Vecindades in the Tmza of Mexico City

by

Alejandro M. Rebolledo

School of Architecture

McGill University, Montreal

1998

A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE:

STUDïES AND RESEARCH IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE

REQUIREMENTS OF THE DEGREE OF MASTER IN ARCHITECTURE

OAIejandro M. Rebolledo 1998

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The author has granted a non- L'auteur a accordé une licence non exclusive licence allowing the exclusive permettant à la National Library of Canada to Bibliothèque nationale du Canada de reproduce, loan, distribute or sell reproduire, prêter, distribuer ou copies of this thesis in microform, vendre des copies de cette thèse sous paper or electronic formats. la forme de microfiche/film, de reproduction sur papier ou sur format électronique.

The author retains ownership of the L'auteur conserve la propriété du copyright in this thesis. Neither the droit d'auteur qui protège cette thèse. thesis nor substantial extracts fiom it Ni la thèse ni des extraits substantiels may be printed or otherwise de celle-ci ne doivent être imprimés reproduced without the author's ou autrement reproduits sans son permission. autorisation. The word "vecindad" in Spanish means neiçhborhood, but the word is also used to describe a dwelling fonn- The vecindad is usually known as a row of one-room dwellings surrounding an open space or patio. This kind of dwelling form exists in most Latin Arnerican countries as wett as in Spain, however the word "vecindad" is used exclusively in Mesico. This dwelling form existed in Spain under the name of "corraies" and it was brouçht to Mexico in the XVi century with the Conquest of 152 1. Initially, vecindades were built as multi-family tenements to rent to low-income artisans or workers in Mexico. There are two kinds: the muiti-storied ones which were built within the Tra-CI, which was the first design of Mexico City by the Spaniards; and the one-storied buildings built in the Indian barrios located on the periphery of the Tru:u-

Mile each vecindad is different, they share the sarne elernents such as the zufzuun (entrance), the patio, the dwellings and the uccesorias (commercial spaces). The number and dimensions of these elements Vary depending on the characteristics of each vecindad.

From the XVI century until the early XX century, vecindades comprised the majority of the housing stock in Mexico City. In the 19403, due to the ideas of Functionalisrn, vecindades ceased to be built and were relegated as an old and traditional dwel iinç form in the center of the city.

This thesis presents the origin, evolution and present condition of vecindades within the 7i.a~of Mexico City. Their adaptability to fulfill social, cultural and political circumstances throughout the history of Mexico City reveals their importance as the city's main colIective dandwelling form. Le mot "vecindad" en espagnol signifie quartier, mais ce mot est aussi utilisé pour décrire un titre d'habitation. La vecindad est généralement définie par une rangée de chambres individuelles entourant un espace ouvert intérieur au patio. Ce type de logement existe dans la plupart de pays d'Amerique Latine et en Espagne, néanmois le mot "vecindad" est utilisé exciusivement au Mexique. Cette forme d'habitation connue en Espagne était appelée "corruks" et fut importée au Mexique pendant le XVlième siècle avec la Conquête de 1521. A l'origine, les vecindades furent construites comme des appartements pour plusieurs familles et louées aux artisans et travailleurs au Mexique. II y a deux types de vecindades : celles a plusieurs étages qui furent construites a l'intérieur de la 7'ra=rr, qui représentent la premiere limite de la ville de Mexico définie par les espagols, et J'autre type de vecindad ii un étage construite dans les barrios Indiens établie dans la périphérie de la 7i.c~.

Même si chaque vecindad est différente, toutes les vecindades ont des éléments en commun, tels que le ~ahuun(l'entrée), le patio, les habitations et les accesorias (espaces commerciaux). Le nombre et dimensions de ces éléments varient en funtion des caractéristiques de chaque vecindad.

Depuis le XWième siècle jusqu'au début du XXiéme siécle, les vecindades représentaient la grande majorité du parque immobilier dans la ville de Mexico. Dans les années 1940, a la suite de l'influence des idées fonctionnalistes, les vecindades ne furent plus construites et furent désonnais seulement considérées comme des anciennes formes d'habitat traditionnelles au coeur même de la ville de Mexico.

Cette thèse présente l'origine, l'évolution ainsi que la condition actuelle des vecindades dans la I'ruzu de Mexico. Leur adaptabilité qui répond aux circonstances socio-pol itico-cul turelles à travers I 'histoire de Mexico dévoile leur importance en tant que principale forme urbane d'habitation coilective de la ville. First of al1 1 would like to thank the Secreruria de Reluciones fiteriores de Mexico and the International Councii for Canadian Studies, who provided me with the economic support for the duration of my graduate studies.

My deepest thanks and gratitude to my professor and advisor, Prof Vikram Bhatt, whose wise advise, guidance and encouragement were of an incredible value for the fulfillment of this hesis and for rny Iife in generai.

Special thanks to my parents, whose moral support and unconditional help for whatever purpose it might be, has been essentiai for the completion of my studies.

1 would like to express my gratitude to Arch. Jorge Juan Jesus Carrillo, Arch. Jose Luis Cue, Arch. Victor Hugo Meza and Guadalupe Vallaria, who provided me with important data and information wncerning the vecindades.

