Why Did Scientific Renaissance Take Place in Europe and Not in India§
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1 When Induction Was About Concepts John P. Mccaskey
When Induction Was About Concepts John P. McCaskey Stanford University The philosophy professor says, ―This swan is white. That swan is white. And so is the other,‖ and asks, ―May we legitimately infer that all swans are white?‖ In this way the students are introduced to induction or, as we seem always to call it, the ―problem‖ of induction. Deduction presents no real problem, we say, but induction brings no end of trouble. It is stubborn, recalcitrant, rebellious. We can almost hear Henry Higgins singing, ―Why can‘t a woman be more like a man?‖ or ―Why can‘t induction be more like deduction? / Deduction is so honest, so thoroughly square / eternally noble, historically fair. / Why can‘t induction be more like deduction ?‖ Higgins does not sing that, but Nicholas Rescher, for example, says, ―An inductive inference can always be looked upon as an aspiring but failed deductive inference.‖1 Rescher speaks for virtually all epistemologists of the last hundred years. But this position was not always so common. There were times when induction was not thought to be a problematic sort of inference. In fact, there were times induction was not thought to be primarily about propositional inference at all. Induction was about forming sound concepts and good definitions. This essay recalls those times. Recalling them is important for three reasons. First, doing so will help check our temptation to think our predecessors were too naïve, careless, or stupid to see the obvious. ―How could Francis Bacon have thought his method of induction would lead to certainty?!‖ ―How could William Whewell not have appreciated Hume‘s challenge to induction?!‖ ―How could Aristotle have thought all induction reduces to complete enumeration?!‖ But these men were not stupid. -
Chapter Ten William Whewell: Lyell's Labours And
CHAPTER TEN WILLIAM WHEWELL: LYELL'S LABOURS AND IDEAS Although Lyell and Sedgwick are usually seen as champions of antagonistic theories of geology, they actually share more in their scientific outlooks than is often supposed. Their religious suppositions are very much the same and, as honest scientists and believers, both join in a battle to "free the science from Moses." Even their respective defences of uniformity and catastrophism seem at times to merge so much as hardly to merit the name of controversy. Such seems to be the conclusion of the philosopher of science William Whewell. Lyell's research was a major influence on Whewell's geological thinking. He reviewed the first and the second volume of Principles, and, although not disposed to accept the theory of uniformity, he discusses Lyell as no other scientist in the long sections on geology in both the History of the Inductive Sciences (1837) and its sequel the Philosophy of the Inductive Sciences ( 1840). William Whewell, son of a Lancashire carpenter, born in 1794, was Lyell's senior by only three years. He was not an original contributor to the science of geology, but his extensive knowledge of the physical sciences included geology. Much practical geology he no doubt picked up during the many field tours with Sedgwick.1 Whewell's entrance in 1811 at Trinity College, Cambridge, as a sizar, was followed by a long and successful career there, which culminated in his nomination to the influential post of Master of Trinity after Christopher Wordsworth's resignation in 1842. As a fellow of Trinity he had to take clerical orders, but he showed none of the reluctance to theological studies that Sedgwick felt, and his learning in this field led to the prestigious appointment of Professor of Moral Philosophy in 1838. -
E D I T O R I a L
