Charles Iain Kerr, First Baron Teviot, Is Best Remembered for The

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Charles Iain Kerr, First Baron Teviot, Is Best Remembered for The liberal national leader Charles Kerr, Lord Teviot Charles Iain Kerr, first Baron Teviot, is best remembered for the eponymous agreement which he reached with Lord Woolton, the chairman of the Conservative Party, in 1947, by which Conservatives and Liberal Nationals regularised their constituency arrangements after more than a decade and a half of electoral cooperation. His political career, however, spanned four decades from the end of the First World Charles War. David Dutton Iain Kerr, examines his life and First Baron Teviot career. (1874–1968) 14 Journal of Liberal History 73 Winter 2011–12 liberal national leader Charles Kerr, Lord Teviot err was born in 1874, 1,600 votes of victory. In the same transfer his attention to the sort of the elder son of Charles constituency the following year backstage organisational work for Wyndham Rudolph (one of generally poor Liberal per- which his talents in any case best Kerr, grandson of formance), Kerr came tantalisingly suited him, and he became chair- the sixth Marquess of close to success, reducing the gap man of the executive committee KLothian. At the age of eighteen he with his Tory opponent to just 200 of the National Liberal Federation left Britain to seek his fortune in votes. Then, in a by-election in and of the Liberal Publications Canada where he worked for three Hull Central in 1926, occasioned Department. Early in the new dec- years as a miner. Later he went to by the defection of the sitting Lib- ade, however, Kerr had to confront South Africa where he also engaged eral member, J. M. Kenworthy, the choice which faced all Liber- in manual work. But on his return to Labour, Kerr ended up in a dis- als as the party once again split to London he became a stockbro- tant third place, nearly 9,000 votes into two rival factions, divided by ker, rising eventually to become behind the Conservative runner- attitudes to the minority Labour a senior partner in Kerr, Ware and up. In this contest Kerr gave hints government headed by Ramsay Company. After service in the of what would become the central MacDonald and disagreements First World War, during which he tenet of his political creed, his oppo- over the continuing relevance of was awarded the DSO and Mili- sition to socialism. While the sort of For Kerr the the doctrine of free trade. For Kerr tary Cross and was mentioned in Labour policies now espoused by the choice was simple. A convinced despatches, he embarked upon a Kenworthy were largely compati- choice was anti-socialist, he allied himself in political career. Family ties deter- ble with Liberal beliefs, Kerr argued 1931 with John Simon’s group of mined that he would seek advance- that it was Labour’s long-term simple. A Liberal Nationals. Resigning all ment in the Liberal interest. His objectives, upon which Kenwor- offices within the Liberal Party, cousin, Philip Kerr, the eleventh thy was conspicuously silent, which convinced he declared that he was ‘so out of Lord Lothian, had served as private needed to be considered.1 Through- sympathy with the majority of secretary to Lloyd George and was out his career Kerr seemed to find it anti-social- the parliamentary party and the active in Liberal politics through- easier to say what was not Liberal- party organisation in their attitude out the inter-war years. But the ism than what was, but at this stage, ist, he allied of supporting the present Gov- 1920s were a difficult time for an in his espousal of traditional Liberal himself in ernment, which I consider to be aspiring Liberal politician and, like causes such as free trade, he gave against the interests of the country many others, Kerr struggled unsuc- no indication that he was outside 1931 with and detrimental to the future of the cessfully to secure election to the the party’s mainstream. Finally, in party, that I do not wish to hold House of Commons, as his party what was, at least in terms of votes John Simon’s any position in the party machine slipped inexorably into electoral secured, a comparatively good Lib- and thereby either directly or indi- third place, squeezed between the eral year, he came within 650 votes group of rectly support this policy’.2 In a upper and nether millstones of its of victory in Swansea West in the somewhat strange but revealing Conservative and Labour rivals. He general election of 1929. Liberal comment the Manchester Guardian contested Daventry in the general Such electoral disappointments noted at this time that Kerr had election of 1923 and came within seem to have persuaded Kerr to Nationals. ‘never been an assertive Liberal’.3 Journal of Liberal History 73 Winter 2011–12 15 liberal national leader: charles kerr, lord teviot Simon made good use of his behind this, and I regret to say It was Kerr’s Christian Front and, the following organisational abilities in construct- that a great bulk of the people year, Kerr, along with several for- ing the new party, and the follow- working in that direction are of organisa- mer members of the British Union ing year, with the elevation of Sir the Jewish race.7 of Fascists, joined Ramsay’s so- Robert Hutchison, another Liberal tional skills called ‘Right Club’, a ‘stage army of National defector, to the peerage, Anti-Semitism was more wide- increasingly desperate fascists and Kerr was selected as candidate for spread in those pre-Holocaust days rather than pro-Nazis’.12 There is no evidence the by-election in Montrose Burghs. than it has since become, but, with that Kerr’s dalliance with the far- With a strong Liberal tradition, and his vague suggestion of a Jewish his inner right went any further than this. in the absence of Tory intervention, conspiracy, Kerr was moving to a Yet it is difficult to deny that he had it looked a safe seat. Hutchison had different plane. Not surprisingly, political travelled a long way from the origi- defeated his Labour opponent by his remarks created an outcry – beliefs that nal Liberal affiliation under which more than 12,000 votes as recently with Sir Maurice Block, chairman he had entered the political arena. as the general election of October of the Glasgow Jewish Repre- carried For all that, it was Kerr’s organi- 1931. This time the outcome was sentative Council, insisting that sational skills rather than his inner complicated by the arrival of a Scot- his claims were ‘utterly fantastic forward political beliefs that carried forward tish Nationalist candidate. Even so, and untrue’. ‘We naturally look to his political career, and he was an the reduction of Kerr’s majority to Colonel Kerr as a man of honour to his politi- obvious choice for the position of just 933 votes was a considerable dis- substantiate his statement or make Liberal National chief whip fol- appointment: a reflection perhaps amends.’8 Meanwhile, Kerr wrote cal career, lowing the unexpected death of Sir of a generally lack-lustre campaign to The Times to explain, some- James Blindell in 1937. This promo- on all sides, but a possible indication what lamely, that he had merely and he was tion carried with it the junior post too that traditional Liberal voters been attacking the idea of Liberals of Lord Commissioner of the Treas- were as yet unready to accept the working with Labour in a ‘popular an obvious ury in the National Government. Liberal Nationals as authentic expo- front’ movement and that many of He was promoted to be Comp- nents of their creed.4 his best friends were Jews.9 After a choice for troller of HM Household early in Kerr’s career as an MP was few days’ reflection, however, Kerr 1939 but, at much the same time, largely uneventful, though he did was obliged to issue an unqualified the position announced that he would not be attract attention when moving apology: defending his seat at the next gen- the Address to the King’s Speech of Liberal eral election, widely anticipated for in November 1934, dressed in the I have come to the conclusion National that year, for reasons of health. Kerr uniform of the Royal Company of that under the circumstances was sixty-five years old and had Archers, the king’s bodyguard in I had no right whatever in my chief whip in experienced some health problems Scotland. His contributions to par- remarks on the Communist and at the turn of the year. But the fact liamentary debate were not always anti-God movements to refer to 1937. that he lived on comfortably into his of the highest order. In his maiden the Jews. Doing so has created a tenth decade gives some credence speech in October 1932 he suggested completely wrong impression, to the contemporary suspicion that resolving the unemployment prob- and I now express my sincere other factors were involved. The lem by resettling the unemployed regret at having done so.10 Fascist dropped clear hints that his and their dependents in the under- retirement was related to his appar- populated Dominions. This idea But were Kerr’s remarks merely a ently anti-Semitic remarks of a year was being widely discussed at this case of extreme political ineptitude? earlier.13 None the less, with the time, but when, later in the same It is striking that his sentiments and prospect of a general election post- speech, he appealed to the Labour even his vocabulary – for example, poned for the duration of hostilities, opposition to drop its censure the phrase ‘anti-God’ to describe Kerr was elevated to the peerage motion on the government as a ‘ges- communist activity – bore a strik- in June 1940 as Baron Teviot.
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