Fragments and Clausal Ellipsis
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The Interpretation of Tense — I Didn't Turn Off the Stove Toshiyuki Ogihara
The interpretation of tense — I didn’t turn off the stove Toshiyuki Ogihara — University of Washington [email protected] Kiyomi Kusumoto — Kwansei Gakuin University [email protected] Abstract This chapter examines Partee’s (1973) celeBrated claim that tenses are not existential quantifiers but pronouns. In the first half of the chapter, we show that this proposal successfully accounts for the Behavior of tense morphemes regarding deixis, anaphora, and presupposition. It is also compatiBle with cases where tense morphemes Behave like Bound variables. In the second half of the chapter, we turn to the syntax-semantics interface and propose some concrete implementations Based on three different assumptions aBout the semantics of tense: (i) quantificational; (ii) pronominal; (iii) relational. Finally, we touch on some tense-related issues involving temporal adverBials and cross-linguistic differences. Keywords tense, pronoun, quantification, Bound variaBle, referential, presupposition, temporal adverbial (7 key words) 1. Introduction This article discusses the question of whether the past tense morpheme is analogous to pronouns and if so how tense is encoded in the system of the interfaces between syntax and semantics. The languages we will deal with in this article have tense morphemes that are attached to verbs. We use 1 this type of language as our guide and model. Whether tense is part of natural language universals, at least in the area of semantic interpretation, is debatable.1 Montague’s PTQ (1973) introduces a formal semantic system that incorporates some tense and aspect forms in natural language and their model-theoretic interpretation. It introduces tense operators based on Prior’s (1957, 1967) work on tense logic. -
Gapping: in Defense of Deletion
Gapping: In Defense of Deletion Elizabeth Coppock Northwestern University 1 Introduction Gapping refers to the following type of construction: (1) [α John likes caviar] and [γ Mary beans]. Typically, Gapping involves two such conjoined clauses, where the second clause contains no pronounced verbal material, as in (1). Following usual terminology, I call the missing material the Gap, the first clause (e.g. α) the antecedent clause, the second clause (e.g. γ) the gapped clause, and the pronounced elements of the gapped clause remnants. Assuming that the Gap is present somehow in the syntax, we have three potential analyses, depending on the nature of the Gap. We may interpret it as (i) a null pro-form, (ii) a deleted element, or (iii) a trace of movement. I immediately rule out possibility (i), following Hankamer and Sag (1976), who argue that Gaps are Surface Anaphors as opposed to Deep Anaphors (i.e. null pro-forms), based on their Island sensitivity and the fact that they require a linguistic antecedent. The second idea (deletion) is as old as the term Gapping. The first detailed investigation of the phenomenon was in Rosss 1967 dissertation, where he coined its name, and gave a deletion analysis. In 1976, Sag suggested that the remnants A'-move out of the gapped clause before deletion, preserving the hypothesis that operations (such as deletion) affect entire constituents. My proposal is essentially Sags, differing significantly only in the assumption that remnants adjoin to VP, rather than at the sentence level, as in (2).1 (2) John likes caviar, and [VP Mary1 [VP beans2 [VP t1 likes t2 ] ] ]]. -
Overt Existential Closure in Bura (Central Chadic)
Overt Existential Closure in Bura (Central Chadic) Malte Zimmermann University of Potsdam 1. Introduction The article presents a semantic-based account of the syntactic distribution of the morpheme adi in Bura. This morpheme is traditionally glossed as an existential predicate there is (Hoffmann 1955) and occurs only in a limited set of – at first sight – heterogeneous syntactic environments, namely (i.) in (most) negative clauses; (ii.) in thetic constructions used for introducing new discourse referents (there is x ...); and (iii.) in existential clefts (there is some x that ...). The article will identify the semantic contribution of adi and give a unified account of its distribution. It is argued that adi