Muslims of Surma-Barak Valley in the Partition of 1947

International Journal of Advanced Science and Technology Vol. 29, No. 7, (2020), pp. 14645 - 14651

Muslims Of Surma-Barak Valley In The Partition Of 1947

Dr. Mahbubur Rahman Laskar Email. – [email protected]

Few events have been more important to the history of modern South Asia than the partition of subcontinent in to India and Pakistan in 1947. Whether partition was inevitable or was there any alternative, has been a matter of debate since independence. Partition of India in 1947 was not a sudden event or occurrence, but certain forces, elements and agencies generated the situation that made Partition inevitable. Surma-Barak Valley presently constituted the three districts of Barak Valley viz. Cachar, Karimganj and Hailakandi and broader Sylhet presently constituted with Habiganj, Sunamganj, Maulabi Bazar and Sylhet districts of Bangladesh, which was a part of Assam sub-division faced this division. Physical division took place in the eastern and western side of the Indian sub continent. Sylhet was separated from the rest of the province and attached with the East Pakistan. Of course political leaders and parties commanded the matter and they tried to approach the Muslim masses to bring under their respective banner. They too used religious leaders and religion symbolically to get the mass support in the referendum. Muslim of Surma-Barak valley, thus were divided broadly in to two groups – one is under Jamiat Ulema Hind, allied of Indian National Congress and the other under Muslim League. Dialogues, songs, poems were composed by both the groups to convince the people and to raise the sentiment of the other section of Muslim. So, the issue of the partition of the country led to the contradictory stands of the Muslims of Surma-Barak Valley.

There is no doubt that literary representation of the events in the wake of partition provides an alternative discourse supplementing the stories based on archival research. The history of partition is also the partition of history of communities. We apparently created a legitimate space for the two nation theory were the ‘cultural differences’ between the two communities which, though living side by side for generations, appear to have remain clearly separate from one another. This is, however, not to suggest that Hindu-Muslim separate identities owed only to existential cultural differences; instead they were also rooted in colonialism and the economic changes of the decades proceeding the transfer of power. What is emphasized is the fact that the ‘distinct’ Hindu Muslim identities were not just products of ‘Divide and Rule’, but were created by communities themselves on the strength of inherited cultural resources and invented traditions. Thus the emergence of the Hindus and the Muslims as distinct political communities was historically conditioned. What was seriously questioned in these creative writings was the displacement and dispossession of the innocent victims who failed to reconcile to the changed environment when separate homelands were created for separate communities which had so far co- existed. The Lahore Resolution of 1940 made the political situation of India so tensed that the Muslim League and its supporters to a large extent advanced their claim for separate homeland for the Muslim i.e. Pakistan. The conflict and contrast between the nationalist and the communalist group particularly between the two Muslim groups on question of Pakistan was a everyday phenomena. Under such circumstance the election to the central and provincial legislatures of India (1946) appeared as a great challenge to both the groups to show their strength and justify their position.1 In the election campaign, the nationalist advocated for India’s unity, integrity and independence while the communalist group stood for the public mandate on the issue of Pakistan. On the eve of the 1946 election to the provincial legislature, the nationalist Muslim organizations unitedly formed All India Muslim Parliamentary Board. In Assam Muslim Parliamentary Board was formed with Maulana Bashir Ahmed as President and Muzzamil Ali and Dr. Murtuza Choudhury as Secretary.2 It was spearheaded the campaign of the nationalist group under J. Nehry, Hussain Ahmed Madani and others. Local nationalist Muslim leaders Gulam Sabir Khan, Sabir Khan, Sabid Raja Mazumder, Hurmat Ali Barlaskar, Nurul Hoque, Formuz Ali, 14645