E D I T O R I A L “RETRO-PROGRESSING” As one browses through the history section of a library, one of the volumes that is likely to catch one’s attention is The Discoverers by Daniel Boorstin.1 It is an impressive, 700-page volume. Published in 1983, it chronicles in a semi-popular style selected aspects of man’s discoveries. Two chapters entitled “The Prison of Christian Dogma” and “A Flat Earth Returns” deal with the outlandish con- cept of an earth that is flat instead of spherical. Boorstin has impressive academic credentials from Harvard and Yale, and has held prestigious positions such as the Librarian of Congress, Director of the National Museum of History and Tech- nology, and Senior Historian of the Smithsonian Institution. In The Discoverers he reflects the popular view that the ancient Greeks, including Aristotle and Plato, believed Earth to be a sphere; however, after the rise of Christianity a period of “scholarly amnesia” set in which lasted from around 300 to 1300 A.D. During this time, according to Boorstin, “Christian faith and dogma replaced the useful [spherical] image of the world that had been so slowly, so painfully, and so scrupulously drawn by ancient geographers.” The “spherical” view was replaced by the concept of a flat earth, which Boorstin characterizes as “pious caricatures.”2 Boorstin bolsters his case by mentioning a couple of minor writers — Lactantius and Cosmas — who believed in a flat earth and lived during this “dark age.” He also implicates the powerful authority of St. Augustine of Hippo (354-430), who “heartily agreed” that antipodes “could not exist.”3 Antipodes represented lands on the opposite side of a spherical earth where trees and men, if present, would be upside down, with their feet above their heads; hence, the “antipodes” (opposite-feet) designation. -
“The Sixth Sense”: Towards a History of Muscular Sensation
Gesnerus 68/1 (2011) 218–71 “The Sixth Sense”: Towards a History of Muscular Sensation Roger Smith* Summary This paper outlines the history of knowledge about the muscular sense and provides a bibliographic resource for further research. A range of different topics, questions and approaches have interrelated throughout this history, and the discussion clarifies this rather than presenting detailed research in any one area. Part I relates the origin of belief in a muscular sense to empiricist accounts of the contribution of the senses to knowledge from Locke, via the idéologues and other authors, to the second half of the nine- teenth century. Analysis paid much attention to touch, first in the context of the theory of vision and then in its own right, which led to naming a distinct muscular sense. From 1800 to the present, there was much debate, the main lines of which this paper introduces, about the nature and function of what turned out to be a complex sense. A number of influential psycho-physiolo- gists, notably Alexander Bain and Herbert Spencer, thought this sense the most primitive and primary of all, the origin of knowledge of world, causa- tion and self as an active subject. Part II relates accounts of the muscular sense to the development of nervous physiology and of psychology. In the decades before 1900, the developing separation of philosophy, psychology and physiology as specialised disciplines divided up questions which earlier writers had discussed under the umbrella heading of muscular * The stimulus for writing up this paper, which I had long put off because I hoped to do some- thing more rounded, came from the participants, and especially from the organisers, Vincent Barras and Guillemette Bolens, of a project ‘L’intelligence kinesthésique et le savoir sensori- moteur: entre arts et sciences’, at a conference of World Knowledge Dialogue, ‘Interdisci- plinarity in action: a p ractical experience of interdisciplinary research’, Villars-sur-Ollon, Switzerland, 10–14 October 2010. -
Copyrighted Material
9781405175432_1_pre.qxd 2/10/09 14:00 Page vii Contents List of Figures and Table xii Notes on Editors xiii Personal Acknowledgments xiv Text Acknowledgments xv Volume Introduction 1 Part I Introduction 5 Unit 1 The Ancient and Medieval Periods 13 1.1 Atoms and Empty Space 21 Diogenes Laertius 1.2 Letter to Herodotus 22 Epicurus 1.3 The Paradoxes of Motion 24 Zeno 1.4 Plato’s Cosmology 26 Plato 1.5 The StructureCOPYRIGHTED and Motion of the Heavenly SpheresMATERIAL 31 Aristotle 1.6 Change, Natures, and Causes 34 Aristotle 1.7 Scientific Inference and the Knowledge of Essential Natures 44 Aristotle 1.8 The Cosmos and the Shape and Size of the Earth 49 Aristotle 1.9 The Divisions of Nature and the Divisions of Knowledge 57 Aristotle 1.10 On Methods of Inference 62 Philodemus 9781405175432_1_pre.qxd 2/10/09 14:00 Page viii viii contents 1.11 The Explanatory Power of Atomism 64 Lucretius 1.12 The Earth: Its Size, Shape, and Immobility 70 Claudius Ptolemy 1.13 The Weaknesses of the Hypotheses 74 Proclus 1.14 Projectile Motion 76 John Philoponus 1.15 Free Fall 79 John Philoponus 1.16 Against the Reality of Epicycles and Eccentrics 82 Moses Maimonides 1.17 Impetus and Its Applications 86 Jean Buridan 1.18 The Possibility of a Rotating Earth 91 Nicole Oresme Unit 2 The Scientific Revolution 95 2.1 The Nature and Grounds of the Copernican System 108 Georg Joachim Rheticus 2.2 The Unsigned Letter 110 Andreas Osiander 2.3 The Motion of the Earth 112 Nicholas Copernicus 2.4 The New Star 120 Tycho Brahe 2.5 A Man Ahead of His Time 123 Johannes Kepler -