is an overt marker of existential closure that can bind individual or event variables with existential force. The insertion of adi is argued to be a last resort operation. It applies if and only if alternative means of existentially closing a variable fail. The analysis of adi as an overt indicator of existential closure has repercussions for semantic theory as whole. For once, given that adi is overt, it gives us a better insight into the workings and the grammatical locus of existential closure, which can be accessed only indirectly in European languages (Diesing 1992). Second, given that adi must existentially close off event variables in negative clauses, it can be used as a diagnostic for the ability of verbal predicates to introduce an event argument into the semantic representation (Kratzer 1995). The structure of the article is as follows: Section 2 provides some background information on Bura. Section 3 lays out the main facts surrounding the distribution of adi. -
Quantification and Predication in Mandarin Chinese: a Case Study of Dou
University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons IRCS Technical Reports Series Institute for Research in Cognitive Science December 1996 Quantification and Predication in Mandarin Chinese: A Case Study of Dou Shi-Zhe Huang University of Pennsylvania Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/ircs_reports Huang, Shi-Zhe, "Quantification and Predication in Mandarin Chinese: A Case Study of Dou" (1996). IRCS Technical Reports Series. 114. https://repository.upenn.edu/ircs_reports/114 University of Pennsylvania Institute for Research in Cognitive Science Technical Report No. IRCS-96-36. This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/ircs_reports/114 For more information, please contact [email protected]. Quantification and Predication in Mandarin Chinese: A Case Study of Dou Abstract In the more recent generalized quantifier theory, 'every' is defined as a elationr between two sets such that the first set is a subset of the second set (Cooper (1987), anv Benthem (1986)). We argue in this dissertation that the formal definition of e' very' ought to reflect our intuition that this quantifier is always associated with a pairing. For instance, 'Every student left' means that for every student there is an event (Davidson (1966), Kroch (1974), Mourelatos (1978), Bach (1986)) such that the student left in that event. We propose that the formal translation of EVERY be augmented by relating its two arguments via a skolem function. A skolem function links two variables by making the choice of a value for one variable depend on the choice of a value for the other. This definition of EVERY, after which 'every' and its Chinese counterpart 'mei' can be modeled, can help us explain the co-occurrence pattern between 'mei' and the adverb 'dou'. -
Degrees As Kinds Vs. Degrees As Numbers: Evidence from Equatives1 Linmin ZHANG — NYU Shanghai
Degrees as kinds vs. degrees as numbers: Evidence from equatives1 Linmin ZHANG — NYU Shanghai Abstract. Within formal semantics, there are two views with regard to the ontological status of degrees: the ‘degree-as-number’ view (e.g., Seuren, 1973; Hellan, 1981; von Stechow, 1984) and the ‘degree-as-kind’ view (e.g., Anderson and Morzycki, 2015). Based on (i) empirical distinctions between comparatives and equatives and (ii) Stevens’s (1946) theory on the four levels of measurements, I argue that both views are motivated and needed in accounting for measurement- and comparison-related meanings in natural language. Specifically, I argue that since the semantics of comparatives potentially involves measurable differences, comparatives need to be analyzed based on scales with units, on which degrees are like (real) numbers. In contrast, since equatives are typically used to convey the non-existence of differences, equa- tives can be based on scales without units, on which degrees can be considered kinds. Keywords: (Gradable) adjectives, Comparatives, Equatives, Similatives, Levels of measure- ments, Measurements, Comparisons, Kinds, Degrees, Dimensions, Scales, Units, Differences. 1. Introduction The notion of degrees plays a fundamental conceptual role in understanding measurements and comparisons. Within the literature of formal semantics, there are two major competing views with regard to the ontological status of degrees. For simplicity, I refer to these two ontologies as the ‘degree-as-number’ view and the ‘degree-as-kind’ view in this paper. Under the more canonical ‘degree-as-number’ view, degrees are considered primitive objects (of type d). Degrees are points on abstract totally ordered scales (see Seuren, 1973; Hellan, 1981; von Stechow, 1984; Heim, 1985; Kennedy, 1999). -