Maulana Abdul Jalil Choudhury, Maulana Ibrahim Ali Chautali, Maulana Moshaid Ali and others accompanied them.3 The Communalist group of Muslims also brought central figures of the Muslim League like Maulana Shah Sharif, Maulana Mohammad Ishaque, Maulana Muslim Uddin, Maulana Abdul Karim and others for the campaign in favour of Pakistan.4 It was not the nationalist Hindus but the nationalist Muslim became the target of the communalist Muslim in each and every subdivision of Asssam. On the arrival of the Maulana Madani at Kulaura Railway Station in Sylhet from Calcutta, he was shown black flag bby the Muslim League activist.5 In many of his meetings, Muslim League supporters created disturbances. When Maulana Madani was delivering his lecture at Gobinda Park at Sylhet on December 13, 1945 about 100 League workers shouted with League slogans on the road.6 Assam provides an interesting chapter in India’s freedom struggle during its last phase for two important reasons. First, although the 3rd June announcement7 suggested the division of Assam, particularly the district of Sylhet, the province was partitioned only after the referendum in which majority of its population endorsed the separation. Although it was portioned after referendum but not on the basis of the result of referendum but according to decision of the Redcliff Commission. As the Muslims constituted an overwhelming majority in the district, the outcome of the plebiscite was more or less anticipated. A unique experiment in the context of colonialism, the referendum brought out interesting dimension of Hindu-Muslim communalism. Secondly, for the Muslims, the campaign during the referendum was a continuity of their movement opposing of Assam government since it had decided stringently to follow the controversial Line System in 19468. Muslim immigrants were instantly mobilized for the 1947 referendum and the campaigned gained momentum the time Maulana Abdul Hamid Khan Bhasani assumend leadership9. Several songs, poems were sung and recited in different places of the valley to mobilize the masses. One such song that appealed the Muslim masses in large extent was: Aamrato aar Aashame te taakbona- Aashamer julumer kota, jibon taakte bhulbona, Ghorbaari koto bhangilo Puria chai korilogo ……… Naa khaiya maanush morilo, dukhkhe poran baachena. Jhumma masjider kota Shunle laagle praner kota go ……….. Bhanglo masjid haati diya go, masjider chin raakhlona. Sylhete Alkas morilo Gulite shahid hoilo go.. Shahidi dorja pailo, pailo she behest khana…… Emon julum hoy jekhane Aamra taakbona shekane go…… Aamra taakbo Pakistane, Jhalim deshe roibona. Habib paagla khoi khaindia Kural baakse vote diya go.. Pakistan tulo godia noile paabe laanchona.”10

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(We shall no longer stay in Assam, so long life exists, we shall not forget the atrocities of Assam, So many houses have been torn down, so many burns to ashes. Men have died of starvation, the soul dies of sorrow. The tale of Jhuma masjid seems like the tale of the heart. Elephants have ravaged the masjid……nothing remains. A class of people have died in Sylhet, some have died in the bullet. Men have got the status of martyrs, they got the seat of heaven. ………... A place where such atrocities persist, no longer shall we stay in such place. We shall stay in Pakistan, no longer we shall stay in the land of atrocities. Says Habib the lunatic shedding tears of woe. Casting vote in the atrocities ballot box, Carve out the new Pakistan, else you will get only insult.)

In Sylhet the League leadership demanded partition of Assam – unlike its counterpart in Bengal, which never endorsed the separation. With the announcement of the date for referendum, the League High Command constituted a committee comprising the important leaders of Bengal and their representative, Khaliquzzaman to mobilize Muslim support for Sylhet’s amalgamation with Pakistan. Presumably because the League was uncertain about the outcome of the referendum, Jinnah, who brouched the idea of the committee, preferred to organize the Muslims in the Surma valley from the very outset. The other significant feature of the Muslim mobilization was the nature of the local leadership that spearheaded the campaign. Jinnah choose Maulana Bhasani who became famous after his successful movement in Bhasani’s char instead of established provincial League leaders. Bhasani invested the misery of the Bengali Muslims with a religious connotation. By choosing mainly mosque compounds or those in the vicinity as the venues for his meetings, he undertook a campaign in which the religious terms also underlines the significance of his persona as a Pir.11 Not only did the Bhasani appeal to the religious sentiments of the people; the entire campaign was also organized in such a way as to gain maximum impact by drawing upon Islam. Mullahs from Bengal were brought in to go to the remote areas of the district. Village hats were the places where these Mullahs addresses the villagers.12 The common men who were influenced by them were raised slogan in many places “Urir jhar, jhingar jhar, Muslim League faria jhar”13, poems were composed and recited in many informal and formal meetings or gatherings. Son unishasaatchallisher-2, tisra Junete Bodolaat ghushana jan koila aie mote Sylheti Mushalman-2, Pakistan Jodi chahe bhai Vote diya proman khada koridibe taai, Ekhon joruri bodo-2, hoiya drodo voter Mushalman Kudal baakshe dibai vote hoiya ek pran. Joto birudhi dhal-2, cholbol korbo nanamote Bindumaatra kaan keho naahi dibai taate. Jodi bhul koraba-2, postaiba bongso bhuniadhan. Jhulum hoite kobu keho naa paiba toran. Shuno bhandu ghon-2, diya mon luber boshete Ulta path naa doribai, jibon taakite. Jibon pan kori-2, taratari kaaje laagi jao. Ekjan shotojonke, binoye bujao, Ebar haar Jodi-2, nirobodhi kaandi jaabe din.14

