2006 (Okinawa Ken Chiji K6shitsu Kichi Taisakuka 2008: 138). Fourth, although the asa have been critical to Ybmitan's community development, there has

been a recent increase of households that do not belong to ally aza, As mentioned previouslM

membership in an aza has become more voluntary after the war, fbr better or worse. (IbdaM

the younger generation, as well as those who have moved to Ybmitan from other places, tends

not to participate in any uza. The three most･ common reasons for lack of aza membership that

"I "I I have heaTd in Ybmitan are have no time to join azds activities," don't see any merit in

"I participating in aza," and am not from Ydmitan." As of 2008, approximately 46 percent of all

the households in Ybmitan do not belong to any aza.27

Despite such challenges, Ybmitan's effbrt to implement its municipal master plan based on

the concept offanshi persists, Ybmitan exemplifies what a local eommunity can aecomplish even in the face of a complex, opposing political agenda of a country li'ke the United States.

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