El conflicto de los saberes . . .

Mona Island and the guano industry, 1877-1885

Michael Campbell Wolfmeyer Catedrático Auxiliar- Departamento de Humanidades UPR-Ponce

Resumen

El artículo inquiere sobre el desarrollo de la industria del guano en su más importante sitio en : la isla de Mona. Los primeros años de la producción de guano fueron erráticos. Pero las autoridades españolas y medios puertorriqueños percibieron el potencial y siguieron tratando de desarrollar esta exportación prometedora en términos lucrativos. Los primeros intentos de exportar guano a los Estados Unidos fueron exitosos, pero la industria carecía de la experiencia necesaria para expandir suficientemente la producción. Vino entonces un geólogo canadiense experto en guano de nombre John G. Miller, con su asistente Carlos Miguel Iglesias Mons. No solo fueron capaces de expandir la producción, sino también de usar su pericia en cuestión de exportaciones a diferentes mercados, incluyendo los británicos. Miller e Iglesias llegarían a sentar las bases para la exportación de guano que habría de florecer en Puerto Rico hasta convertirse una década después en el tercer artículo de exportación más importante.

Palabras clave: Guano, exportaciones, mercados, Isla de Mona, minería.

Abstract

This article delves into the development of the guano industry in its most important location in Puerto Rico, Mona Island. The initial years of guano production were erratic; but the Spanish and Puerto Rican governments saw potential and continued to try to develop this possibly lucrative export. Initial attempts to export guano to the United States proved successful, but the industry lacked the expertise to greatly expand production. To solve this dilemma came a Canadian geologist and expert in guano extraction John G. Miller and his assistant Carlos Miguel Iglesias Mons. They were not only able to expand guano production, but also to use their expertise to prepare exports for different markets including those in Great Britain. Miller and Iglesias would lay the foundations for guano exports that would eventually flourish into Puerto Rico’s third most important export a decade later.

Key Words: Guano, Exports, Markets, Mona Island, Mining

Interest in fertilizer to increase especially Britain, failed to meet rising crop production may be an ancient idea, expectations, science was vested with the but the potential of guano as a plant responsibility to revive the lost potential nutrient really took root in the nineteenth of the soil. To this end, some researchers century. As the fields of Europe, increasingly labored over the factors

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which caused plants to grow and produce. This essay does not intend to enter the Chemistry, a rapidly growing field, was debate over the correctness of Malthus' recruited to further enhance this renewal suppositions, but simply to indicate that of the ground. Alexander von Humboldt the nineteenth century was influenced by is credited, if not for the discovery, for the this thinker. Guano could thus lend power renaissance of the use of guano. to the earth in its struggle to keep up with human reproduction. By the 1840s, agricultural chemists, led by Justus Liebig, had done In the 1840s, other sources of sufficient research to advocate the use of guano were sought in order to make this guano as a field enhancing fertilizer. This fertilizer more available and less initial phase of guano as a fertilizer expensive for farmers. The race for witnessed the direct application of the seabird droppings would result in a feces to the fields, with the scramble that would take prospectors far unsophisticated notion that more is better. and wide upon the globe. The As advocated by Humboldt, the first southwestern coastal islands of Africa source utilized were the Chincha islands were one such source, as were various off the coast of Peru. These islands were Pacific and Caribbean islands. High literal mountains of seabird deposits, or prices, as well as the prospect of getting guano, and thus offered the British, who rich quickly, lured these guanopreneurs quickly obtained a monopoly, an out onto the high seas in search of their opportunity to control the guano fertilizer odoriferous fortune. The so-called guano industry. rush would last until the 1860s, by which time the interest in guano had dissipated as other fertilizer sources received higher Ideological motives also fueled the marks from the agronomists. search for increased food production in England. Thomas Robert Malthus, and the In this first wave of discovery the generation of his followers known as Mona Channel, between the islands of Malthusians, predicted that food supply Hispaniola and Puerto Rico, was explored could not keep pace with human as a viable source. Mona Island, the reproduction. In the face of England's largest of the islands in this channel, was increased concentration on manufacturing ignored, as it appeared to hold little they foresaw a bleak future if population potential for guano. Instead, the island of growth was not curbed. Malthus' own Monito was targeted by the guano hunters words from Population: The First Essay as the best possible source of seabird of 1798 stated: deposits. Captain Jacob Stokely of ...the power of population is Baltimore first brought a cargo of the indefinitely greater than the droppings from in 1855. power in the earth to produce Subsequent trips the following year would subsistence for man. show the disregard of these guanopreneurs for Spain's rights of Population, when unchecked, ownership.2 In 1856, the Spanish increases in a geometrical ratio. authorities would send the warship Bazán Subsistence increases only in an to put an end to the unauthorized removal arithmetical ratio.1 of guano deposits from Monito Island.3