(The year 1947, 3rd June, the Viceroy made this announcement, if Sylheti Musalman demands Pakistan, let them prove it by the vote. Now it is very essential, let all the Muslman be firm for once and caste their vote in the ballot box. Opponent parties shall create mischief in numerous ways. Let all your eyes be tained by them. If you slip once, you shall repent for generations. Never shall you be relieved of your torments. So, listen dear friends & let not your heart be obsessed with greed. Do not run the wrong path so long you are alive. Live life, and fulfil your task, one man make realize the hundreds with love and tenderness. If you lose now, for generations shall you cry.) 14647

These were to encourage the other voters and with this they tried to show the confidence and possibility of winning the vote infavour of partition. In these informal yet important gathering, the support to Sylhet’s union with Pakistan was always presents as ‘a service to Islam and Muslim fratenity’ elsewhere. The supporters of Jamiat Ulema-e-Hind and Maulana Hussain Ahamd Madani were also threatened with dire consequences. Apart from the divine punishment, what was most effective in garnering support was ‘social ostracism’ which acted like magic in the Muslim villages where survival was almost impossible without effective co-operation among those living there. A League song was much sung by the Muslim League even in Sylhet town was reflective of the smear campaign, which read.

Muslim League e Dabi kore jato guli bhag Iha shuni adhikangsho Jamiati rag…. Jodi taar saathi hoilay Nij anna khaiya Te kene re Mussalman Murti puja korona”15. (The Muslim League has claimed so many divisions. Hearing this, a majority of Jamiati are full of anger. And if you have been their companions, by consuming your own grain, then why do you Musalman not worship idols.)

Following the acceptance of Mauntbatten plan of 1947 both by Indian National Congress and and Muslim League the anti grouping meeting in different parts of Surma Valley came to an end. Since then the focus of political activity confined round the Sylhet referendum to be held on 6th and 7th July 1947. But the acceptance of Mount Batten Plan by two rival political parties viz. Congress and Muslim League had received mixed reaction from the Surma- Barak Valley Muslims. Both Jamiat Ulema-e-Hind and Muslim League of Surma barak Valley were dissatisfied with it from their own view point. While Jamiat Ulema-e-Hind leaders like Hurmat Ali Barlaskar, Maulana Abdul Jalil Choudhury, Maulana Ibrahim Choudhury, Abdul Matlib Mazumder, Maulana Mohammad Ali, Gulam Sabbir Khan stood for united India and condemned the plan for the division of India and Assam. Such a meeting was held at silchar in 20th February 1947 in the Municipality Complex organized by the Cachar Jamiat Ulema and other nationalist Muslims of Surma Valley16. On the 11th February 1947, the meeting of Assam Provincial Jamiat Ulema-e-Hind was held in Sylhet Khilafat Building under the presidentship of Maulana Basir Uddin which condemned the looting of the Jamiat Hotel by Muslim League activists as reported on the 16th August 1946 to observe ‘Direct Action Day’ of Muslim League. Many fold resolutions were passed and most important was the immediate transfer of power to the Indians hand without division. The meeting ended with the formation of a provincial committee. After announcement of the Mount Batten Plan, the Muslim League. Consequently they were happy about the prospect of a sovereign state Pakistan but heavily depressed with the exclusion of Assam in the proposed Pakistan except Sylhet and that to be achieved and determined by plebiscite. The voice of the discontent was observed in the very tone of Surma Valley Muslim League leaders. Some Muslim League leaders even criticized and lamented on the Jinnnah’s sudden hurried decision with regard to the Assam.

