July 20/27,2015 The Nation. 5

nal intent and imposing their own views of morality fire on his victims, Roof reportedly explained his THE RADICAL NOW on the nation. But these criticisms are overwrought. actions by saying, “You are raping our women A Moral Case The definition of marriage was precisely at issue in and taking over the country.” This supposed need the case. If original intent still controlled constitu­ to save white women from black rapists has deep for Climate tional law, racial segregation and sex discrimination historical roots. It was invoked to legitimate the Action violent overthrow of Reconstruction, the nation’s would be valid today. And the Court did not impose n June 18, Pope Francis its own views of morality, but rather its own best first experiment in interracial democracy. Black released his encyclical reading of a constitutional tradition that has for victims of lynching in South Carolina and else­ O on the environment decades recognized protection for marriage and where were often described as rapists, even though, and climate change, calling associated intimate, private rights. as the anti-lynching crusader Ida B. Wells pointed for urgent action. In it, Francis But most important, the Court did not invent out, in nearly every case the accusation was a “bare makes the moral argument for the right to same-sex marriage through an act of lie.” A black rapist was a pivotal figure in The Birth addressing the climate crisis, em­ pure will. Obergefell was the capstone of a more of a Nation, the 1915 film that glorifies the Ku phasizing that “highly polluting than two-decades-long struggle by people com­ Klux Klan. Claude Bowers’s influential 1929 his­ fossil fuels” must be "progres­ mitted to a vision of equality. When that struggle tory of the post-Civil War years, The Tragic Era, sively replaced without delay.” began, the idea of same-sex marriage was an oxy­ described rape in the South as the product of the The encyclical aligns the Cath­ olic Church with the grassroots moron; by the time the Court took up the ques­ political rights that blacks had achieved during climate movement. "Particular tion, it had become an inevitability. That change Reconstruction—a ludicrous statement in view of appreciation is owed to those the countless black women who suffered sexual came about not through the whim of five justices, who tirelessly seek to resolve but through the painstaking work of thousands of assault under slavery. Roofs complaint that blacks the tragic effects of environmen­ people across the country committed to an idea of were “taking over” the country echoes the justifi­ tal degradation on the lives of equality—and willing to fight for it in cations for racist violence during and the world’s poorest,” the pope state legislatures and courts, on state Ideas about after Reconstruction and the disenfran­ writes. “Young people demand referendums, in their churches and chisement of black voters in the 1890s. change.” This is the wisdom history their communities. And that is just Roof has a sense of history, warped of a leader who understands how constitutional law has generally legitimate though it may be. He claims to have that the choice to confront the evolved in our society: through the and shape the read “hundreds” of slave narratives, all climate crisis now lies with the persistent struggle of groups of com­ demonstrating, to his satisfaction, how people. Institutions will follow. mitted citizens. present. benevolently slaves were treated—an Pope Francis also demon­ Chief Justice Roberts closed his idea long discredited by historians, but strates how influence should be used in a time of crisis—to dissent in Obergefell by acknowledging that many still encountered on white-supremacist websites advocate for the people whom would celebrate the decision, but that they should and conservative talk-radio shows. He had him­ power has silenced. This mes­ self photographed not only with the flags of the “not celebrate the Constitution. It had nothing sage is shared by the fossil-fuel- to do with it.” He’s wrong. If constitutional law Confederacy, apartheid South Africa, and Rhode­ divestment movement, which is understood as an evolving doctrine rather than sia during its short-lived period of independence calls on individuals and institu­ the dead hand of the past, we should celebrate not under white domination, but at a slave plantation. tions to convert their privilege just the decision, but the Constitution itself—and He knows enough to have chosen the Emanuel into heroic moral leadership. Pope the people who have worked so long and hard to Church, long a vital center of black life and politics, Francis