Weaver, Hamilton, Hamiltonian Mechanics, and Causation
Weaver, Hamilton, Hamiltonian Mechanics, and Causation Hamilton, Hamiltonian Mechanics, and Causation Christopher Gregory Weaver Assistant Professor of Philosophy, Department of Philosophya Affiliate Assistant Professor of Physics, Department of Physicsb Core Faculty in the Illinois Center for Advanced Studies of the Universeb University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign aDepartment of Philosophy 200 Gregory Hall 810 South Wright ST MC-468 Urbana, IL 61801 bDepartment of Physics 1110 West Green ST Urbana, IL 61801 Abstract: I show how Hamilton’s philosophical commitments led him to a causal interpretation of classical mechanics. I argue that Hamilton’s metaphysics of causation was injected into his dynamics by way of a causal interpretation of force. I then detail how forces remain indispensable to both Hamilton’s formulation of classical mechanics and what we now call Hamiltonian mechanics (i.e., the modern formulation). On this point, my efforts primarily consist of showing that the orthodox interpretation of potential energy is the interpretation found in Hamilton’s work. Hamilton called the potential energy function the force-function because he believed that it represents forces at work in the world. Multifarious non-historical arguments for this orthodox interpretation of potential energy are provided, and matters are concluded by showing that in classical Hamiltonian mechanics, facts about the potential energies of systems are grounded in facts about forces. Thus, if one can tolerate the view that forces are causes of motions, then Hamilton provides one with a road map for transporting causation into one of the most mathematically sophisticated formulations of classical mechanics, viz., Hamiltonian mechanics. Acknowledgements: An earlier draft of this paper was presented at an online meeting of the California Institute of Technology’s philosophy of physics reading group on November 4th, 2020. -
Boctor of ^Ijilosoplip
THE MUGHAL COURT'S PERCEPTION OF EUROPE; A STUDY OF ITS CULTURAL AND COMMERCIAL POLICY RESPONSES THESIS - SUBMITTED FOR THE AWARD OF THE DEGREE OF Boctor of ^Ijilosoplip ^ HISTORY BY ADITI GOVIL Under the Supervision of DR. FARHAT HASAN CENTRE OF ADVANCED STUDY DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY'^ ALIGARH MUSLIM UNIVERSITY ALIGARH (INDIA) 2008 ABSTRACT Since the publication of Edward Said's Orientalism, much work has been done on the European perception of the Asian World, on how the colonizers viewed the culture and society of the colonized, and how their perception carried connotations of power and control. Beyond generalized impressions however, very little has been written on how the Asians viewed the Europe and the Europeans and more importantly, how their perception of the European 'other' shaped the course of their interaction with the European merchants and traders before the intrusion of colonialism. The present study is concerned with exploring the relations between the European merchants and the Mughal court from the perspective of the Mughals. One of the important problems that this work seeks to explain is the Mughal perception of the European, since they first came to India mainly as merchants and Company servants, and established their factories and settlements at different places in the Mughal domain. Following from this, we also explored the nature of Mughal response to European 'presence,' and seek to, unravel the connection between perceptions and policies, that is, the extent to which Mughal perception of Europeans shaped their commercial policy responses toward them. The expansion of European trade in India that ultimately led to India's subjugation by the English East India Company, was crucially facilitated by a concessional (practically 'Free Trade') policy of the Mughal rulers. -