Anaphoric Reference to Propositions
ANAPHORIC REFERENCE TO PROPOSITIONS A Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Cornell University in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy by Todd Nathaniel Snider December 2017 c 2017 Todd Nathaniel Snider ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ANAPHORIC REFERENCE TO PROPOSITIONS Todd Nathaniel Snider, Ph.D. Cornell University 2017 Just as pronouns like she and he make anaphoric reference to individuals, English words like that and so can be used to refer anaphorically to a proposition introduced in a discourse: That’s true; She told me so. Much has been written about individual anaphora, but less attention has been paid to propositional anaphora. This dissertation is a com- prehensive examination of propositional anaphora, which I argue behaves like anaphora in other domains, is conditioned by semantic factors, and is not conditioned by purely syntactic factors nor by the at-issue status of a proposition. I begin by introducing the concepts of anaphora and propositions, and then I discuss the various words of English which can have this function: this, that, it, which, so, as, and the null complement anaphor. I then compare anaphora to propositions with anaphora in other domains, including individual, temporal, and modal anaphora. I show that the same features which are characteristic of these other domains are exhibited by proposi- tional anaphora as well. I then present data on a wide variety of syntactic constructions—including sub- clausal, monoclausal, multiclausal, and multisentential constructions—noting which li- cense anaphoric reference to propositions. On the basis of this expanded empirical do- main, I argue that anaphoric reference to a proposition is licensed not by any syntactic category or movement but rather by the operators which take propositions as arguments. -
An Asymmetry in Voice Mismatches in VP-Ellipsis and Pseudogapping
An asymmetry in voice mismatches in VP-ellipsis and pseudogapping Jason Merchant University of Chicago [email protected] Final revision for Linguistic Inquiry, March 29, 2007 VP-ellipsis and pseudogapping in English show a previously unnoticed asymmetry in their tolerance for voice mismatch: while VP-ellipsis allows mismatches in voice between the elided VP and its antecedent, pseudogap- ping does not. This difference is unexpected under current analyses of pseu- dogapping, which posit that pseudogapping is a kind of VP-ellipsis. I show that this difference falls out naturally if the target of deletion in the two cases differs slightly: in VP-ellipsis, a node lower than Voice is deleted, while in pseudogapping a node containing Voice is deleted. This analysis further- more accounts for a new observation concerning the distribution of floated quantifiers in these two constructions as well.1 1Thanks to Kirsten Gengel, Kyle Johnson, and the two LI reviewers for very helpful comments. 1 1 Voice mismatches It is well known that VP-ellipsis in English tolerates mismatches between the voice of the elided constituent and that of its antecedent, in both directions. Typical examples are those in (1) and (2) (the (a) examples from Kehler 2002:53; see also Sag 1976:17, 75, Dalrymple et al. 1991, Hardt 1993, Johnson 2001, and Arregui et al. to appear for further examples, discussion, and qualifications). (1) Passive antecedent, active ellipsis a. This problem was to have been looked into, but obviously nobody did. <look into this problem> b. The system can be used by anyone who wants to. -
A Theory of Names and True Intensionality*