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In the following decade interest in concession into a profitable business guano was on the wane. The Civil War in venture. This would include the obvious the United States removed the urgency of need to better evaluate the guano of their the Mid-Atlantic States to receive more concession, the identification of markets, Caribbean guano. In Europe, other the improvement of regular shipping to factors, most importantly the advocacy of and from Mona Island, and the eventual other fertilizer sources would reduce the utilization of this knowledge to make the demand for bird droppings. The guano mining venture a success. These were no potential of the Mona Channel no longer small tasks, and early indications showed appeared as an important issue in little more promise than the previous international trade. concessionaires, but this partnership would reap benefits which had eluded the By the second half of the 1870s, previous entrepreneurs. Monito Island, there was a revival of the guano industry, although not completely forgotten, would as it entered the second phase which play a secondary role in these years. This witnessed the use of more sophisticated period, 1877-1885, will be the first real fertilizers. With the movement towards success story for guano production out of chemically mixed fertilizers, later called the . superphosphates, guano regained a portion of its earlier importance. Seabird The initial guano deposits enjoyed droppings once again appeared as a the benefit of easy access. This meant that possible means of getting rich quickly for with little technology and large amounts those entrepreneurs who could properly of labor the concession could reap take advantage of the market. benefits. These first deposits required little more than the scraping, drying, and During this second phase of the loading of the fertilizer. Such accessibility guano industry, Mona Island reached a made the possibility of great profits seem period of growth and development. The ever so much closer, since the extraction of guano, due to the changing international market still appeared to have demands, necessitated greater expertise on an insatiable demand for all the Mona Island. Specifically, plans are forthcoming guano.4 Mona Island's prepared and carried out as to the most resources thus appeared poised to jump opportune means by which to extract the into the international market. cave guano. Perhaps its greatest single accomplishment was that this natural Additional factors, which exceeded resource finally combined with its most simple questions of price and tonnage desirable market. These fundamental available, played an important part in the changes enabled the formerly improvised, decisions which saw the feces cross the untechnical development of Mona Island Atlantic Ocean. Spain ultimately would to turn into a professional business better have the final word in the direction and able to increase quantities of guano and quantity of guano which would leave the extract greater profits simultaneously. Mona Channel. There were also the problems of chemical analysis, extraction The company in charge of this expertise, markets, sales contacts, and development, Srs. Porrata Doria y shipping--all essential to a further Contreras, sought to turn the Mona Island understanding of the international