understands: He has even make constitutional law reflect our deepest com­ to strike his blow against the black community. recruited Nation columnist Naomi mitments to equal dignity for all. DAVID COLE Emanuel was the place of worship not only Klein to join his efforts. His call to of Denmark Vesey, who plotted a slave insurrec­ action will give activists greater David Cole IrThe Nation’s legal-affairs correspondent. tion in Charleston in 1822, but also of the Rev. leverage to push Catholic institu­ Richard H. Cain, who occupied Emanuel’s pulpit tions to divest from fossil fuels. during Reconstruction. Like his successor Clem- The pope lives in what I call the enta Pinckney, who was murdered by Roof in the “radical now,” demonstrating how politics must be challenged in the attack, Cain used the church as a springboard to Warped History name of what we love. He's not public service, including a term in the State Sen­ The roots ofD ylann Roofs racism go deep. waiting for the future, nor are we. ate, where he worked to provide former slaves CHLOE MAXMIN his issue marks the 150th anni­ with access to land. Later, as a member of Con­ versary of The Nation, a magazine gress, Cain rebuked a white representative who founded, in part, to secure equality referred to slavery as a civilizing institution for for emancipated slaves and their de­ black “barbarians” (an outlook not unlike Roof’s). scendants. Sadly, recent events dem­ His colleague’s concept of civilization, Cain re­ onstrate that the United States remains aplied, long wayseemed to amount to little more than “the Tfrom that goal. lash and whipping post.” Unlike Pinckney, Cain Dylann Roof, the accused murderer of nine did not fall victim to violence, but he and his men and women in the Emanuel AME Church in family lived “in constant fear,” and his home was Charleston, South Carolina, is clearly a disturbed guarded day and night by armed men. individual. Yet the language he drew on to jus­ South Carolina has never really come to terms tify his crime demonstrates the enduring power with its extreme pro-slavery, white-supremacist of historical myths and memories. Before opening past. In 1776, South Carolina delegates to the 6 -----The Nation. July 20/27,2015

LAST WEEK IN ABSURDISTAN Continental Congress forced Thomas Jefferson a stark message about who rules the state. The The Ideas of to remove a clause condemning slavery from the burgeoning movement to take down the Confed­ Declaration of Independence. In 1787, South Car­ erate flag in South Carolina and other states is an the Drooling olinians were primarily responsible for the Con­ important first step. Even after it is gone, however, Class stitution’s fugitive-slave clause and the provision the public display of history in South Carolina will allowing the importation of slaves from abroad to remain biased and one-dimensional. That, among olks, th e jig is up: Bill continue for 20 more years. Until 1860, a tight- many other things, needs to change. ERIC F0NER Kristol finally has us knit coterie of plantation owners controlled the figured out. Even after state; they did not even allow the white citizens to Eric Foner is the DeWitt Clinton Professor of History at theF most troglodytic politicians vote in presidential elections (the legislature chose agreed it was time to remove Columbia University. the Stars and Bars from state the state’s members of the Electoral College). capitals, flag poles, and license Before the Civil War, South Carolina was one plates, the Weekly Standard of two states—the other was Mississippi—in which editor tweeted: “The Left's 21st a near-majority of white families owned slaves, and Our New Look century agenda: expunging every it also had the largest black majority in its popula­ Relaunching TheNation.com. trace of respect, recognition or tion (nearly 60 percent in 1860). This combination acknowledgment of Americans produced a unique brand of extremism in defense started as a Nation intern 18 years ago, who fought for the Confederacy." of slavery. The state was the birthplace of nullifica­ and so I remember the days when the The record shows that Kristol tion, the first to secede, and the site of the first shot magazine lived and breathed in a print- considered for three whole min­ of the Civil War. During Reconstruction, black based world. In 1997, our website, still utes whether this quite captured Carolinians enjoyed a brief moment of civil equali­ in beta release, consisted of a few “About the full profundity of his thoughts. ty and genuine political power, but this ended with Us” pages and a couple of pieces from the maga­ It did not. He added: "It’s our a violent “Redemption,” followed by decades of zine that we’d post once a week. To indicate that own mini-French Revolution, I Jim Crow. More recently, South Carolina led the expunging history in a frenzy of this was all very cutting edge, we stuck a lightning self-righteousness. Luckily, so far: Southern walkout from the 1948 Democratic Na­ bolt next to the nameplate. 