Conference Papers from a November 1993 Workshop at the Kennan Institute
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NINA BELYAEVA 2016 University of Turin, Visiting Professor
NINA BELYAEVA WORK EXPERIENCE 2016 University of Turin, Visiting professor 2016 Science Po (Grenoble), Visiting professor 2014 UNIBO, Visiting professor 2009-now University of Sarajevo (ERMA), Visiting professor 2000 – now Professor, Department Head: National Research University “Higher School of Economics” / Faculty of Social Sciences / Public Policy Department. Moscow 2006 - now Academic Director of HSE MP in Public Policy & Policy Analysis of National Research University “Higher School of Economics”. Moscow 2005 Cape Town University, Visiting professor 1998 Colorado College, Visiting professor 1994, 1995 Moscow State University Law School, Visiting professor 1994-1995 Colorado College, Visiting professor 1993 Georgetown University, Visiting professor 1993 Salzburg University Law School, Visiting professor 1992 Johns Hopkins University, Visiting professor 1990, 1992, Colorado College, Visiting professor 1991 - now International Public Foundation for Political and Legal Research, President EDUCATION AND TRAINING 2009 - 2011 EU Scholarship for visiting fellows to University of Bologna 1993 Senior research fellow in residence in USIP. Washington DC 1992 Senior research fellow in residence in CSIS. Washington DC 1991 International Fellowship in Philanthropy Institute for Policy Studies John's Hopkins University. Baltimore 1987 UNESCO scholarship to University of London School of Law. London 1983 - 1986 Doctoral courses in Constitutional Law and Comparative Politics. Institute of State and Law Academy of Sciences of the USSR. S.J.D., Doctoral Dissertation Defended. Doctoral Thesis: ‘Political Activity of voluntary organizations in the USSR and enabling legal regime for it’ Moscow 1976 – 1981 Moscow State University, Law School (Theory and History of State and Law, Political System, Constitutional Law, Comparative Legal Systems, International Public Law), Moscow. J.D & LL.M. -
Kremlin-Linked Forces in Ukraine's 2019 Elections
Études de l’Ifri Russie.Nei.Reports 25 KREMLIN-LINKED FORCES IN UKRAINE’S 2019 ELECTIONS On the Brink of Revenge? Vladislav INOZEMTSEV February 2019 Russia/NIS Center The Institut français des relations internationales (Ifri) is a research center and a forum for debate on major international political and economic issues. Headed by Thierry de Montbrial since its founding in 1979, Ifri is a non-governmental, non-profit organization. As an independent think tank, Ifri sets its own research agenda, publishing its findings regularly for a global audience. Taking an interdisciplinary approach, Ifri brings together political and economic decision-makers, researchers and internationally renowned experts to animate its debate and research activities. The opinions expressed in this text are the responsibility of the author alone. ISBN: 978-2-36567-981-7 © All rights reserved, Ifri, 2019 How to quote this document: Vladislav Inozemtsev, “Kremlin-Linked Forces in Ukraine’s 2019 Elections: On the Brink of Revenge?”, Russie.NEI.Reports, No. 25, Ifri, February 2019. Ifri 27 rue de la Procession 75740 Paris Cedex 15—FRANCE Tel. : +33 (0)1 40 61 60 00—Fax : +33 (0)1 40 61 60 60 Email: [email protected] Website: Ifri.org Author Dr Vladislav Inozemtsev (b. 1968) is a Russian economist and political researcher since 1999, with a PhD in Economics. In 1996 he founded the Moscow-based Center for Post-Industrial Studies and has been its Director ever since. In recent years, he served as Senior or Visiting Fellow with the Institut fur die Wissenschaften vom Menschen in Vienna, with the Polski Instytut Studiów Zaawansowanych in Warsaw, Deutsche Gesellschaft für Auswärtige Politik in Berlin, the Center for Strategic and International Studies, and the Johns Hopkins University in Washington. -
The Unfinished War