Relativism-Relativity
Relativism-Relativity Relativism-Relativity: An Interdisciplinary Perspective on a Modern Concept By Maria-Ana Tupan and Marin Cilea Relativism-Relativity: An Interdisciplinary Perspective on a Modern Concept, by Maria-Ana Tupan and Marin Cilea This book first published 2013 Cambridge Scholars Publishing 12 Back Chapman Street, Newcastle upon Tyne, NE6 2XX, UK British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Copyright © 2013 by Maria-Ana Tupan and Marin Cilea All rights for this book reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the copyright owner. ISBN (10): 1-4438-4744-5, ISBN (13): 978-1-4438-4744-5 CONTENTS List of Figures............................................................................................ vii Author’s Argument ...................................................................................... 1 Chapter I ...................................................................................................... 7 The Time and Space of Modernity I.1. Newton and absolute time and space ............................................... 7 I.2: Leibniz and relative time and space ................................................. 9 I.3. Relativity in the twentieth century ................................................. 12 Chapter II .................................................................................................. -
“Nothing to Invite Or to Reward a Separate Examination”: Sidgwick and Whewell
Etica & Politica / Ethics & Politics, X, 2008, 2, pp. 137-184 “Nothing to invite or to reward a separate examination”: Sidgwick and Whewell Sergio Cremaschi Dipartimento di Studi Umanistici Università del Piemonte orientale [email protected] ABSTRACT In this paper I discuss Sidgwick’s reaction to Whewell’s moral philosophy. I show how, to Sidgwick’s eyes, Whewell’s philosophy looked as an emblem of the set of be- liefs, primarily religious, into which he had been socialised, and that his reaction was over-determined by both his own ambivalent feelings to his own Anglican upbringing and his subtle rhetorical strategy practised by presenting new shocking ideas hidden between an amount of platitudes and playing the neutral observer or the ‘philosopher of morality’ instead than acting the part of the preacher of a new morality. Then I discuss Sidgwick’s assessment of Whewell’s doctrine as an idle systematisation of re- ceived opinion and the reasons why in the Methods he feels entitled to dismiss histori- cally given intuitionism as ‘dogmatic intuitionism’ without detailed criticism and dis- cusses instead a so-called ‘intuitional method’ as one of the procedures allegedly used by common sense. Besides, I show how individual instances of detailed criticism to Whewell’s doctrines are meant to be not ‘real’ criticism of a rival outlook but instead illustrations of the limits of ‘common-sense morality’. My final claims are: first, Sidg- wick ends with a short-circuit between a inner dialectic of his own argument and dis- cussion of rival doctrines; second, the weight of Whewell’s legacy in Sidgwick’s ethics has been heavily underemphasized. -
The Darwinian Revolution: Rethinking Its Meaning and Significance
The Darwinian revolution: Rethinking its meaning and significance Michael Ruse1 Department of Philosophy, Florida State University, Tallahassee, FL 32306 The Darwinian revolution is generally taken to be one of the key (a perhaps undeserved) reputation of a 3-h sermon by a Pres- events in the history of Western science. In recent years, however, byterian minister on a wet Sunday in Scotland. the very notion of a scientific revolution has come under attack, Against this, however, one can point out that the history of and in the specific case of Charles Darwin and his Origin of Species science as a professional discipline is little more than 50 years old there are serious questions about the nature of the change (if there and that you have to start somewhere. In the case of Darwin, was such) and the specifically Darwinian input. This article consid- even 30 years ago there was no real synthesis. The tragedy would ers these issues by addressing these questions: Was there a have been if historians of science had stopped there and gone no Darwinian revolution? That is, was there a revolution at all? Was further. But this is clearly not true. In the past 30 years or more, there a Darwinian revolution? That is, what was the specific staying just with the history of evolutionary thinking, there has contribution of Charles Darwin? Was there a Darwinian revolu- been a huge amount of work on people before and after Darwin, tion? That is, what was the conceptual nature of what occurred on and on his contemporaries like Thomas Henry Huxley [for and around the publication of the Origin? I argue that there was instance, Desmond (4)]. -
