New Age, Vol.14, No.17, Feb.26, 1914

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New Age, Vol.14, No.17, Feb.26, 1914 PAGE PAGE NOTES OF THE WEEK THE COMMON MAN. By Duxmia * 513 . 528 CURRENT CANT LIL. By M. A. Mathers . - 517 * 529 FOREIGNAFFAIRS. By S. Verdad . READERSAND WRITERS. By R. H. C. - 517 . * 530 'THEFATE OF TURKEYAND ISLAM.-V. ByAli VIEWS AND REVIEWS. A. E. R. * 532 F ahmy MohamedFahmy . 518 REVIEWS , * 533 CONCERNING DENSHAWAIBy MarmadukePick- PASTICHE.By Junius Junior, C. H. Cooke, Robert thall . - 519 Williamson, C. S. Davis,Livy . * 534 PROTESTANTLEADERS OF CATHOLICIRELAND. By TOWARDSTHE PLAYWAY.-II. By H. Caldwell L. G. Redmond-Howard . 521 Cook . 536 THE" NEWSTATESMAN " SUPPLEMENT ON WOMEN MUSICALSNOBBERY. By E. E. - 537 IN INDUSTRY.By BeatriceHastings . 522 DRAMA. By JohnFrancis Hope . - 538 'BAA ! OR ANOTHER FALSE PROPHET.By Charles ART. By Anthony M. Ludovici. - 539 Brookfarmer . * 524 LETTERSTO THE EDITORFROM C. C. Longman, A THE INADEQUACYOF IBSEN. By St. John G. SouthAfrican Wage Slave, F. T., Fred Ervine . - 525 Mellor,Stephen Reynolds, J. A. F. W., 'MINCEMEAT OF MORALS. By Bartholomew Cox, R. M.A. * 540 Helvellyn . * 527 MR. GEORGELANSBURY. By Tom-Titt . * 544 everythingpoints to a deliberate conspiracy of the South AfricanGovernment against the Labour move- ment primarily, but secondarily against the freedom of action of Britishers inparticular. For it will be re- marked that, though the Trade Unions numbered many Dutchmenamong their members, the bulk areBritish and by far the largest number of the men singled out for punishment are British also. * x- * In our opinion, this takes the matter a long way from a Labour dispute pure and simple. It raises the whole question of the rights of Britishsubjects who happen NOTES OF THE WEEK. to be residentin one of theDominions instead of in England.Are we or are we .not to beregarded in a WEhope that nothing will be done to confine the signi- self-governing Dominion of the Crown as od the same 4cance of the deportation of nine British uitlanders to status as coolies, to be differentiated against and to !be .a question of labour. Though it is true that the osten- specially legislatedfor as if, in fact, we had nofull sible cause of theirexpulsion from the South African right to exercise our freedomin our own territories? dominionwas their participation ina Labour plot That in theparticular case under discussion the affair against the State, we know now that there was not only has been made out to be an attack by Labour upon the -no plot on their side, but the plot to provoke, imprison State as well as upon Capital is, as we have seen, true and deport them was hatched by the Government Iong in factbut fictitious in substance. It is notupon that before a move wasmade by the men. All the news groundat all thatthe case shouldbe fought by the now coming in by post confirms the impression we had deportees and their friends here, but upon the infinitely formed, and much of it is of the most conclusive kind. wider ground we have indicated. What, in fact, is to 'We learn,for instance, from General Smuts himself prevent the Labour Party from seizing the opportunity that immediatelyafter the events of last summer he now offered them of proving their Imperial outlook by began to form his plans for revenge; and these included insisting on thematter being discussed as an "alt- the very measure of deportation which apparently only British" question?We know,unfortunately, that Mr. MacDonald threw away last week a favourable chance cameinto urgency a fewweeks ago. Again, we are of speakingon behalf of England;but the chance is informed that the decision to institute Martial Law, so here again ; and it would be criminal folly again to miss far from being sudden, was made at least some weeks it. What is tobe done? In the first place, we hope beforea man had been provoked to strike; and the that public meetings will be called all over the country evidence sf this is that the various proclamations which to which citizens of everypolitical colour are invited. wereactually issued were already in type before the It is notthe moment to thrust Labour politicsdown strikewas called. Add to thesethe fact that during the throats of the public. Secondly, we hope that the deporteesthemselves will solemnly laytheir case as thestrike a more than Russian censorship was main- British subjects before the English people,Parliament, tained.over the Press and the Post Office, and still the Law Courts and the Crown, in the certainty that one largely prevails in South Africa ; and it will be seen that or other of these tribunals will do them justice. Thirdly, 514 we hope that the single end to which all this is made to Home Rule-for the simple reason that an issue cannot aim may be thewithdrawal by theSouth African be made of it. Look how the Unionists at South