#3 (85) March 2015 Can Ukraine survive the next Mobilization campaign: Reasons behind the sharp winter without Russian gas myths and reality devaluation of the hryvnia CRIMEA: THE UNFINISHED WAR WWW.UKRAINIANWEEK.COM Featuring selected content from The Economist FOR FREE DISTRIBUTION |CONTENTS BRIEFING The New Greece in the East:Without a much bigger, long- Branding the Emperor: term investment program, Ukraine’s economy will continue to New implications of Nadiya flounder Savchenko’s case for Vladimir Putin 31 Let Bygones be Bygones: Attempts to preserve the Russian 4 market for Ukrainian exporters by making concessions in EU- Leonidas Donskis on the murder Ukraine Association Agreement hurt Ukraine’s trade prospects of Boris Nemtsov 32 6 FOCUS SECURITY Kyiv – Crimea: the State of Fear of Mobilization: Uncertainty Myths and Reality Has Ukraine learned the An inside look at how lessons of occupation? the army is being formed 8 34 Maidan of Foreign Affairs’ NearestR ecruiting Station: Andrii Klymenko on Serhiy Halushko, Deputy Head Russia’s troops and nuclear of Information Technology weapons, population substitution and techniques to crush protest Department of the Ministry of Defense, talks about practical potential on the occupied peninsula aspects of the mobilization campaign 12 38 Freedom House Ex-President David Kramer on human rights SOCIETY abuses in Crimea, the threat of its militarization and President Catching Up With Obama’s reluctance in arming Ukraine the Future: Will 14 the IT industry drive economic POLITICS development -
Separatists and Russian Nationalist-Extremist Allies of The
Separatists and Russian nationalist-extremist allies of the Party of Regions call for union with Russia Today at 17:38 | Taras Kuzio The signing of an accord to prolong the Black Sea Fleet in the Crimea by 25 years not only infringes the Constitution again, but also threatens Ukraine’s territorial integrity. If a president is willing to ignore the Constitution on two big questions in less than two months in office, what will he have done to the Constitution after 60 months in office? As somebody wrote on my Facebook profile yesterday, the Constitution is now “toilet paper.” The threat to Ukraine’s territorial integrity is deeper. Since President Viktor Yanukovych’s election, Russian nationalist-extremist allies of the Party of Regions have begun to radicalize their activities. Their mix of Russophile and Sovietophile ideological views are given encouragement by cabinet ministers such as Minister of Education Dmytro Tabachnyk and First Deputy Prime Minister Volodymyr Semynozhenko. Calls, which look increasingly orchestrated, are made to change Ukraine’s national anthem, adopt Russian as a state language, transform Ukraine into a federal state and coordinate the writing of educational textbooks with Russia. On Monday, Russian nationalist-extremist allies of the Party of Regions in the Crimea organized a meeting on the anniversary of the Crimea’s annexation by the Russian empire that demanded a full military, political and economic union with Russia. Russian nationalist-extremists in the Crimea were marginalized by ex-President Leonid Kuchma after he abolished the Crimean presidential institution in 1995. Then Deputy Prime Minister Yevhen Marchuk undertook measures to subvert and undermine the Russian nationalist-extremists who came to power in the peninsula in 1994. -
“Ideal University” As Viewed by “University People
Anton N. Afanasiev, Ksenia V. Komosa “IDEAL UNIVERSITY” AS VIEWED BY “UNIVERSITY PEOPLE”: EXPERIENCE IN RECONSTRUCTING THE VALUE CATEGORIES OF RESEARCH AND PEDAGOGICAL ACTIVITIES BASED ON INTERVIEWS IN THE 2010S BASIC RESEARCH PROGRAM WORKING PAPERS SERIES: HUMANITIES WP BRP 202/HUM/2021 This Working Paper is an output of a research project implemented at the National Research University Higher School of Economics (HSE). Any opinions or claims contained in this Working Paper do not necessarily reflect the views of HSE Anton N. Afanasiev1, Ksenia V. Komosa2 “IDEAL UNIVERSITY” AS VIEWED BY “UNIVERSITY PEOPLE”: EXPERIENCE IN RECONSTRUCTING THE VALUE CATEGORIES OF RESEARCH AND PEDAGOGICAL ACTIVITIES BASED ON INTERVIEWS IN THE 2010S3 The article examines the self-identification and professional values of the university community in post-Soviet Russia. On the basis of the corpus of the interviews, which were recorded by the Poletayev Institute for Theoretical and Historical Studies in the Humanities (Moscow) in the 2010s, the authors analyse how the contemporary Russian scholars consider the problems of university autonomy and university management, as well as the criteria to define an ideal University and an ideal Professor. Instead of the unique perceptions on the specifics of research and educational characteristics of university space and people, the present investigation represents the problematization of the basic definitions of university and its purposes by the contemporary Russian scholars. Keywords: oral history, history of post-soviet universities, university community, academic persona JEL Classification: Z. 1 National Research University Higher School of Economics (Moscow, Russia). Poletayev Institute for Theoretical and Historical Studies in the Humanities. Senior research fellow. -
