The Social and Economic Milieu of Texas Politics

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The Social and Economic Milieu of Texas Politics 6423_Dye_C19_p658-693.qxd 9/23/08 11:32 AM Page 658 19 THE SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC MILIEU OF TEXAS POLITICS Political life, in the narrowest sense of the word,‘‘ is a life of conflict and presupposes who can bring themselves into active relations to their surroundings. 1 ’’ Harold D. Lasswell 658 6423_Dye_C19_p658-693.qxd 9/23/08 11:32 AM Page 659 Chapter Outline Think ★ Decades of Change and Challenges About Politics ★ Texas Myths 1. Are politics in Texas different ★ The Political Culture of Texas from other states? ★ The People of Texas YES NO ★ Politics, Race, and Ethnicity 2. Is the political culture of Texas ★ The Political Implications of Demographics changing as a consequence of demographic changes? ★ The Economy of Texas YES NO ★ Economic Regions of Texas ★ Transnational Regionalism 3. Do race and ethnicity play a major role in Texas politics? YES NO Decades of Change and Challenge 4. Do some groups or interests in Texas have more influence or With a colorful history of cowboys and oilmen, Texas has a rugged, big- power than others in public policy ger-than-life mystique that annoys or amuses many non-Texans. In many decisions? obvious and not-so-obvious ways, Texans continue to manifest this YES NO legacy of the frontier in their speech, their can-do attitude, their celebra- tion of their “Texan-ness,” and their actions (see Politics Up Close: “Perpet- 5. Has Texas been successful in uating an Image: The Cowboy President”). In what other state do you adapting to the global economy? find the pervasive display of the state’s flag or the pilgrimage of so many YES NO to the state’s holy shrine—the Alamo? Behaviors and language with which others take umbrage and often misunderstand are viewed by most 6. Should a fence be constructed on the Texas border to reduce illegal Texans to be simply part of the rich culture and legacy of the state. immigration into Texas? The twenty-first century wasn’t very old, however, before it became obvious that Texas also had oversized problems. Houston-based YES NO Enron Corp., a symbol of how to transform brash confidence into Social and economic factors are directly seemingly unlimited corporate wealth, came tumbling down, taking related to the distribution of political power thousands of jobs and pensions with it and damaging public confi- and help determine who gets what in Texas dence in corporate America. politics. The terrorist attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon on September 11, 2001, challenged Texans’ and other Americans’ long- held assumptions about the basic security of our country and our state. And throughout the decade, Texas was thrust into the center of renewed debate over illegal immigration, including concerns over how to improve the security of the border with Mexico and deal with thou- sands of undocumented workers seeking better lives for themselves and their families. Back-to-back hurricanes in 2005 challenged Texas’s ability to provide education, health care, and other social services for thousands of Katrina refugees from Louisiana (many of whom stayed in Texas rather than returning to their homes), and to help thousands of residents of south- east Texas rebuild their lives following Hurricane Rita. Increasingly, the politics and economy of Texas are being challenged by global trends. The state’s population continues to be transformed by immigration and other changing demographic patterns. The frontier, or rural society, characterized by the cowboy, is long gone. The “Oil Patch,” where wildcatters and roughnecks once prevailed, has been replaced by what one author dubbed the “Silicon Prairie . where ven- ture capitalists and software engineers roam.”2 Texas is now urban, with 659 6423_Dye_C19_p658-693.qxd 9/23/08 11:32 AM Page 660 660 CHAPTER 19 • THE SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC MILIEU OF TEXAS POLITICS Politics Up Close Perpetuating an Image: The Cowboy President Throughout his admin- alive.” At a conference in Aqaba on the Red Sea, Bush istration, President said that he was going to appoint a coordinator to George W. Bush has “ride herd” on Middle East leaders along the peace been described by some trail. Many in his audience had no idea what he was as the “cowboy presi- talking about. dent.” At least two of his Bush owns a 1,600-acre ranch in Texas, which he predecessors, Theodore purchased during his governorship, but he didn’t grow Roosevelt and Ronald up or work on a ranch. He also has been reported to be Reagan, also were por- afraid of horses. While visiting the former president of trayed as cowboys, Mexico, Vicente Fox, on his ranch, he was offered the either in cartoons or opportunity to ride a horse but reportedly backed away prose. The cowboy from the animal. It was later reported that Fox referred mythology resonates to him as a “windshield cowboy.” with most Americans, Bush wears a stylish Stetson and a large belt and it can be