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fertilizer industry for this Caribbean several requests for improvements that source. This essay will also investigate the they hoped would make their operations role of the bird and bat droppings in the on Mona Island more profitable. Barely development of wider trade from the two weeks after the Royal Order opened island of Mona. All told then, this was a the concession to them, they looked to crucial period in the development of take advantage of the forest resources on guano for export from the Mona Channel. Mona Island as well.8 Early the next month, with the goal of making the guano Apparently, the guano concession more accessible, they proposed to "cut a of Don Manuel Homedes y Cabrera did path between the undergrowth and thistles not appear to be a fruitful contract fairly of which said islands are covered."9 The early in the six year deal. Less than two request for cutting timber was denied; years after the 1874 concession was even so the concessionaire had been more finalized there was already a movement active than previous guanopreneurs. afoot to renege on the original deal. Pressure to change the developer of the Although the world demand for concession came from the person of guano remained high in the late 1870s, the Miguel Porrata Doria. In a hurry to Sociedad Porrata Doria, Contreras* y develop Mona and Monito along his own Cía. found it difficult to sell their soil more profitable conceptions, he enhancing product, as the markets questioned how long he needed to wait in preferred by the Spanish authorities January of 1876.5 His wait would not last remained uninterested. Between 1877 long as the concession would pass into his and 1878 the first three guano shipments hands by March of the following year, were all sold in Puerto Rico at Mayagüez, when he and Tomás Sáenz de Hermuo Arecibo and Fajardo, respectively.10 were awarded the rights. Although this did provide some revenue it was not the large sales hoped for by the Several modifications were made concessionaires or the Spanish authorities. to the original agreement; first, it was to Markets needed to be located in order to last ten years, and second, the new charge make the Mona Island resources for guano was 4 pesos per ton.6 Later that profitable for all concerned. same year, a decision was made to further regulate the export of this fertilizer The following year a new market component. Tonnage would be estimated opened for Mona Island guano. New by cargo space, with 283 cubic meters York, which would dominate during this equaling one ton; and ships were to be period of growth, became the leading from only the specified nations of market for this fertilizer. The two sales of Sweden, Austria-Hungary, Italy, and feces recorded in 1879 would both be to a England.7 The Spanish authorities had New York dealership, Theband Bros. The placed their bird droppings into new two cargo ships which delivered the hands for the third time in six years. guano were registered in England and

The concession of Mona and *Contreras refers to the retired Spanish General Monito now faced new possibilities under Contreras whose name will regularly appear in the direction of Porrata Doria and Sáenz information over the Mona Island concession in de Hermuo. The new feces dealers made the decade of the 1880s.

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Costa Rica, with a combined tonnage of investigation conducted in that year to 323.25 tons.11 The 1879 Record of Sale check the Porrata Doria y Cía. concession indicated a slightly different total of soil of Mona and Monito Islands. Although enhancing product. Theband Bros. not fully satisfied with the results of this received 253.318 long tons (guano was investigation, they did allow the company sold in this unit which officially was to continue its concession under the measured at 2240 pounds) for which they agreement.14 However, Spanish paid $8.00 per long ton or a total of authorities also hoped to make some $904.71. After all the expenses, the additional economic gains by dividing the largest of which was shipping at $3.50 per concession. In 1880, interest in Monito's long ton to New York, the Ponce-based fertilizer potential offered a new source of company of Cardosa y Cía. realized a possible revenue. Spanish authorities profit of $269.04.12 The high demand of pondered the best means by which to turn the United States fertilizer market their smelly natural resources into profit. presented a profitable alternative to the original group of nations endorsed by A pair of Baltimore entrepreneurs Spanish authorities. emerged at the right moment to petition a guano concession on Monito Island. Several factors would hamper the George C. Stewart and Pascal A, Quinass, ability of the Mona Channel guano to probably using past success by Baltimore enter the European markets. One reason guanopreneurs, sent a petition for the was that England, still the dominant force rights to dig "phosphate of lime" and in the European fertilizer industry, guano on Monito Island. At an earlier continued to rely on the Peruvian islands time this request would appear to have for the lion's share of its guano. Fertilizer little, if any, chance for success, demand was also on the rise, but the latest especially in light of the incidents of the trend was no longer a single source 1850s. However, these were different fertilizer like guano, but rather a fertilizer times and Spanish authorities sought made out of a balance of ingredients. In additional revenues. The Baltimore this new world of soil enhancement, entrepreneurs received a warmer products such as Chilean Nitrates, reception than their predecessors a quarter German Potash Salts, South Carolina century earlier. Phosphates and others began to take on a greater role in the fertilizer industry.13 The reply from Conde de Caspe, England and the other European fertilizer Capitán General de Puerto Rico, came in producers still refused to deal with the the form of a grant for the sought after Spanish dominated guano of Mona Island. concession. The Baltimore pair received At least until the end of the decade the "the exclusive right to occupy the island United States market appeared to be the of Monito, and to dig, mine and export only outside interest in Mona Channel any guano or phosphate of lime or other guano. substance which may be found on said Island, on the following terms and By 1880 it was clear that the conditions...." Up to this point the deal Spanish authorities were still not satisfied seemed to fit all the desires of the with the profit resulting from the Mona guanopreneurs. Naturally, there would be Channel operations. There was an fees or charges or rent for the concession,