The Russian Vertikal: the Tandem, Power and the Elections
Russia and Eurasia Programme Paper REP 2011/01 The Russian Vertikal: the Tandem, Power and the Elections Andrew Monaghan Nato Defence College June 2011 The views expressed in this document are the sole responsibility of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the view of Chatham House, its staff, associates or Council. Chatham House is independent and owes no allegiance to any government or to any political body. It does not take institutional positions on policy issues. This document is issued on the understanding that if any extract is used, the author(s)/ speaker(s) and Chatham House should be credited, preferably with the date of the publication. REP Programme Paper. The Russian Vertikal: the Tandem, Power and the Elections Introduction From among many important potential questions about developments in Russian politics and in Russia more broadly, one has emerged to dominate public policy and media discussion: who will be Russian president in 2012? This is the central point from which a series of other questions and debates cascade – the extent of differences between President Dmitry Medvedev and Prime Minister Vladimir Putin and how long their ‘Tandem’ can last, whether the presidential election campaign has already begun and whether they will run against each other being only the most prominent. Such questions are typically debated against a wider conceptual canvas – the prospects for change in Russia. Some believe that 2012 offers a potential turning point for Russia and its relations with the international community: leading to either the return of a more ‘reactionary’ Putin to the Kremlin, and the maintenance of ‘stability’, or another term for the more ‘modernizing’ and ‘liberal’ Medvedev. -
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Georgia | No 3 | June to July 2007 GEORGIA | Trends in Conflict and Cooperation The period under review was mostly dominated by the up and down of Russian-Georgian relations. After a bilateral meeting between President Putin and President Saakshvili in St. Petersburg on 9 June, a slight stabilization appeared in bilateral relations. Russia – still Georgia’s second largest trading partner – seemed to be easing the pressure on Russian-Georgian relations not only because of the WTO accession plan, but also because of the Olympic Winter Games to be held in Sochi in 2014. But this improvement in Russian-Georgian relations did not suit everyone, especially not separatist parties, which may be one of the reasons why in June “unknown persons” fired several times Country Stability and Conflictive Events in South Ossetia on Georgian and South Ossetian villages. As can be seen on the graph, additional tensions grew in summer paralleling the water shortage problem in the Tskhinvali region, which happens every summer since 2004. As usual, political figures in Russia and in the unrecognized republics immediately expressed concern that the escalation of tensions in the conflict zone signalizes a new Georgian attempt to restore its hegemony over South Ossetia by force of arms. Relations between Georgia and Russia worsened further after the publication of the last UNOMIG report issued on 12 July. The report suggested, but did not explicitly claim, that Russian army helicopters could have been involved in an attack on Tbilisi- controlled upper Kodori Gorge on 11 March 2007. Soon after, the Russian Foreign Source: FAST event data Ministry stated that “it is clear which side has been interested in the incident. -
Crimea's Three Basic Ethnic Components: a Pledge for Peace