However, the controversial Sylhet referendum appeared to the Muslims as a matter of joy and sorrow. Though the Surma Valley Muslim League leaders expressed their discontent, yet they were not 14648

ISSN: 2005-4238 IJAST Copyright ⓒ 2020 SERSC International Journal of Advanced Science and Technology Vol. 29, No. 7, (2020), pp. 14645 - 14651 ready to lose further area. So, they were destined to launch a vigorous campaign to achieve Sylhet in Pakistan. Their campaign includes formation of Muslim League national guards with young and energetic youths throughout the Surma valley. The Muslim League guards were formed in Cachar under Mehtab Khan and Sylhet under Abdus Salam. The newly formed guards were utilized to conduct meetings, propagandas with a view to protect the League meetings from the interference of Jamiat activists. Religious cards were played and Muslim universal brotherhood, fraternity and solidarity was fostered in public platforms to bring the Muslims under their banner cast their votes in favour of Pakistan. Moreover, the League leaders taking advantage of the political situation that developed on the eve of independence taking the immigration issue. The Muslim immigrants cause which both in and outside the legislature was the most talked and debated issue over few decades, had tremendously deteriorated the political condition of Assam. The Muslim League leaders of Surma Valley delivered speeches in a number of gatherings condemning the appeal of united India as advocated by Congress for hurling out the Bengali immigrants from Assam only due to their Muslim identity. Many boul songs were composed and were sung in this connection throughout the villages of Sylhet. The students also mobilized the movement under the organizations like All India Muslim Student Federation and leaders like A. T. Masud, Moinul Hoque Choudhury and many others. In addition the Muslim League leaders carried the campaign through the press also. Many leading newspapers like the ‘The Herald’, Al-Islah, Azad, etc published various articles, editorials to spread the ideal as was advocated by Muslim League. Finally they also tried to win the support of minorities of Sylhet in their favour. It was thus the Surma Valley Muslim League with its Muslim League MLA jumped in to the electioneering campaign with pre-planned methods and techniques to win the heart of the people of Sylhet in Pakistan area. However, the opposition of the Cachar Muslim League and Muslim League National Guard was very pathetic. Their long dream and fight of inclusion of Cachar if not Assam in Pakistan now disappeared. The Sylhet Muslim League fight for the achievement of Sylhet disclosed the very artificial solidarity, universal brotherhood at the Muslim League of Sylhet. The Sylhet Muslim League leaders completely, reversed their earlier strength on the long standing Sylhet separation issue. It was the Muslim League members of Sylhet like Maulana Munawar Ali who earlier told in the Legislative Council of Assam that how we leave our Muslim brother of Assam Valley to live in a microscopic minority. But, during the crucial time of partition they forgot their ideologies. They have never made any concrete effort to bring Cachar along with them. While Muslims of Cachar had a strong love and affection and whole hearted desire to remain Sylhet. There may be reason that Sylhet Muslim League was not ready to create further constitutional development by demanding Cachar to the proposed Pakistan. They perhaps thought if Sylhet was achieved by any means Cachar would come automatically under Pakistan. Such forethought was observed in a very popular slogan,

“Sylhet niche gono vote, aar Cachar nimu laathor chute”17 (Sylhet is taken by referendum and Cachar will take by kick)

Yet there were many doubt with regard to inner motive of Sylhet Muslim League leaders on the Sylhet referendum alone. So, it would not be wrong to say in this connection that if Mahmood Ali was right blame Jinnah for step motherly treatment towards the case of Assam, it would not be in any way unjustified if any Muslim League leaders of Cachar blame the Sylhet League leaders for the same. Thus the Muslim League members of Sylhet who wants strongly advocated Sylhets retention with Assam now became the ardent supporter for the separation of Sylhet. The role of the Jamiat Ulema-e-Hind played in this context was much broader and wider in comparison to the narrow constructive outlook of its counterpart Muslim League. It was due to the frequent visit of Jamiat Ulema-e-Hind leaders of National level, particularly Maulana Hussain Ahmed Madani of Dar-ul-Ulum, Deoband in Surma Valley, a good number of Maulanas beame his disciple. Maulana Madani’s long staying in Surma Valley on the occasion of Ramdhan left powerful influence on 14649