1st tim e tragedy, 2nd time farce." tional Convention to protest a civil-rights plank Back then, writing for the magazine was a com­ It’s not surprising that Kristol in the party’s platform, and supported its native paratively monastic experience. You’d work for would have picked up a smatter­ son, Strom Thurmond, who ran as the “Dixiecrat” weeks on an article, defend its arguments against ing of Marx from his Trotskyite- candidate for president. In 1964, it was one of five vigorous but loving critiques from the editors, and turned-neocon father, Irving. But states in the Deep South to vote for Barry Goidwa- gratefully accept changes from fact-checkers and if he were actually interested in ter, paving the way for the Republicans’ “Southern copy editors. Finally, the issue would ship to the the left’s account of why ordinary strategy” of appealing to white resentment against printer. And then: the vast silence. Ifyou were lucky, people fought for the South, he black civil-rights gains. a few weeks later, someone might approach you at a m ight have consulted Marx’s own Nor is the Charleston massacre the only party and say how much they liked (or hated) your writings on the Confederacy, instance of mass murder of South Carolinian piece. Some letters from impassioned subscribers that "general holy Crusade of blacks. During Reconstruction, the Ku Klux Klan would eventually come in via the Postal Service, Property against Labour.” launched a reign of terror in parts of the state that Only by expanding its empire, but encounters with actual readers were rare and led to dozens of deaths. The Hamburg Massacre Marx observed, was it possible cherished events. for the South "to harmonize the of 1876, where several blacks were murdered in We continue to publish the print magazine interests of these ‘poor whites’ cold blood, was a crucial step in the overthrow of under these rigorous standards, and it will remain successfully with those of the Reconstruction. At Orangeburg in 1968, officers an essential part of our identity, offering readers slaveholders, to channel their of the State Highway Patrol killed three black col­ a considered and curated take on matters of criti­ restless thirst for action in a harm­ lege students and wounded over 20 others. cal interest. The digital revolution, however, has less direction, and to tem pt them Ideas about history legitimate and shape the allowed us to connect to vastly more people, and with the prospect of becoming present, and public presentations of history tell us to get to know them better. Today, The Nation slaveholders themselves one day.” a great deal about a society’s values. As in other publishes about 70 articles a week online, which go W ith a few choice alterations, that Southern states, statues of Confederate generals, out to more than 420,000 Twitter followers, almost sounds a lot like American politics Klansmen, and segregationists dot the South Caro­ 290,000 Facebook fans, and 200,000 e-mail sub­ today. RICHARD KREITNER lina landscape. Although a statue was erected re­ scribers. And believe me, we always hear back from cently in Charleston to Denmark Vesey, and some you—in comment threads, e-mails, tweetbacks, historic sites have revised their presentations to deal Facebook messages, shares, pins, and likes. Analytic directly with the black experience, South Carolina tools allow us to see what’s being read and shared in has no monument to the victims of slavery and real time, and to hazard educated guesses why. hardly any to the black leaders of Reconstruction or All this data can be overwhelming and, for other eras. It took until 1998 for a portrait of Jona­ some publications, even dispiriting. It’s become an than J. Wright, who served during Reconstruction industry cliche to lament how the Internet rewards as the first African-American justice of the South content mills that churn out the equivalent of Carolina Supreme Court, to join the paintings of all digital fast food. But here at The Nation, the exact the state’s white justices in the court building. opposite has proved true: The more we learn about This warped public display of history confronts our readers, the more inspired we are to create q South Carolinians, white and black, every day with great journalism for them. 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