A Theory of Names and True Intensionality? Reinhard Muskens Tilburg Center for Logic and Philosophy of Science [email protected] http://let.uvt.nl/general/people/rmuskens/ Abstract. Standard approaches to proper names, based on Kripke's views, hold that the semantic values of expressions are (set-theoretic) functions from possible worlds to extensions and that names are rigid designators, i.e. that their values are constant functions from worlds to entities. The difficulties with these approaches are well-known and in this paper we develop an alternative. Based on earlier work on a higher order logic that is truly intensional in the sense that it does not validate the axiom scheme of Extensionality, we develop a simple theory of names in which Kripke's intuitions concerning rigidity are accounted for, but the more unpalatable consequences of standard implementations of his theory are avoided. The logic uses Frege's distinction between sense and reference and while it accepts the rigidity of names it rejects the view that names have direct reference. Names have constant denotations across possible worlds, but the semantic value of a name is not determined by its denotation. Keywords: names, axiom of extensionality, true intensionality, rigid designation 1 Introduction Standard approaches to proper names, based on Kripke (1971, 1972), make the following three assumptions. (a) The semantic values of expressions are (possibly partial) functions from pos- sible worlds to extensions. (b) These functions are identified with their graphs, as in set theory. (c) Names are rigid designators, i.e. their extensions are world-independent. In particular, the semantic values of names are taken to be constant functions from worlds to entities, possibly undefined for some worlds. -
What VP Ellipsis Can Do, and What It Can't, but Not Why*
What VP Ellipsis Can Do, and What it Can’t, * but not Why Kyle Johnson University of Massachusetts Amherst VP Ellipsis is the name given to instances of anaphora in which a missing predicate, like that marked by “)” in (2), is able to find an antecedent in the surrounding discourse, as (2) does in the bracketed material of (1). (1) Holly Golightly won’t [eat rutabagas]. (2) I don’t think Fred will ), either. We can identify three sub-problems which a complete account of this phenomenon must solve. (3) a. In which syntactic environments is VP Ellipsis licensed? b. What structural relation may an elided VP and its antecedent have? c. How is the meaning of the ellipsis recovered from its antecedent? These tasks tend to run together, as we shall see; but there is no immediate harm in treating them separately. 1. LICENSING THE ELLIPSIS The first of the problems presents itself with pairs such as (4). (4) I can’t believe Holly Golightly won’t eat rutabagas. a. I can’t believe Fred won’t ), either. b. *I can’t believe Fred ), either. These contrasts are typically thought to involve licensing conditions that the environment to the left of the ellipsis invoke. The contrast between (4a) and (4b), for instance, indicates that the ellipsis site must be in construction with, or perhaps governed by, a member of “Aux,” where these can be understood to be just those terms that are able occupy the highest of the functional projections which clauses are made up of. The modal, won’t, is an Aux, as is the infinitival to and the auxiliaries have, be and do in (5). -
EISS 12 Empirical Issues in Syntax and Semantics 12
EISS 12 Empirical Issues in Syntax and Semantics 12 Edited by Christopher Pinon 2019 CSSP Paris http://www.cssp.cnrs.fr/eiss12/ ISSN 1769-7158 Contents Preface iv Anne Abeillé & Shrita Hassamal 1–30 Sluicing in Mauritian: A Fragment-Based Analysis Aixiu An & Anne Abeillé 31–60 Number Agreement in French Binomials Micky Daniels & Yael Greenberg 61–89 Extreme Adjectives in Comparative Structures and even Emilie Destruel & Joseph P. De Veaugh-Geiss 91–120 (Non-)Exhaustivity in French c’est-Clefts Regine Eckardt & Andrea Beltrama 121–155 Evidentials and Questions Yanwei Jin & Jean-Pierre Koenig 157–186 Expletive Negation in English, French, and Mandarin: A Semantic and Language Production Model Fabienne Martin & Zsófia Gyarmathy 187–216 A Finer-grained Typology of Perfective Operators Vítor Míguez 217–246 On (Un)certainty: The Semantic Evolution of Galician seguramente Emanuel Quadros 247–276 The Semantics of Possessive Noun Phrases and Temporal Modifiers EISS 12 iii Preface This is the twelfth volume of the series Empirical Issues in Syntax and Semantics (EISS), which, like the preceding eleven volumes of the series, is closely related to the conference series Colloque de Syntaxe et Sémantique à Paris (CSSP). The nine papers included in the present volume are based on presentations given at CSSP 2017, which took place on 23–25 November 2017 at École Normale Supérieure (http: //www.cssp.cnrs.fr/cssp2017/index_en.html). CSSP 2017 had a small thematic session entitled Discourse particles, but since the number of papers from the thematic session submitted to the volume was low, they are not grouped separately. I would like to take this opportunity to thank the reviewers, whose comments aided the authors in revising the first drafts of their pa- pers, sometimes substantially. -