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and the royalty of one dollar per long ton which they hoped for, it did show that (2240 lbs) of guano or phosphate of lime there was at least consistent production was not excessive. However, the final which exceeded anything that former demand--which called for a 15,000 ton concessionaires had been able to produce. per year minimum or $15,000 rent for the The Spanish authorities were most likely island per year--was beyond the reach of caught unaware that production would these guanopreneurs.15 It was most likely cease for such a long period of time. the final demand of the concession which brought the deal to a screeching halt. The After the year of inactivity, several Governor's demands proved to be beyond changes indicated a revival of operations the reach of the Baltimore guanopreneurs on Mona Island. There was an attempt to and unrealistic in view of other nearby utilize professional help in the mining concessions.16 process. This came in the persons of the noted Ottawa geologist John G. Miller The year 1880 had also proved to and his assistant Carlos Miguel Iglesias be a difficult year for the Mona Island Mons.18 The Canadian geologist was no concession as the slow successes of the stranger to the Caribbean or to the guano previous three years had suddenly ground industry, as his Alta Vela experience to a halt. During the entire year there is showed. In 1860 Mr. Miller was working not a single guano shipment listed for the for the guano firm of Patterson and island. Although no official explanation Murguiondo on the aforementioned island has been uncovered, there would appear off the coast of . But, the to be a plausible explanation. Mona Dominican forces unceremoniously Island, not noted for mountains of bird removed Miller and his work crew from droppings, may have come to the end of Alta Vela, jailed them, and then shipped its most easily extracted supplies. The them to Baltimore.19 Mr. Miller's process would thus be more complicated experiences during the next twenty years and expertise would be needed to are unpublished, but most likely he continue the operations. This lull did not remained in the guano trade. Their mark the end of Mona Island guano; professional expertise was a key element rather, it became a point of transition for in the revival of activities on Mona Island. the concession. There was also the renewal of the The unproductive year was not lost connection with the New York fertilizer on the Spanish authorities in Puerto Rico. markets. Following the tradition of the It must certainly have occurred to them time, guano applications were either used that the possibility existed that this in the fall after the harvest or in the spring concession could closely resemble its just prior to planting. The 1881 shipments predecessors, in that production of guano of guano were made just in time to be could become erratic or non-existent. In applied to the fields after the harvest. The June of 1880 the customs records of two shipments of this year just barely Mayagüez were investigated in order to surpassed the 1879 output;20 however, get a clearer picture of what would be the after a year and a half of idleness this was prognosis for the future of Mona Island a sign of hope. The New York fertilizer and its guano.17 Although the news up to market remained interested in the output this point was not the massive production of Mona Island.