Time in Early Modern Islam
Time in Early Modern Islam The prophet Muhammad and the early Islamic community radically redefined the concept of time that they had inherited from earlier religions’ beliefs and practices. This new temporal system, based on a lunar calendar and era, was complex and required sophistication and accuracy. From the ninth to the sixteenth centuries, it was the Muslim astronomers of the Ottoman, Safavid, and Mughal empires, and not those of Europe, who were responsible for the major advances in mathematics, astronomy, and astrology. Stephen P. Blake’s fascinating study compares the Islamic concept of time, and its historical and cultural significance, across these three great empires. Each empire, while mindful of earlier models, created a new temporal system, fashioning a new solar calendar and era and a new round of rituals and ceremonies from the cultural resources at hand. The hysteria that accompanied the end of the first Islamic millennium in 1591 also created a unique collection of apocalyptic prophets and movements in each empire. This book contributes not only to our understanding of the Muslim temporal system, but also to our appreciation of the influence of Islamic science on the Western world. Dr. Stephen P. Blake is Professor Emeritus at St. Olaf College, Northfield, Minnesota, and Senior Research Fellow, Center for Early Modern History, University of Minnesota. His books include Shahjahanabad: The Sovereign City in Mughal India, 1639–1739 (Cambridge University Press 2002), and Half the World: The Social Architecture of Safavid Isfahan, 1590–1722 (1999). To Meg, with love as always To my children – Andrew, Edward, John, Paul, and Rachel Time in Early Modern Islam Calendar, Ceremony, and Chronology in the Safavid, Mughal, and Ottoman Empires STEPHEN P. -
The Mughal Court's Perception of Europe; a Study of Its Cultural and Commercial Policy Responses
THE MUGHAL COURT'S PERCEPTION OF EUROPE; A STUDY OF ITS CULTURAL AND COMMERCIAL POLICY RESPONSES ABSTRACT OF THE THESIS SUBMITTED FOR THE AWARD OF THE DEGREE OF octor of PjilosiopliP ^^ IN HISTORY <>/ BY 2>.-vyy/. ADITI GOVIL Under the Supervision of DR. FARHAT HASAN CENTRE OF ADVANCED STUDY DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY ALIGARH MUSLIM UNIVERSITY ALIGARH (INDIA) 2008 ABSTRACT Since the publication of Edward Said's Orientalism, much work has been done on the European perception of the Asian World, on how the colonizers viewed the culture and society of the colonized, and how their perception carried connotations of power and control. Beyond generalized impressions however, very little has been written on how the Asians viewed the Europe and the Europeans and more importantly, how their perception of the European 'other' shaped the course of their interaction with the European merchants and traders before the intrusion of colonialism. The present study is concerned with exploring the relations between the European merchants and the Mughal court from the perspective of the Mughals. One of the important problems that this work seeks to explain is the Mughal perception of the European, since they first came to India mainly as merchants and Company servants, and established their factories and settlements at different places in the Mughal domain. Following from this, we also explored the nature of Mughal response to European 'presence,' and seek to, unravel the connection between perceptions and policies, that is, the extent to which Mughal perception of Europeans shaped their commercial policy responses toward them. The expansion of European trade in India that ultimately led to India's subjugation by the English East India Company, was crucially facilitated by a concessional (practically 'Free Trade') policy of the Mughal rulers.