ISSN: 2005-4238 IJAST Copyright ⓒ 2020 SERSC International Journal of Advanced Science and Technology Vol. 29, No. 7, (2020), pp. 14645 - 14651 the masses. In a gathering nearby Bhanga madrassa of present Karimganj Madani while addressing said,

“Marde haq baatilke saamne Sar jukta nehi Sar kata sekta hai Magar jhuka sekta nehi.”18 (Man with truth never bow down to eunuch, even head can be cut but head shall never bow down)

Cosequently, the Jamiat had a powerful hold in Surma-Barak Valley. The bulk of the Ulemas of Surma Valley was under the banner of Jamiat Ulema-e-Hind and strongly protested and participated in the anti-partition movement. They did their best to retain Sylhet with Assam. Finally the referendum was held on 6th and 7th July 1947. The outcome was favourable to those demanding the amalgamation of Sylhet with East Bengal. The valid votes casted in the referendum, 239619 (56.6%) were infavour of Sylhet amalgamation with Pakistan only 184041 (43.4%) of an undivided Assam in India19. After winning the referendum League supporters in many areas raised slogan, “Jamiyati Oola, Mair khaila kila Haraidisla kholla Maridisi Bhalla”20 (Tom cat of Jamiyat, how were beaten, pushed their head but were severely beaten) Thus, the division of the country also led to the division of the Muslim society, to the Muslim of Muslim League the Jamiati’s are their main enemy as they are being Muslim co-operated and supported Hindus. They are worse than Hindus as Hindus are directly and openly against the Muslim and targeted from the front side where as Jamiati’s worked for the same as the Hindu’s and targeted them from behind. To, the Jamiati’s the League leaders are all political, their head i.e. Jinnah is western educated person, here he has been working for his political ambition. Hussain Ahmad Madani in his every lecture in Surma-Barak Vallley tried to show the importance of United India and demerits of the divided India. The Jamiati’s mainly concerned with the all India scenario. The League took both the central and provincial issues and with religious interpretation influenced the mass population of Muslim. Notes and References:

1. Habibullah Mazumder, (unpublished Ph.D. thesis) “Nationalist Vs Communalists: A Study of the Politics of the Muslims in Assam (1920-47)”, Assam University, Silchar 2007, p-222

2. An unpublished Diary of Murtuza Choudhury, Sylhet.

3. Habibullah Mazumder, p-224

4. Ibid, p-225

5. Fortnightly Reports, 21-01-1946

6. Fortnightly Reports, 02-02-1946

7. Lord Mount Batten’s announcement in 1947.

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8. Line System was a device introduced by the government in 1920s to halt the migration of Bengali Muslims in to Assam.

9. Bidyut Chakrabarti, “The Partition of Bengal and Assam 1932 – 1947”, Routledge, London, 2004, p-246

10. Sayad Mustafa Kamal, “Sylheter Referendum o Janapratinidhi”, Renaissance Pub., Sylhet, Bangladesh, 2003 p-21

11. Bidyut Chakrabarti,, p-246

12. Ibid, p-246

13. A common dialogue that I heared from a number of old persons during my field study of Karimganj and Sylhet.

14. It’s a poem used to recite with a peculiar style that are neither like poem nor song, in local language it is called ‘Kabi’ and such was very popular in rural Bengal during partition days. I have collected this from Kendriya Muslim Sahitya Sangsad, Chouhatta, Sylhet, Bangladesh.

15. Binayak Dutta, “Religion in Politics: Eastern India 1905 – 1947”, Pilgrims Pub., Varanasi, 2009, p-210

16. Habibullah Mazumder, (Ph.D. thesis) “Nationalist Vs Communalists: A Study of the Politics of the Muslims in Assam (1920-47)”, Assam University, Silchar 2007.

17. A very common and popular dialogue among the supporters of Muslim League of Hailakandi, Karimganj.

18. Interview with Maulana Abdul Hoque (70), Bhanga, Karimganj dated 16.04.2010.

19. Bidyut Chakrabarti, opcit, p-188

20. Interview with Abdul Hashim (90), Baroigram, Karimganj, dated 15.04.2010

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