Centro Argentino de Estudios Internacionales www.caei.com.ar Programa CEI & Países Bálticos Crimea's Three Basic Ethnic Components: A Pledge for Peace By Valery Temnenko, Zeyneb Temnenko Crimea – a fell out part of the conflict bow Many authors mention Crimea, when speaking about rebellious autonomous republics of former Soviet Union: Nagorny Karabakh, South Ossetia, Ichkeria (Chechnya), Abkhazia, Crimea, Pridnestrovie and Abkhazia. All of these republics except Crimea have experienced wars or other conflicts against their metropolitan countries. Some ambitious Crimean politicians claim to be peacekeepers in Crimea. Others, who are more prudent, talk about some mysterious mechanisms that “did not or do not let the ethnic conflicts occur”1. Crimea’s peace custodian is a three-side conflict blocking system: “Crimean Russians against metropolitan country”, “Crimean Russians against Crimean Tatars”, and “Crimean Tatars against metropolitan country”. Peaceful Crimea and Ichkeria that has suffered decades of colonial war both remained in their metropolitan countries. The rest of four autonomies turned into self-declared, unrecognized states. Some Russian politicians in “civilian clothes”, such as Konstantin Zatulin say these four states are “parallel to CIS”2, which broadens geopolitical capacities of Russian Federation. The problems of these autonomies are not solved, their existence itself is not ensured. 1 Citation of Crimean historian Andrey Malguine. See Natalya Astahova “Crimea – is Ukraine’s future” published in newspaper Krym.ru # 5 (61), 20th of January 2006. 2 Ivan Shmelev. South Ossetian day of independence as mirror of uncompleted dissolution of USSR. 20.09.2005 http://www.pravda.ru/world/former-ussr/other/52046-Ossetia-0 Centro Argentino de Estudios Internacionales www.caei.com.ar Programa CEI & Países Bálticos Nagorny-Karabakh got its independence from Azerbaijan in 1994 after 6-year war. -
Annual Report, 2014–2015 1 Downside up Annual Report, 2014–2015 1 Russian State Registration Certifi Cate Socially Oriented No
DOWNSIDE UP Charitable Fund July 2014 – Annual June 2015 Report 1997 – 2015 DOWNSIDE UP’S 2015 CHARITY AWARDS AND THEIR WINNERS WERE AS FOLLOWS: On March 10, 2015, Downside Up For Exceptional Contribution into Sergey Koloskov, President of “Down Drawing the Attention of Society Syndrome Association”, an interregional held its fi rst Charity Awards cere- and the Government to the Issue NGO for disabled people mony to celebrate supporters of of Down Syndrome in Russia: children with Down Syndrome in Russia. For Contribution to the Development of Ministry for Family Aff airs, Demographics a Public System for the Support and Social Policy of Kaluga region; The awards recognized the con- of Children with Down Syndrome: Novosibirsk State Pedagogical University tribution made by governmental agencies, NGOs, Russian and inter- national commercial companies, For Cooperation in the Development Special Education Institute of the Russian mass media, and members of the of Research and Resource Framework Academy of Education general public towards the cause of Early Intervention Programmes of helping children with Down syn- for Children with Down Syndrome: drome in Russia. For Contribution to the Development “Kindergarten for Everybody”, a resource of Inclusive Education for Preschool centre of inclusive preschool education Children with Down Syndrome: (Moscow) For Professional Media Coverage of the First Channel (TV); Russia Today Down Syndrome Issues: international news agency, Life Without Barriers project; aif.ru (Argumenty i Fakty) website For Contribution -
Putin's Youth
Putin’s Youth: Nashi and the Pro-Regime Youth Movement in Russia, 2000-2012 Angela Lee Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Prerequisite for Honors in History May 2013 © 2013 Angela Lee Table of Contents page I. Acknowledgments……………………………………………………………………………iii II. Introduction……………………………………………………………………………………1 III. Background: The Komsomol, 1918-1991 ……………………….………………...…………4 IV. Chapter 1: Idushchie Vmeste, 2000-2005……………………………………...……………17 V. Chapter 2: Nashi Emerges, 2005-2008………………………………….…………………..31 VI. Chapter 3: Nashi Recedes, 2008-2012…………………………….………………………...55 VII. Conclusion.