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Renewed shipments and to these businessmen in the area of experienced professional supervisors were phosphatic guanos. The fertilizer industry not the only signs that activities were in the 1870s and 1880s was moving picking up. John Miller was designing a toward the use of an agricultural chemical long range plan to dramatically increase product. In the United States there was the guano production over the next three only limited interest in these guanos, years. His budget was submitted to because of vast rock phosphate deposits Porrata, Contreras y Co. on August 16, found in South Carolina.22 Miller realized 1881, and it indicated a very ambitious that there were additional markets for plan. Among the necessities for Miller Mona's natural resources, but if he was were nearly $5,000 worth of explosives, going to utilize them he would need to railroad tracks and mining timbers for the fulfill their demands. caves of Mona Island, and provisions for a constant labor force which he estimated Great Britain was both the leader at 100 men21 Miller's vision of Mona in European production and consumption Island production far exceeded any of fertilizers, and the nation with the previous guano production undertaken on greatest interest in natural fertilizer the island. components. By the second half of the 1880s there was a trend toward the The flurry of activity at the end of accumulation of guano producing islands 1881 was just a sign of even larger in the Pacific, many of which had fallen improvements and shipments to come in under the United States Guano Act of the guano production. Miller had in mind 1856 previously. The trend would to change the Mona concession from an continue perhaps best exemplified by the annual producer of hundreds of long tons firm of John T. Arundel & Co. which in of guano to a producer of thousands of the mid-1880s leased such former long tons. The accomplishment of this American appurtenances as Birnie, feat would take more than an increase in Canton, Enderbury, Flint, Gardner, Hull, equipment; it would also necessitate the Mckeans, Phoenix, and Sydney.23 The opening of new markets for the fertilizer. major interest of the British fertilizer In this sense the vast experience of Miller industry was in the area of phosphatic in the guano industry would prove a guanos. valuable asset in the selling of Mona's natural resources. Shipping costs were an additional factor which influenced the guano One of the significant changes was markets, probably to as great an extent as to target the traditional purchasers of demand. The cost of shipping guano from guano and attempt to offer them what Mona Island to the United States was they were looking for. In this case the approximately half of that to Europe. markets of New York, and later Accordingly, a shipment to New York or Baltimore, were interested in nitrogen and Baltimore would cost 3 to 3.5 pesos per ammonia rich guano for enhancing long ton, while that same quantity would production in the depleted fields of the cost 7 to 8 pesos to arrive in a European Mid-Atlantic States. This product was the port. For that reason guano could be sold traditional one sold by the guanopreneurs. to the first fertilizer dealer offering 12 However, there was another market open pesos per ton; while the phosphatic

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guanos would require a substantially accessible. For this purpose Miller had greater price.24 Miller, the guano engineer, asked for exemption for 550 kegs of thus had not only to mine the guano, but various blasting powders and 2000 also to separate it for its specific market. pounds of dynamite, which he estimated at an additional $4,970.29 Such large The government was also worried quantities of materials needed close that their valuable natural resource would scrutiny. Tax exempt tools, materials, and be properly handled and marketed. Angel explosives meant that the government Vasconi, Inspector of Mines in Puerto would hope to get back the revenue Rico, was sent to personally investigate through increased output of guano and its the status of the guano production in early subsequent royalties. 1882. John Miller described his reaction to the forthcoming visit by the The large expansion of the mining governmental official as: "our operations on Mona Island was essential accommodations you will find very to fulfill the expectations of both Spanish rough, but the welcome you shall have authorities and the Porrata Contreras will be a hearty one."25 The visit resulted Company. On the one hand, Spanish in the June 1882 report filed by Mining authorities had witnessed the failure of the Inspector Vasconi.26 This report was not early concessions. They had missed the the only indication of interest by officials initial phase of the guano rush when in Puerto Rico over the activities and farmers purchased any bird droppings valuable fertilizer materials being without question, and had been forced to extracted on Mona Island. There were sell their bat droppings in a period (1877- also several studies, three in 1882 alone, 1885), when consumers had become more over the quality and marketability of the particular about their guano purchases. guano from the caves of Mona Island.27 Mines, railroad equipment, and blasting From all of this activity in 1882 it was materials became essential to make it apparent that the government wanted to possible to produce the quantities keep a close eye on Miller and the guano demanded to make the Mona Island operations. concession profitable. Chemical assays had become the new measure for the Such concerns went beyond the value of their product. Porrata Contreras simple protection of a natural resource Co. realized the need to expand their because Miller was also requesting that a operations and increase production in substantial amount of equipment be order to become profitable in this period. allowed onto the island without the usual import tax. These tools and materials were Production rose dramatically in the deemed essential to the rapid expansion of 1880s, beginning with the fall shipments guano output for the island. Among the of guano in late 1881. The two shipments $14,287 worth of goods there was one at the end of that year, each destined for mile of 26-inch gauge rails and 40 New York, exceeded the production of dumping cars, 300 various sized shovels, 1879. However, Spanish authorities must 40 wheelbarrows, 2 boats and 40 oars, have remained somewhat uncertain about and 2 sporting guns with ammunition.28 the guano industry production as the new There was also the need to remove year began since they closely monitored obstructions and make the caves more each ship traveling to Mona Island.30 This

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monitoring may have indicated their seems to be the most sensible concern over actual guano production as a interpretation. tax revenue source, or perhaps their mistrust of the guanopreneurs to report all However, all guano sales were their shipments. Whichever was the case, made in Puerto Rico in the years 1877-78, each ship passed through the customs at the earliest stage of production. The station in Mayagüez indicating that not United States then dominated all sales only were the shipments being reported from 1879 to 1881. This pattern began to and taxed, but also that production was on change in the last three years, 1882-84, the rise. This pattern would continue when the British market was added to the through 1884.31 purchasers.

The year 1882 also marked another The changes in markets were an important change in the guano industry as important aspect of the development of the first shipments made their way to the Mona Island's guano production. The English Channel. The first shipment left addition of the English markets, Mayagüez in May of that year for the particularly for phosphates, stimulated other side of the Atlantic. Miller and his growth under the expertise of John Miller. assistant had apparently broken into the European market, by aiming at the largest The Mona Island case is not unique producer of superphosphate fertilizers-- in the area of guano and chemical the British chemical industry.32 This fertilizer production and demand. Two implied that the British purchasers other studies focused on the United States received the phosphates, which Miller had have pointed to similar trends in guano begun to separate from the guano during production. That is, as the demand of the processing on Mona Island. United States declined, European, especially British, demand increased.34 As Inspector of Mines, Angel This trend appears to be the same for Vasconi, pointed out the guano was less Mona Island and its production of guano valuable and therefore was sent to the and phosphatic guano. United States market; while the higher priced phosphates were more desired in There is one last piece of evidence Europe. This was influenced both by the that gives us a view into the world of market value of each product and the Mona Island and guano during this shipping costs which were significantly period. In 1884 Juan Brusi y Font sailed higher to get to Europe.33 As production aboard the Guadalupe to the increased, so did the number of shipments aforementioned island. Circumstances and to Europe, and it appeared to be this reasons for this trip are unclear, although combination which greatly increased the the publication in Mayagüez of a book production output from Mona Island. about the trip may indicate that it had at least a small relation to government The period of 1877 to 1884 can be business.35 The Spanish authorities interpreted in several ways. However, an remained vigilant over what they analysis of the changing quantities of perceived as a valuable natural resource. guano being sold and its destinations

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The report by Brusi y Font Although Peru's guano boom was over, discussed various aspects of the Mona and the era of the Great Guano Rush of Island operations. Mr. John G. Miller was the United States had petered out by the described in some detail. Miller was of 1860s, production and demand for Mona medium height, blond ("rubio como todos Island's natural resource continued to los de su raza"), of healthy color, strong grow.39 The importance of this production build, and 46 years of age. Living on a was not that it fit into the initial wave of ranch on the east end of the island, the production, but rather that it exemplified observer appeared surprised that he the second wave of production. In this dressed modestly (working clothes), but period the purchasers were more refined decently, and even spoke a little and scientific and their demands were Spanish.36 Miller's operation also included more specific. No longer was it possible some machinery which impressed the to just show up at port with a load of observer, for instance a sifter which Brusi guano to sell, now entrepreneurs were y Font estimated could sift 100 tons of dealing with the chemical fertilizer guano per day. He also took note of the industry. Because of these changes, men workers, mainly Dominicans and Puerto like John Miller became more important Ricans, who varied from skilled machine than in the earlier period. Miller's skills operators and carpenters to unskilled and knowledge, accumulated over 25 laborers.37 All in all, the 25 page book years in the guano game, made him an included a fairly complete description of invaluable asset in the development of the Mona Island operation at the end of Mona Island's production. For this reason this period. it hardly seems surprising that his untimely death would result in a long The development of Mona Island's dearth for Mona's guano industry. The guano production until 1884 is based development and production of guano largely on the growth of the industry from Mona Island thus illustrates an under the direction of John Miller. important change in both expertise and However, time and events would markets within the fertilizer industry. The dramatically change the activities on untimely death of John Miller did not Mona Island. On April 17, 1885, John mark the end of Mona's guano production, Miller and four members of his crew were as the 1890s would show. But at that time lost at sea.38 This loss put a stunning end other actors were waiting in the wings. to the rapidly expanding guano production of Mona Island, as production and shipments of guano completely ______stopped from 1885 to 1887. This shows Notes that John Miller, with his lengthy 1. experience in the guano trade, was the key Thomas R. Malthus, Population: The First Essay (Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press, to the Mona Island operations. 1959), p. 5. Additional comments on Malthus and his followers from William Petersen, Malthus Conclusion (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1979). The discussion of the development of the guano The period from 1877 to 1884 was industry can be found in Fred Aftilion, A History an important time in the development of of the Chemical Industry (Philadelphia, 1991) pp. guano production on Mona Island. 25-26.

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2. The full activity of these guano hunters can be only netted about 470 tons of guano in its first found in the "Monita" file of the Records of the three years of operation. State Department Relating to the Guano Islands 17. Letter from the Office of Mountains and Mines 1852-1905. Roll #4. to the Governor General of Puerto Rico. Included 3. Frank H. Wadsworth, "The Historical Resources in this report is the full record of guano shipments of Mona Island," as reported from the concession of Porrata Doria p. N-9. and Company, dated 5 June 1880. Obras Públicas, 4. Wines, Fertilizer in America, see Chapters 3 and Propiedad Pública, Caja 307. 4 entitled "Guano" and "The Guano Island Maria," 18. Letter dated 1881 from John G. Miller to the respectively. This period around the date of 1880 is Puerto Rican Governor, Obras Públicas, the transition period for the fertilizer industry to Propiedad Pública, Caja 307; and Wadsworth, move from organic/natural fertilizer to chemical "Historical Resources," p. N-9. See also Juan Brusi fertilizers made of a number of sources. This y Font, Viaje la Isla de la Mona, pp. 16, 22-23, 25. change, however, appeared to little affect the 19. Jimmy M. Skaggs, The Great Guano Rush: demand for sources of natural chemicals. The Entrepreneurs and American Overseas Expansion, demand for Mona Island's guano seems to be pp. 108-109. Although this is the only mention affected very little by this philosophical change in found of Miller prior to reemerging on Mona the fertilizer industry. Island, it is very probable that he continued to 5. Letter dated 15 January 1876 from Miguel practice guano extraction during the twenty year Porrata Doria to the Governor General of Puerto hiatus. His career would make an interesting Rico, Obras Públicas, Propiedad Pública, Caja biography for someone interested in the guano 307. industry in the Caribbean. 6. Royal Order #126, dated 10 March 1877, Ibid. 20. The 1881 output was officially recorded as 7. Letter from Miguel Porrata Doria to the 329.75 tons compared to 323.25 tons two years Governor General of Puerto Rico, dated 26 March earlier. These figures are taken from the official 1877, Ibid. As this was not part of the concession, report covering 1877 to 1884 of Rentas y Aduana the Spanish authorities refused to add this to their de Mayagüez, dated 9 September 1887. Obras claim. Públicas, Propiedad Pública, Caja 307. 8. Letter to the Governor General of Puerto Rico, 21. Schedules 1, 2, and 3 prepared by John G. dated 6 April 1877, Ibid. Miller, Mining Engineer for Porrata Contreras Co. 9. Letter to the Governor General of Puerto Rico, All documents dated 16 August 1881. Obras dated 6 April 1877. Obras Públicas, Propiedad Públicas, Propiedad Pública, Caja 307. Pública, Caja 307. 22. The deposits were discovered in 1867, and by 10. Administración Local de Rentas y Aduana de 1869 South Carolina production had already Mayagüez, Report dated 9 September 1887. Obras exceeded that of the guano islands. By 1880 the Públicas, Propiedad Pública, Caja 307. domestic production amounted to approximately 11. Ibid. ten times the production of the bird dropping 12. 1879 record of a sale of guano, sent to the islands. Wines, Fertilizer in America, pp. 81-82, Governor General de Puerto Rico, dated 6 159. September 1880. Obras Públicas, Propiedad 23. Skaggs, The Great Guano Rush, pp. 137-138. Pública, Caja 307. For a more detailed explanation 24. Angel Vasconi, "Reseña de las Islas Mona y of the transaction and its expenses see the Monito," p. 17 of the report found in the Obras transcribed document . Públicas, Propiedad Pública, Caja 307, dated 9 13. Wines, Fertilizer in America, pp. 159, 168-9. June 1882. In the 1882 yearly report over the 14. Governor General de Puerto Rico, Negociados guano industry on Mona Island, a similar de Obras Públicas #13,172, dated 5 June 1880. observation is made by John Miller in Obras Obras Públicas, Propiedad Pública, Caja 307. Públicas, Propiedad Pública, Caja 307. 15. Letter to Conde de Caspe, Capitán General de 25. Letter from John Miller to Angel Vasconi, dated Puerto Rico, dated November 30, 1880 and the February 11, 1882. Obras Públicas, Propiedad Puerto Rican Governor's attached response. Obras Pública, Caja #307. Públicas, Propiedad Pública, Caja 307. 26. Angel Vasconi, "Reseña de las Islas Mona y 16. This is probably not surprising in light of the Monito" in the Obras Públicas, Propiedad Pública, fact that the guano concession on Mona Island had Caja #307.

Ceiba: Año 11 Núm. 1 [Segunda Época] Agosto 2011 - Mayo 2012, (73 – 84)

83 Michael Campbell Wolfmeyer

27. George E. Hutchinson, The Biogeochemistry of pesos per ton; and 7 to 8 pesos per ton to Europe. Vertebrate Excretion, p. 327. He also pointed out that guano would be sold to 28. Schedule Report #1 by John Miller for Porrata the first offer of 12 pesos per ton, while phosphates Contreras Co. to Mayagüez Aduana dated August are sold at a "higher price." Obras Públicas, 16, 1881. Obras Públicas, Propiedad Pública, Caja Propiedad Pública, Caja #307. #307. 34. Nichols, Advance Agents of American Destiny, 29. Ibid. This information can be found in the p. 205; and Skaggs, The Great Guano Rush, pp. Schedule Report #2. The exact tax status of these 134-137. materials was not uncovered by this author, but it 35. Juan Brusi y Font, Viaje a Isla de la Mona, seems fair to assume the Spanish authorities 1884. Mayagüez was the aduana (tax) station accepted the requests. utilized by all guano ships going to and from Mona 30. See two letters from Comandancia Principal de Island. It had also been the location of the last Marina de la Provincia de Puerto Rico and one official investigation of the Porrata Contreras y Co. anonymous letter. The dates of this in 1880. For this reason it may indicate that the correspondence were January 18, February 13, and government, or perhaps the aduana agency, was March 31, 1882. The apparent idea was to closely doing some additional checking on the operations monitor all the ships that arrived and left Mona on Mona Island. Island. 36. Ibid., pp. 16, 23 31. See the Admon. Local de Rentas y Aduana de 37. Ibid., pp. 22, 25. Mayagüez, a record of guano ships (date, flag, 38. Letter from the Comandancia Principal de destination, and tonnage) from 1877 to 1884. This Marina de la provincia de Puerto Rico to the report is dated 9 September 1887 and written by Governor General, dated 3 May 1885. Obras Justo Sánchez Taboada. Obras Públicas, Públicas, Propiedad Pública, Caja #3. Propiedad Pública, Caja #307. 39. To the aforementioned studies by Skaggs, Wine, 32. D.W.F. Hardie & J. Davidson Pratt. A History of and Nichols should be added Lawrence G. Green, the Modern British Chemical Industry (Oxford: Panther Head: The full story of the bird islands off Pergamon Press, 1966), p. 52. These authors point the southern coasts of Africa, the men of the out that the English chemical industry held a islands, and the birds in their millions, 1955. virtual European monopoly over the production of Although this last study is the least scholarly, it superphosphate fertilizers until about 1890. does give some insights into the extent of the 33. Angel Vasconi, "Reseña de las Islas Mona y guano mania which once gripped European and Monito," p. 17. In this report he stated that American guanopreneurs. transportation costs to New York were 3 to 3.5

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