Bucks, Government of the deportation orders and the re-estab- Bethnal Green and Poplar vainly strove to keep Home lishment of the rights of common Imperial law. Nothing Rule tothe front. Didthey succeed? But if notat less than the return of the deported men in honour can mere by-elections, the party would succeed even worse satisfythe plain demands of thesituation. Wecare at aGeneral Election. And consider the effect, too, of nothing whether the meetings they address are enthusi- a General Election on the past three or four years’ con- astic, crowded or angry. We care nothing whether lip- stitutionallegislation of theLiberal Party. Asevery- sympathy by the bucketful is poured out by politicians body knows, Home Rule is and has always been held to and the Press. The test of it all will be the actual fact be the key that will lock the door on the recent “re- of procuringtheir return; and unless this is a’ccam- form” Olf theHouse of Lords.Can it be risked for plished, we may as well put up the shutters of Empire nothingat an unnecessaryGeneral Election without and reconcile ourselvesto becomingmerely the Ieast ruiningLiberalism and the Liberal Party? It cannot. regarded ‘of our own Dominions. *** *x It will be said that in this event we must prepare for While by no means disposed to wish it were not other- civil war.First, on whose authority and with what wise, we cannot agree that the recent by-elections have evidence are we to believe this?On the authority of anygreat significancefor theGovernment. Inone of Sir Edward Carson and on the evidence of the Unionist thethree electionsthe Unionist majority wasactually newspapers.Neither, we confess, is likely toimpress reduced; and in the remaining two the anti-Unionist if the people of thiscountry. Secondly, it is contraryto not pro-Liberal vote was maintained, even if it was not allthe traditions if a threat of thiskind is going to increased. There is nothing in this to give the Govern- changeEngland’s mind. What, in fact,have the ment pause in their main programme, but on the con- Unionistsbeen telling the Labour movement all this trary there is everything in it to nerve them to see that time if not that threats are useless against England and programmethrough. On the subject of HomeRule merely put up the public’s back?But if threatsare in particular, for the life of us we cannot conceive how provocative of public resistance in Labour matters they any member of the Government can mistake the feeling are equally so in other matters ; of which Ulster is one. of thecountry. It maybe true, and it is true, that a We do believe, indeed, that the threats of Ulster’s re- deal of surface and newspaper agitation exists ; but of sistancehave served more to steady than to flutter any deeper feeling, and above all, of any popular feel- opinion in England.Thirdly, the Unionists must take ing, against Home Rule there is no evidence whatever. usall to be fools if theythink they can make either But if this is the case, the course for the Government, Ulster’sresistance noble ortheir own collusion with we shouldhave thought, is clear; it is, in Mr.Red- Ulsterconsistent. Tothe best English judgment we can divine, the attitude of Ulster appears to be, at best, mond’s words, “full steam ahead. ” Against this, how ever, it is urged that this policy must end in civil war, that of dog-in-the-manger, and, at worst, that of bully sinceUlster is determined to resistHome Rule. We threatened with the loss of a victim ; and, in the same do not believe it ; and still less shall we believe it when judgment, the inconsistency of Unionism provoking and Mr. Asquith has made the statement we expect of him. supportingUlster whilesimultaneously provoking and Thatstatement, we believe, will repeat in largethe supporting Botha, is not only obvious, but scandalous. plan of Federalismagreed upon at the Conference of Are the English wrong everywhere according to Union- 1912 ; and since it will then be apparent that Home Rule ist principles? Wrong in defending their rights against forIreland is aprecedent condition of Federalismfor the Boers, wrong in imposing their rights on Orange- the Empire, the onus of resisting much more than Home men? Fourthly, we have not so poor an opinion of Mr. Rule will be thrown upon Ulster. Asquith that we can credit him with surrender to what, after all, may prove to be a turnip-headed bogey. Nor, * * * we are certain, would anybody respect him for it. The Buteven if it be assumed that the Federal solution country by every means at its disposal has urged him to may never appear or not appear publicly at this junc- stand fast ; his Party expects steadfastness of him ; and ture,the various alternatives to the full measure of we arepretty sure that contempt is all he would get Home Rule are none themore acceptable.
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