…………………………………………………………………………………..66 VIII. Bibliography…………………………………………………………………………………69 ii Acknowledgments I would like to thank my advisor, Professor Nina Tumarkin for her patience, sound guidance, and endlessly good humor. I would also like to thank all my History professors at Wellesley for their dedication to teaching and their passion for the subject, and also to the Russian Language Department for making the process of learning Russian a joy during this past year. I am grateful to those who were part of the History Honors Thesis Seminar for the rich discussions and thought-provoking questions. I am thankful to Professors Mark Kramer, Ivan Kurilla, Valerie Sperling, and Elizabeth Wood for their willingness to direct me to the right sources for my research. And finally, I am indebted to the love and support of my parents and siblings for all these years. iii Introduction “The question for Russia now is what to do next. How can we make the new, market -
Conversations with Vladimir Putin, P.69 Back to Text 28
PUTINS PEOPLE How the KGB Took Back Russia and Then Took on the West Catherine Belton Copyright William Collins An imprint of HarperCollinsPublishers 1 London Bridge Street London SE1 9GF WilliamCollinsBooks.com This eBook first published in Great Britain by William Collins in 2020 Copyright © Catherine Belton 2020 Cover photograph © Getty Images Catherine Belton asserts the moral right to be identified as the author of this work A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library All rights reserved under International and Pan-American Copyright Conventions. By payment of the required fees, you have been granted the non-exclusive, non-transferable right to access and read the text of this e- book on-screen. No part of this text may be reproduced, transmitted, down- loaded, decompiled, reverse engineered, or stored in or introduced into any information storage and retrieval system, in any form or by any means, whether electronic or mechanical, now known or hereinafter invented, without the express written permission of HarperCollins Source ISBN: 9780007578795 Ebook Edition © April 2020 ISBN: 9780007578801 Version: 2020-04-29 Dedication To my parents, Marjorie and Derek, as well as to Richard and to Catherine Birkett. Epigraph ‘Russian organised-crime leaders, their members, their associates, are moving into Western Europe, they are purchasing property, they are establishing bank accounts, theyre establishing companies, theyre weaving themselves into the fabric of society, and by the time that Europe develops an awareness its going to be too late. Former FBI special agent Bob Levinson ‘I want to warn Americans. As a people, you are very naïve about Russia and its intentions. -
Crimea After the Georgian Crisis
Crimea after the Georgian Crisis Crimea After the Georgian Crisis Following the Georgian Crisis, there was frequent speculation in the international media Crimea theCrisis Georgian after about the Ukrainian peninsula of Crimea as the next likely target of Russian military intervention. Logic suggests that Crimea, the only region in Ukraine with an ethnic Russian JAKOB HEDENSKOG majority, with its historical links to Russia and contested affiliation to Ukraine, and with its Hero City Sevastopol (the base of the Russian Black Sea Fleet), would be an easy target for the Kremlin’s neo-imperialist policy. This report aims to compare the situation around Crimea with that regarding South Ossetia and Abkhazia, which led to the Georgian Crisis. The main objective is to identify similarities and differences concerning both the situation on the ground and Russia’s policy towards the regions, in order to determine whether a military scenario for Crimea is impossible, Jakob Hedenskog possible or even likely. For a study (in Swedish) on the Georgian Crisis and its consequences, see Larsson, Robert L., et al. Det kaukasiska lackmustestet: Konsekvenser och lärdomar av det rysk-georgiska kriget i augusti 2008, FOI-R--2563--SE, september 2008. Front cover photo: The chief of the Russian Black Sea Fleet and the Chief of the Ukrainian Marine jointly celebrate the 60th Anniversary of Victory Day, 9 May 2005, © Jakob Hedenskog (2005) FOI, Swedish Defence Research Agency, is a mainly assignment-funded agency under the Ministry of Defence. The core activities are research, method and technology development, as well as studies conducted in the interests of Swedish defence and the safety and security of society.