Donkey Anaphora Is In-Scope Binding∗
Semantics & Pragmatics Volume 1, Article 1: 1–46, 2008 doi: 10.3765/sp.1.1 Donkey anaphora is in-scope binding∗ Chris Barker Chung-chieh Shan New York University Rutgers University Received 2008-01-06 = First Decision 2008-02-29 = Revised 2008-03-23 = Second Decision 2008-03-25 = Revised 2008-03-27 = Accepted 2008-03-27 = Published 2008- 06-09 Abstract We propose that the antecedent of a donkey pronoun takes scope over and binds the donkey pronoun, just like any other quantificational antecedent would bind a pronoun. We flesh out this idea in a grammar that compositionally derives the truth conditions of donkey sentences containing conditionals and relative clauses, including those involving modals and proportional quantifiers. For example, an indefinite in the antecedent of a conditional can bind a donkey pronoun in the consequent by taking scope over the entire conditional. Our grammar manages continuations using three independently motivated type-shifters, Lift, Lower, and Bind. Empirical support comes from donkey weak crossover (*He beats it if a farmer owns a donkey): in our system, a quantificational binder need not c-command a pronoun that it binds, but must be evaluated before it, so that donkey weak crossover is just a special case of weak crossover. We compare our approach to situation-based E-type pronoun analyses, as well as to dynamic accounts such as Dynamic Predicate Logic. A new ‘tower’ notation makes derivations considerably easier to follow and manipulate than some previous grammars based on continuations. Keywords: donkey anaphora, continuations, E-type pronoun, type-shifting, scope, quantification, binding, dynamic semantics, weak crossover, donkey pronoun, variable-free, direct compositionality, D-type pronoun, conditionals, situation se- mantics, c-command, dynamic predicate logic, donkey weak crossover ∗ Thanks to substantial input from Anna Chernilovskaya, Brady Clark, Paul Elbourne, Makoto Kanazawa, Chris Kennedy, Thomas Leu, Floris Roelofsen, Daniel Rothschild, Anna Szabolcsi, Eytan Zweig, and three anonymous referees. -
Nominal Anchoring
Nominal anchoring Specificity, definiteness and article systems across languages Edited by Kata Balogh Anja Latrouite Robert D. Van Valin‚ Jr. language Topics at the GrammarDiscourse science press Interface 5 Topics at the GrammarDiscourse Interface Editors: Philippa Cook (University of Göttingen), Anke Holler (University of Göttingen), Cathrine FabriciusHansen (University of Oslo) In this series: 1. Song, Sanghoun. Modeling information structure in a crosslinguistic perspective. 2. Müller, Sonja. Distribution und Interpretation von ModalpartikelKombinationen. 3. Bueno Holle, Juan José. Information structure in Isthmus Zapotec narrative and conversation. 4. Parikh, Prashant. Communication and content. 5. Balogh, Kata, Anja Latrouite & Robert D. Van Valin‚ Jr. (eds.) Nominal anchoring: Specificity, definiteness and article systems across languages. ISSN: 25673335 Nominal anchoring Specificity, definiteness and article systems across languages Edited by Kata Balogh Anja Latrouite Robert D. Van Valin‚ Jr. language science press Balogh, Kata, Anja Latrouite & Robert D. Van Valin‚ Jr. (eds.). 2020. Nominal anchoring: Specificity, definiteness and article systems across languages (Topics at the Grammar-Discourse Interface 5). Berlin: Language Science Press. This title can be downloaded at: http://langsci-press.org/catalog/book/283 © 2020, the authors Published under the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 Licence (CC BY 4.0): http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/ ISBN: 978-3-96110-284-6 (Digital) 978-3-96110-285-3 (Hardcover) ISSN: