The Legacy of James Johnson Jehu J. Hanciles

Alas! How the power even of a most righteous man week at Holy Communion service I found salvation.... On that depends upon the times in which he happens to live! occasion the joy and gladness of personal salvation led me to -Epitaph to Adrian VI (pope 1522-23) offer myself to God that He might send me out as a missionary among heathen people.:" n nineteenth-century West Africa, national (Le.,colonial) This transforming experience became the mainspring of an I boundaries were less determinate than today, and a con­ enduring religious fervor and unshakable commitment to Chris­ siderable movement of people and ideas helped shape an au­ tian service. It also bred a fanatical piety and diehard dogmatism thentic West African identity. That period spawned men of that bothattracted and repelled andtended to polarizeJohnson's considerable stature whose contributionand influence pervaded acquaintances into either staunch supporters or antagonists. the region with greater ease than is conceivable today. One such man was James Johnson. Johnson and a twinwerebornin 1839or 1840to "recaptive" A Young Man of Much Promise Yoruba parents not far from the village of Waterloo in the Sierra Leone colony.' Both parents were technically Christian converts Johnson's appointment to Kent signaled the commencement of who, reflecting a prevalent practice, still held firmly to pre­ his lifelong dedication to CMS service." About two years later he Christian tribal customs. These prescribed the death of twins, was transferred to the grammarschool,wherehe held a tutorship andJohnson's chronicler affirms that he owed his survival solely for two to three years. By then, his intense Christian devoutness to the fact thathe hadbeenbornunderthe British flag.' In reality, and puritan propensities had become all too manifest. Nick­ the entire colony formed an uncomfortable blend of showpiece named the Bishop, he prayed three times a day and withheld Christianity and traditional religious practices that had "weath­ students' dinners when they so much as neglected to do "some ered the storm of alien transplantation" and proved conspicu­ algebraical problems."!" To his credit he refused to be tempted ously resistant to the sanctifying operation of the Gospel." away from his position as CMS tutor to a situation that offered Johnson's early life was thus spent in an environment that was him50percentmorein salary, on the groundsthathe wascontent self-consciously Christian (by the time he was in his teens, "no with his connection with the society." Ordained a deacon in less than two-thirds of the population ... [was] professedly March 1863, he took up the curacy of the prestigious Pademba Christian")," yet it was thoroughly informed by tribal beliefs and Road Church, under the superintendence of a Europeanmission­ customs. The dynamic tension and ambivalence that these two ary. influences generated was exemplified to a great degree in the Johnson's connectionwith the Pademba Road Districtlasted lives ofmany"colony-born"Christianslike Johnson,who, though eleven years and arguably marked the second major turning imbued with an English-styled Christianity, instinctively (and pointin his life. "Henceforward,"writesAyandele, /I the holiness often agonizingly) explored their African heritage for self-iden­ that was to be attached to him was incredibly visible. . . . tity. Theology became his main mental pre-occupation [and] moral­ In 1847 the young Johnson entered the CMS school in St. ity ... an absolute reality."12 The parish, which included the Matthews Parish, Waterloo, where he was force-fed a diet of "purely heathen" Brookfield's Mission, was a veritable center of Scripture passages, hymn singing, and catechism. He displayed non-Christian practices, notably Shango worship; a goodly por­ remarkable traits even then and, to the amazement of his teacher, tion of Johnson's parishioners were numbered among the clien­ precociously attacked the idol worship practicedby his parents," tele of the local "heathen" priests and oracles." Idealistic, im­ Intelligent, independent minded, and evincing a deep spiritual­ petuous and maverick, but impelled by a unique sense of godli­ ity beyond his years, Johnson was destined for a career in the ness, Johnsonembarkedona crusade against the evil around him church. In 1851 he proceeded to the CMS grammar school­ with unconventional and confrontational zeal. He preached in founded six years earlier "to provide secondary education for the open, sought out backsliders, and attacked the cults in a boys from the new middle-class families"-where the curricu­ manner that was almost quixotic. His relative youth made the lum was essentially a replica of contemporary grammar schools taskdifficult, buthis reputation increased considerably when"a in England (apart from daily stints in farming and a course in Shango worshipper died not long after [Johnson] had rebuked navigation)." On June 1, 1854, Johnson entered the Fourah Bay him for disturbing an open-air service."!' Conspicuous among Institution. It had been founded by the CMS in 1827andby then the fruits of his evangelicallabors was the conversion, in October was the society's chief means of training "native" ministers in 1863, of King John Macauley (of the Aku), a prominent Muslim West Africa. He duly graduated in December 1858 and took up who reveled in immorality and "heathen practices" until he fell a position as catechist at Kent, the southernmost village on the seriously ill and was persuaded by Johnson to embrace Chris­ Sierra Leone Peninsula, some twenty-five miles south of tianity and tum away his many wives." Johnson's stature Freetown.' In this ecclesiastical backwater James Johnson expe­ increased, not least in the eyes of his patrons, the CMS. Still a rienced a personal conversion to the faith that he had professed curate, he strove to impose a puritanical system on the Christian for over seven years. "I was reading ... the book of Zechariah, community under his care, which many members found too and while I was preparing my lesson on the 3rd and 4th chapters rigorous for their liking." The district prospered, and in Decem­ of thatbook the Lord spoke to me as my Saviour, and within that ber 1866 Johnson was elevated to the priesthood. Contrary to Ayandele's claims, he never had full control of the district:" Jehu J. Hanciles, born andeducated in Sierra Leone (Ph.D. Edinburgh Univer­ increasingly, however, he gained recognition as the most ener­ sity, 1995), is Lecturer in Church History, Africa University, Mutare, Zimba­ getic and enterprising native minister in the colony. bwe.

162 INTERNATIONAL BULLETIN OF MISSIONARY RESEARCH Johnson was high-minded to the point of being antisocial, desire to have an independent church," he asserted, "closely and so punctilious in his personallife thathe was in dangerof not follows the knowledge that we are a distinct race, existing under marrying at all. It was not until his late twenties that he eventu­ peculiar circumstances and possessing peculiar characteristics ally met a lady worthy enough, whom he married." At his ... and that the arrangement of foreign churches made to suit urging, she went to England for training in a mission school, and their own local circumstances can hardly be expected to suit our Johnson "literally starved himself" to maintain her at Alcocks own in all their details."26 He confidently predicted that "the use Green in Birmingham. Tragically, she died of a feverous cold in of ourownliturgy and canons is a mere question of time."27 To all 1868. The blow was severe. Twenty-seven years passed before this was added a demand thatFourahBay Collegebe constituted Johnson eventually married another-Sabina Leigh, the daugh­ a West African university. For all his polemics, Johnson did not ter of a prominent businessman in Yorubaland. enunciate any clear strategy for the realization of his ideals, and the reality remained unchanged. The pastorate's chronic depen­ Johnson and the.Native Pastorate dence on CMS financial assistance ensured the continued domi­ nation of European missionaries, many of whom were openly The CMS Sierra Leone Mission was the testing ground of the opposed to Venn's scheme and viewed native aspirations with native pastorate experiment, which was aimed at the organiza­ ill-disguised contempt. Meanwhile, nationalistic sentiments tion of independent, self-reliant, native churches. Henry Venn, intensified and translated into rampantanti-Europeanism." The the chief architect of the scheme and CMS secretary from 1842 to resulting race controversy pitted entrenched European ethno­ 1872, enunciated the revolutionary concept that the ultimate centrism against a bellicose cultural nationalism and catapulted objective of a mission was "the settlement of a native Church, the outspoken James Johnson into the limelight. under native pastors, upon a self-supporting system.":" The The race controversy, which can hardly be treated here, Sierra Leone experiment proved to be a painful and perplexing lasted from 1868 to 1873.29 Johnson's Ethiopianism animated process; in its early stages it inspired native aspirations that clergy and laity alike and crossed denominational barriers. The clashed irrevocably with European ethnocentrism." movement was bolstered by Edward W. Blyden, an archetypal Retained as a missionary in CMS employ throughout his AfricannationalistwithwhomJohnson struckup analliance and stay in Sierra Leone, Johnson was not directly affected by the who exerted considerable influence onJohnson's thinking." But native pastorate scheme. However, the experiment coincided Johnson remained the undisputed champion of the native pas­ with an incipient African nationalism in the colony, spawning tors and the leading figure in the agitation for ecclesiastical independence. Undoubtedly,theclamorfor an independentAfricanchurch The Ethiopian movement was premature and ill fated. Powerful European opposition­ almostsingle-handedlymanagedbythenewly appointedBishop anticipated the conversion Cheetham-and strong dissent from among the ranks of the of the entire African native pastors themselves frustrated the movement. As already noted,noteventheheady rhetoricof Ethiopianismcouldobscure continent to Christianity. the fact that the native churchowed its continued existence to the life support of foreign aid. Still, James Johnson's Ethiopianism challenged entrenched European structures and attitudes and, "Ethiopianism," and Johnson became one of the earliest and drawinginspirationfrom theAfricanheritage, calledattentionto most aggressive advocates of this ideology." The Ethiopian the need for an authentic African ministry. The thought un­ movement extolled African identity, defended African capabil­ settled European missionaries accustomed to notions of indis­ ity, andanticipated the conversionof the entireAfricancontinent pensability, although at CMS headquarters, where the spirit of to Christianity. Rooted in cultural nationalism, it was self­ HenryVenn still lingered, it evoked a sympathetic response, and consciously anti-European and almost recklessly separatist. Al­ Johnson was summoned to England. though political self-determination was an ultimate goal, its HeightenedexpectationssurroundedJohnson'svisitto Lon­ rhetoric focused primarily on racial equality and ecclesiastical don in 1873, although its immediate aftermath was distinctly independence." Notably, its demands and emphasiswentmuch anticlimactic, not least because it resulted in his (vigorously further than Venn's program, which in a sense it hijacked. protested) transfer to the Yoruba Mission." But the ideals he had Ethiopianism fired the imagination of educated African Chris­ championedhadfar-reaching consequences,someunintended." tians in the BritishWestAfricancolonies, andJohnsonbecameits CMS resolved that Africans should join the staff at Fourah Bay prophet. College, which was in turn to be elevated to a fee-paying univer­ For Johnson, the native pastorate experiment represented a sity that"anywell recommended Christian African" could enter unique opportunity for the glorification of the "Negro race"; it to study for vocations other than the ministry.P This latter move was a cynosure of African Christianity that would enable Africa eventually led to the institution's affiliation to Durham Univer­ to "take her place with the most Christian, civilized and intelli­ sity in 1876. More significantly, CMS policy with regard to the gent nations of the earth."23 He wrote: "We see nothing around Sierra Leone Mission switched to an emphasis on African lead­ us which we can call our own in the true sense of the term; ership and the systematic withdrawal of all foreign support. nothing that shows an independent native capacity excepting Strategic city churches, hitherto thought too important for Afri­ this infant Native Pastorate institution.'?' But Venn's scheme cancontrol,werefoisted onthenativepastorate,alongwithother wasonlya halfmeasure. Johnsonpromoted the establishmentof remaining districts. In 1875 a Sierra Leone missionary society an independent,nondenominational, "AfricanChurch"-averi­ was established under intense CMS pressure, and by cajoling table "revivication of the early African Churches."25 Along with and coercion, CMS hastily ceded most of its missions to the many others, he condemned the inimical effects of European unfledged body. Within seven years after Johnson left the missionary enterprise onthe African identity and heritage. "The colony, the Sierra Leone [Anglican] Church was distinctively

October 1997 163 African in personnel if not in polity. The only office occupied by predicted a secession. In truth, Johnson's militancy did little to a European was that of the bishop. allay such fears. In 1876 the CMS made Johnson (still in his thirties) superin­ Johnson in Nigeria tendent of all its stations in the interior of Yorubaland, an unprecedented move and a tribute to Johnson's outstanding With Johnson's transfer to Lagos in June 1874, the Ethiopian ability. The only African occupying a higher position in the CMS movement's center of gravity effectively moved to what was in West Africa Missions was Bishop Crowtherof the Niger Mission. many ways a more hospitable environment than Freetown. In fact, CMS faith in Johnson's capabilities was such that the Yoruba society was less dependent and beholden to Britain, and original suggestion was that he should be made a native bishop there existed in Lagos a vigorous, if incipient, nationalist move­ "exercising jurisdiction in Abeokuta and the Yoruba country."37 mentwithwhichJohnson immediatelyidentified. He became its Some, including Bishops Crowther and Cheetham, thought he leading and most outspoken figure. Furthermore, Breadfruit lacked sufficient experience, but neither bishop doubted that he Church, placed under his charge, was home to the most ardent was destined for that office. ' nationalists among the population. It was also "the wealthiest Johnson's superintendency lasted four years, generated a and most important church in Lagos." Johnson's influence in storm of controversy, and ended in his removal. The details can church and society was considerable. He became a member of hardly be discussed here." Intrepid, zealously pioneering, and the Legislative Council from 1886 to 1894 and enjoyed a preemi- uncompromising, Johnson was in some ways a victim of his own success. His aggressive evangelism produced some surprising results, and in Abeokuta at least, the native church experienced spectacular growth and made tremendous progress toward self­ Johnson was the leading support and self-government." Everywhere he fought against figure in the agitation slaveryandostensiblypurgedthe churchofpolygamy. Ayandele argues that his ignoble withdrawal was the result of a European for ecclesiastical missionary conspiracy and "unconcealed racial prejudice."40 independence. Still, Johnson made enemies as well as converts-the former notably among polygamists and slaveholders. His dogmatism and propensity for autocratic leadership offended the rich and nence among Nigerian Christians that would have been difficult powerful and alienated not a few of his converts. An unsettled to attain in the Sierra Leone colony, where manyof his colleagues political situation did little to help. Neither did the CMS, which, were more experienced and better educated. In Yorubaland, faced withan increasedEuropeanpresence andpressure, showed only Bishop Samuel Crowther was more popular. little stomach for defending its prodigy. Johnson entered into his labors with characteristic fervor Uponlosingthe superindencyofthe Lagos pastorate,Johnson and found fertile ground for his brand of Christian nationalism. returnedto BreadfruitChurch. His image and popularityamong He strove to learn Yoruba, the only language the majority of his West AfricanChristians remained undiminished. In SierraLeone congregation (and the Lagos populace) understood, and he leading clergymen (including the European principal of Fourah combined effective pastoral ministration with determined ef­ Bay College) tried to persuade the CMS that Johnson should be forts to win converts from among Lagos's predominantly Mus­ appointed archdeacon of the Sierra Leone Church, to provide lim population. Reaction to his energetic leadership and fanati­ leadership for the native clergy." In 1886he gained appointment cal Ethiopianism tended to divide along racial lines. To the to the Legislative Council in Lagos. native Christians he was an inspiring figure eulogized as Holy Johnson, but among European missionaries his influence and The Native Episcopate proclamations provoked deep apprehension and resentment. As in Sierra Leone, his rhetoric whipped up considerable anti­ As the 1880s progressed, there were increasing calls, in both European feeling. Now more than ever before, racial consider­ Sierra Leone and Nigeria, for a native bishop (suffragan or ations and African nationalism defined Johnson's attitude, ac­ diocesan) to be appointed in CMS West African dominions. The tivities, and relationships." society had itself repeatedly argued in favor of a Yorubaland CMS plans for a Lagos native pastorate (based on the Sierra bishopric, with an African incumbent. On a visit to England in Leone model) were implemented a year after Johnson's arrival, 1887,Johnson set forth his views on native self-government in a in the face of strenuous European opposition. Johnson domi­ powerful statement entitled"A Memorandum on the West Afri­ nated the pastorate's affairs from the onset (though his church can Native Churches and Missions and Native Episcopacy."42 was added only in 1881). Experience in Sierra Leone had taught Described as "an impassioned and coherent argument for a him that self-support was the key to ecclesiastical independence, native blshop.''" the document focused on Sierra Leone and and his own Breadfruit Church became the pastorate's financial asserted that over seventy years of CMS labor in that colony backbone. By 1889the pastorate had absorbed all but one of the "more than warrants the existence of native supervision long churches in Lagos and as early as 1882had a missionary armwith before this time." Johnson's eloquence impressed, but the CMS stations outside Lagos. WithJohnson as prime mover, the Lagos determined only to pursue the Yoruba option. In the event, the native pastorate even superseded its older counterpart in aspira­ move toward a native bishopric was stymied by a maelstrom of tions and innovations." Africanization and self-government conflicting opinion, resurgent racial tension, stiff European mis­ formed overarching objectives, and "Africa for the Africans" sionary opposition toward Johnson's candidacy (there was no became a rallying cry. "Indigenous white-cap chiefs" were recognizable alternative), and, more decisively, the financial embraced by the Breadfruit community, and prayers for the impediment. Almost as a concession, in 1888 Johnson was native kings were substituted for prayers for the queen of Eng­ appointed a member of the Lagos-based CMS finance commit­ land in the prayer book." Alarmed European missionaries tee.

164 INTERNATIONAL BULLETIN OF MISSIONARY RESEARCH E. STANLEY J O N E S SC HOOL OF W O RL D M ISSION AND EVANGE L IS M

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W H ER E S HA R ING T HE GOS PE L MEANS SHAR ING YOU R L IFE In truth, the readiness of the church in West Africa to be something of an enigma, and the observer is struck by the completely self-supporting and self-governing must remain de­ contradictions of his life, notably in the area of ecclesiastical batable. But the evidence suggests that by the late 1880s CMS independence. When, in October 1901,two-thirds of his Bread­ policy was being dictated less and less by the exalted ideals of fruit congregationseceded on his behalfto form the independent HenryVenn's vision. Change was in the air. In 1889the youthful Bethel African Church, he denied them his leadership, thus Bishop Ingham of Sierra Leone denounced the native pastorate eschewing a golden opportunity to implement his Ethiopian scheme as ill conceived and unsound." With the increased program." He also remained a staunch opponent of the United deployment of better-educated missionaries, many of whom Native Africa Church, founded in August1891in response to the were not immune to the spirit of the colonial "scramble era" (for dismantling of the Niger Mission; and in later life he joined the African territories), attitudes of European superiorityresurfaced colonial government in attacking emerging prophet movements with a vengeance. But Ethiopianism remained vibrant, fueled in the Niger Delta. Opposed to European customs, dress, and unceasingly by the fires of nationalistic fervor. European mis­ names for the African church, he neither changed his own name sionary domination and control was no longer tolerable. When nor abandoned the vestments of the Western church. Hastings European missionaries were introduced into the hitherto all­ African Niger Mission under Bishop Crowther, seething racial tension erupted into major controversy. By the late 1880s attitudes The Niger crisis of the 1890s has received much scholarly attention and varied interpretation." A review is unnecessary. of European superiority The Niger Mission with its African bishop embodied (in a way resurfaced in the thatEuropeans underestimated) the hope of West AfricanChris­ tians. The mission had failings but successes too; the sudden missionary community infusion of European missionary control produced convulsions with a vengeance. that led to separation. Among West African Christians the incident was conceived almost exclusively in racial terms. Disillusionment and uniform adduces that"the advantages of notseceding ... for an educated umbrage at the treatmentmeted outto the aged Bishop Crowther man and still more for a cleric or a bishop, were too consider­ fueled secessionist sentiments. Johnson was galvanized into able.":" But perhaps it is best to view Johnson as a transitional renewed calls for an independent African church. But rather figure who embodied the contradictions of his times." than founding one (as manyexpected),he threwhis considerable Unwaveringly loyal to the CMS throughout his life, he may have influence behind the separatist movement in the Niger Delta. been blind to the inherent contradiction at the heart of his vision: The Niger Delta Pastorate came into existence in April 1892,but an independent African church that remained true to the Angli­ after six years of promising existence, it faltered and returned to can Communion. The inspirer of many secessions from the the CMS fold. With that, Johnson's vision of an independent AnglicanChurchthushimselfremainedits loyal servant, though African church headed by an African bishop evaporated. A his trust was often betrayed. European had already been appointed to succeed Crowther. The remaining years of James Johnson's life were spent as And in what appeared to be a glaring compromise of his Ethio­ assistant bishop of Western Equatorial Africa and were filled pian ideals, Johnson accepted the position of assistant bishop of with incessant missionary activity. He died, in active service, on the Niger Delta in 1900. May 18, 1917. His legacy lived on in the African church move­ It is possible to argue, as Ayandele does, that far from being ment, whichcontinued to challengemissionaryChristianity,and inconsistent, Johnson saw his assistant bishop position as a in African nationalism, which grew so naturally out of Christian means toward his ultimate goal." Certainly the £10,000endow­ missions. Indeed, African Christians today who are engaged in ment fund that he initiated (on his consecration) was geared the continuing exploration of an authentic African Christian­ toward the creation of an independent African diocese. But ity-notas an end in itself but as a partof the unfoldingChristian despite his immense popularity and prominence, Johnson was story and a basis for mission-walk in his footsteps. Notes------­ 1. In Rev. E. Jones's 1854/55 "Report of the Fourah Bay Institution" 1962), pp. 237 and 252; cf. A. B. C. Sibthorpe, The History of Sierra (CMS, C A1/0 129/88), Johnson's age is given as fifteen years. The Leone, 4th ed. (London: Frank Cass, 1970), p. 167. Sierra Leone colony, founded as a Christian experiment in 1787, 7. See T. S.Johnson, TheStoryofaMission (London: SPCK, 1953),p. 49. subsequentlybecame the home of thousands of freed slaves (known 8. Quoted in Ayandele, Holy Johnson, p. 25. as recaptives or liberated Africans), who formed captive audiences 9. Rev. Edward Jones, principal of Fourah Bay College, to CMS secre­ for European missionaries, notably agents of the ChurchMissionary taries, May 21, 1863, in which he called Johnson "a young man of Society (CMS), from 1816 onward. much promise," CMS, C Al/ a 3/468A. 2. E. A. Ayandele, Holy Johnson: Pioneer of African Nationalism, 1836­ 10. Sibthorpe, Historyof Sierra Leone, pp. 168-69. 1917 (London: Frank Cass, 1970), is a detailed and authoritative 11. Rev. E. Jones to CMS secretaries, May 21, 1863, CMS, C A1/0 3/ biography, though it does tend to exaggerate Johnson's achieve­ 468A. ments. 12. Ayandele, HolyJohnson, p. 26. 3. See L. Sanneh, West African Christianity: The Religious Impact 13. Johnson's report appears in Church Missionary Record, n.s. 1 (January (Maryknoll, N.Y.: Orbis Books, 1983), pp. 83-89. 1871):10;cf.Fyfe, HistoryofSierra Leone, p. 351. Shango is the Yoruba 4. S.W. Koelle,"A Picture of Sierra Leone in the Light of Christianity," god of thunder and fertility. Church Missionary Intelligencer 6 (March 1855):62. 14. Fyfe, HistoryofSierra Leone, p. 351;Sanneh, WestAfricanChristianity, 5. Ayandele, HolyJohnson, pp. 22-23. p.84. 6. See C. Fyfe, A Historyof Sierra Leone (London: Oxford Univ. Press, 15. Fyfe, Historyof Sierra Leone, p. 351; Ayandele, HolyJohnson, p. 29.

166 INTERNATIONAL BULLETIN OF MISSIONARY RESEARCH 16. Ayandele, Holy Johnson, pp. 29-30. 29. See Hollis R. Lynch,"The Native Pastorate Controversy and Cul- 17. Ibid., p. 29; d. J. J. Hanciles, "The Sierra Leone Native Pastorate tural Ethnocentrism in Sierra Leone, 1871-1874," Journal of African Church (1850-1890): An Experiment in Ecclesiastical Independence" History 5 (1964): 39~14; d. Hanciles, "Sierra Leone Native Pastor- (Ph.D. diss., Edinburgh Univ., 1995). ate Church," pp. 219-97. 18. Ayandele's claim (Holy Johnson, p. 25) that in 1854 Johnson's name 30. Blyden has been extolled by his biographer as "easily the most had been romantically linked with a certain Rachael Garnon is based learned and articulate champion of Africa and the Negro race in his on uncertain evidence and seems specious. own time"(H. R. Lynch, Edward Wilmot Blyden: Pan Negro Patriot, 19. Henry Venn, "Minute upon the Employment and Ordination of 1832-1912 [London: Oxford Univ. Press, 1967]). Native Teachers" (First Paper, 1851); see Wilbert R. Shenk, Henry 31. For a photograph of Johnson during this visit to England, plus Venn, Missionary Statesman (Maryknoll, N.Y.: Orbis Books, 1983), additional information, see David Killingray, "Beneath the Appendix 1. For more details about Venn's concept and its imple- Wilberforce Oak," International Bulletin of Missionary Research 21 mentation, see C. Peter Williams, The Ideal of the Self-Governing Ouly 1997): 111-15. Church (Leiden: Brill, 1990); Hanciles, "Sierra Leone Native Pastor- 32. For a full argument, see Hanciles, "Sierra Leone Native Pastorate ate Church." Church," pp. 318-19, 332-35. 20. For a detailed treatment of the forces unleashed by the experiment 33. Wright to Cheetham, March 10, 1873, CMS, C A1/L8, pp. 470-71. (and their implications), see Hanciles, "Sierra Leone Native Pastor- 34. See Ayandele, Holy Johnson, p. 94. ate Church." 35. See Hastings, Church in Africa, p. 357. 21. The term was derived from the scriptural proclamation that "Ethio- 36. Ayandele, Holy Johnson, p. 98. pia shall soon stretch out her hands unto God" (Ps. 68:31), inter- 37. See Wright to Cheetham, January 28, 1876, C A1/L9, pp. 126-29. preted as a prediction that Ethiopia (symbolic of all Africa) would 38. See Ayandele, Holy Johnson and Missionary Impact. Cf. J. F. A Ajayi, once again embrace Christianity. Ayandele correctly argues that Christian Missions in Nigeria, 1841-1891: The Making of a New Elite this West African Ethiopianism was "quite different from the popu- (London: Longmans, Green, 1965). lar one associated with Central, Eastern and Southern Africa" (Holy 39. See Ayandele, Holy Johnson, pp. 122-24. Johnson, p. 44). 40. Ibid., pp. 124-33, 136-37. 22. Cf. A Hastings, The Church in Africa, 1450-1950 (Oxford: Oxford 41. See Sunter to Lang, March 6, 1882,CMS,G3/ A1/0,no.34;Macauley Univ. Press, 1995), p. 479. to Wigram, June 22,1882, G3/ AlIO, no. 68. 23. Sermon preached at Trinity Church, Kissy Road, on May 13, 1867, on 42. See CMS, G3/ A2/04; Ayandele, Holy Johnson, pp. 142-49. behalf of the Pastorate Auxiliary, by Rev J. Johnson, CMS, C AlIO 43. Williams, Ideal of the Self-Governing Church, p. 129. 9/3. 44. Ingham to Wigram, July 27,1889, CMS, G3/ A1/0, no. 142. 24. Quoted in E. A Ayandele, The Missionary Impact on Modern Nigeria, 45. More recently, Professor Ogbu Kalu has argued that the young 1842-1914: APolitical and Social Analysis (London: Longmans, Green, European missionaries, whose arrival and activities are often deemed 1966), pp. 181-82. a major cause of the troubles, were "the true indigenizers" ("Beyond 25. Eighth Annual Report of the Pastorate Auxiliary in June 1870, CMS, Nationalist Historiography: White Indigenizers of the Igbo Church, CA1/09/6. 1876-1892," paper presented at the Centre for the Study of Christian- 26. James Johnson to M. Taylor and others, April 19, 1873, quoted in ity in the Non-Western World, Univ. of Edinburgh, November Ayandele, Holy Johnson, p. 42. 1992). 27. Cheetham to Wright, March 7,1873, CMS, C A1/M 19, p. 76. 46. Ayandele, Holy Johnson, pp. 264-65. 28. Johnson, for instance, once remarked in the heat of passion that it 47. Ibid., pp. 319-24. was "a natural impossibility for a white man to love a black man" 48. Hastings, Church in Africa, p. 497. (Minutes of Half Yearly Conference, April 2-3, 1867,CMS,CA1/02/ 49. L. Sanneh, Translating the Message: The Missionary Impact on Culture 232). (Maryknoll, N.Y.: Orbis Books, 1991), p. 144.

Bibliography Ayandele's volume is the only major work on Johnson, but the following Works by James Johnson studies also contain significant biographical details: Fyfe, C. A History of Sierra Leone. London: Oxford Univ. Press, 1962. 1908 A Brief History of My Life. London. Hanciles, J. J."The Sierra Leone Native Pastorate Church (1850-1890): Unpublished reports, correspondence, etc. in Johnson's files in CMS An Experiment in Ecclesiastical Independence." Ph.D. diss., Univ. archives, University of Birmingham: C A1/0 123 (Sierra Leone); of Edinburgh, 1995. CA2/0 56 (Yoruba Mission). Sanneh, L. West African Christianity: The Religious Impact. Maryknoll, N.Y.: Orbis Books, 1983. Works About James Johnson --. Translating the Message: The Missionary Impact on Culture. Maryknoll, N.Y.: Orbis Books, 1991. Ayandele, E. A, Holy Johnson: Pioneer of African Nationalism, 1836-1917. Williams, C. Peter. The Ideal of the Self-Governing Church. Leiden: Brill, London: Frank Cass, 1970. 1990.

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