used by buckle. He conveys an “aw shucks” demeanor, presidents to symbolize scrambles his words in a folksy manner, stages their style of leadership. photo-ops on his ranch, and seems to enjoy driving At the beginning of his guests around in his Jeep. This cowboy imagery the invasion of Iraq, makes for good press, and some observers think that Bush branded former a great deal of this is orchestrated by his staff and Iraqi leader Saddam consultants. Hussein an “outlaw” The president’s characterization as a cowboy in and declared that he articles, newscasts, and cartoons, meanwhile, contin- wanted terrorist Osama ues to feed the perceptions others have of the frontier bin Laden “dead or culture of Texas and its style of politics. Source: BBC News, June 6, 2003. more than 83 percent of the population living in cities or suburban areas. The state includes three of the ten largest cities in the United States—Houston, San Antonio, and Dallas. Texas is not immune from a host of nagging, down-to-earth problems con- fronting many other states, including the demands of population growth, eco- nomic uncertainties, and corporate mergers outsourcing thousands of jobs to the other side of the world. But a legacy of individualism and limited government makes it difficult to adjust to the new realities of a changing economy, a chang- ing society, and a changing political landscape. Like many other citizens across the country, Texans are woefully ignorant of their state and local governments. Many view government as something in Austin or at the county courthouse, where people do things to us, not for us. Govern- ment is often described in terms of red tape, inefficiency, and anonymous or rude bureaucrats. Political campaigns are perceived as a form of organized mud wrestling in which candidates characterize each other as despicable, immoral, incompetent, or whatever, and this perception results in large numbers of Texans tuning out politics. Many people distrust government—a traditionally strong sen- timent in Texas—and hope it interferes with their lives as little as possible. Most Texans don’t vote in elections, leaving the selection of public leaders to others. 6423_Dye_C19_p658-693.qxd 9/23/08 11:32 AM Page 661 DECADES OF CHANGE AND CHALLENGE 661 Texans expect a wide variety of public services, but they are ill disposed to paying for them with increased taxes, an attitude perpetuated by many politicians who promise more services but are unwilling to address their costs. Our past, marked by good times as well as bad, is a prelude to our future, and our decisions about politics, government, and public policies will determine how we adapt to inevitable changes. Challenges of the Twenty-First Century Sustained population growth; the continued transformation of the state’s economy; environmental, transportation, and water problems; security; and increased demands for governmental services pose tremendous challenges to the resources, capabilities, and the very structure of Texas’s governments. Federal mandates and reductions in federal funds have forced state and local governments to scramble to develop more effective and efficient means of assisting low-income people. Public officials are also chal- lenged by a regressive and outdated tax system, high rates of unemployment and underemployment in various areas of the state, the influx of immigrants from Mexico and other countries, an aging population that requires long-term nursing care, large numbers of people who have no health insurance, and changes in wel- fare law. Inequities in public education persist and continue to pose a challenge for developing a workforce that can compete in the global economy. And the state’s growth has aggravated environmental problems, including water use, that affect the health and well-being of everyone. These problems and issues are the ingredients of contemporary Texas politics. They reflect the fundamental conflicts between competing interests and the way Texans decide who gets “what, when, and how.”3 Unfortunately, only a small part of the population is involved in developing solutions. The only time many peo- ple get excited or concerned about government is when it fails to meet their demands or expectations. Such indifference and ignorance are harmful to the public interest as Texas faces critical changes. As we begin our analysis of Texas government and politics, we ask why Texans and their public officials make the political choices they do. Why, for example, do expenditures for public education rank so low in comparison to other states? How do we account for Texas’s highly regressive tax system, which requires low- income citizens to pay a higher proportion of their income in state and local taxes than do the wealthy? Why are Texans so willing to fund the construction of highways and roads and yet their state ranks near the bottom nationally in expenditures for public welfare?4 These policy issues are directly linked to a variety of other questions about governmental institutions and the political system.
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