1 extend my gratitude to my fiends Marco Escalante and Alberto Perez for their enthusiastic help and to gather the photographie &ta, to Vanessa Reid for her valuable assistance in the editing of this thesis, to Anel Medina and Maiti Chagny for their help in the translation of the abstracî, and to Sascha Larsen whose emotional support inspired me in the last stage of my studies. TABLE OF CONTENTS

Abstract

Acknowledgement

Glossary

Introduction

Chapter 1: Origin amd History of Collective Housing in Mexico City... 1 1. l Origins... 1 1.1.1 Spanish Architecture ... 1 1.1.2 Native hdigenous Architecture ...7 1.2 Conquest of Mexico: Mixture of two Cultures ... 11 1.3 Collective Dwellings in Public Buildings owned by the Church ... 15 1.4 Vecindades... l7

Chapter 2: Elements, Categories and Upgmding of Vecindades... 22 2.1 Elements of the Vecindades... 22 2.1. I The Zahuan ...23 2.1.2 The Patio ...25 2.1.3 The Dwellings...îl'l 2.1.4 The Accesonas ...M 2.2 Categories of the Vecindades... JI 2.3 Upgrading of the Vecindades...34 Chapter 3: Urban Development of Mexico City and Case Shrdies.35 3.1 XVI Century... 37 3.1.1 Case Study 1: Belisario Dominguez # 44-50... 43 3.1.2 Case Study 2: Leandro Valle # 14 ...47 3.2 XVII Century... 51 3.2.1 Case Study 3: Belisario Dominguez # 23... 54 3.3 XVIII Century...S8 3.3.1 Case Siudy 4: Republica de Uruguay # 1 82 ... 62 3.3.2 Case Study 5: Correo Mayor # 10 .A6 3.3.3 Case Study 6: Santisima # 43 ...70 3.4 XIX Century ... 74 3.4.1 Case Study 7: Republica de Peru # 1 12 ...77 3.4.2 Case Study 8: El Cannen # 43 ...81 3.4.3 Case Study 9: Republica de Argentina # 97/99/101... 84 3.5 XX Century ...91 3.5. I Case Study IO: Republica de Pem # 100... 95 3.5.2 Case Study 1 1 : Corregidora # 59 ...99 3.5.3 Case Study 12: Alfareria # 24... 103

Chapter 4: Conclusions.JO8 4.1 Localization of vecindades in the Traza... 108 4.2 Vecindades as an element in the urban configuration of the Truza... 109 4.3 Three kinds of vecindades..Al2 4.4 The fundamental elements of a vecindad... ll4 4.5 Analysis of the case studies... ll6

Post Script

Refe rences INTRODUCTION

Background

The aim of this introduction is to give the reader an overview of what a vecindad is and how people [ive and behave in it. The descriptions expressed here are taken from the book The ChiIJren of Sanchez writîen by Oscar Lewis. '

The Children of Sanchez gives on inside anthropoloçical view of family life and what it means to live in a one-room home in a vecindad in Mexico City. The stories narrated in this book constitute a me testimony of the characters. The setîing for thesc true-life stories is the Casa Grande vecindad, a large one-stoq slum tenement, in Mexico City (see case study 12, p. 103).

The stories described in the book reveal a world of violence and death, of suffering and deprivation, of infidelity and broken homes, of delinquency, corruption and police brutality, and of the cruelty of the poor to the poor. They also reveal an intensity of human wamth, a strong sense of individuality, a capacity of gaiety, a hope for a betîer Iife, a desire for understanding and love, a readiness to share the linle they possess, and the courage to cury on in the face of many unresolved problems

The sense of community is quite strong in the vecindad, particularty among the young people who belong to the sarne gangs, frorn lifelong fnendships, attend the same schools, meet at the sarne dances held in the courtyards, and fiequently marry within the vecindad. Adults also have friends whom they visit, go out with and borrow from. Groups of neighbors organize rames and tandas, participate in religious pilgrimaçes together and together celebrate the festivals of the vecindad patron saints and the Chrismas posadas as well as other holidays.

These group efforts are occasional; for the most part adults "mind their own business" and try to maintain family privacy. Most doors are kept shut and it is customary to knock and wait for permission to enter when visiting. Some people visit only relatives or compadres and actually have entered very few apartments. It is not common to invite fnends or neighbors in to eat except on formal occasions such as birthdays or religious celebrations. Although some neighbrly help occurs, especially

-- ' Oscar Lewis, The Chil'en of Sanrkz (New York: Random House. 1 % 1 ). I during emersencies, it is kept as a minimum. Quarrels between families over the mixhief of children, street fights of children, Street fights between gangs, and personal feuds between boys are not uncornmon in the vec i n&d.

The people in the vecindad eam their living in a large miscellany of occupations, some of which are camed on within the vecindad. Women take in washing and sewing, men are shoemakers, hat cleaners, or vendors of kit and candy. Some go outside to work in factories or shops or as chauffeurs and small tradesmen. Living standards are low but by no means the lowst in Mexico City.

In the daytirne the courtyards are crowded with people and animals, dogs, turkeys, chickens, and a few pigs. Children play there because it is safer than the streets. Women queue up for water and shout to each other as they hang up clothes, and street vendors corne in to seIl their wares. Every morning garbage men wheel a large can through the courtyards to coltect each family's refiise. In the afiemoon, gangs of older boys often take over a courtyard to play a rough game of wccer. On Sunday nights there is usually an outdoor dance?

The vecindad could be considered as a semi-hermetic world or as a cloistered space where nwnerous families live as a cornmunity. Vecindades cm also be seen as segregated islands, separate fiom the rest of the city. This double quality of the vecindades has a strong influence on the mentality and conduct of their inhabitants. For them the vecindad represent a relatively tranquil space, sheltered fiom the chaos and exterior dangers of the city; a space which gives them protection and security and which allows them to live their life in the way they desire. Within them we find strong feelings of unity. soiidanty, friendship, love and compdra=go. On the other hand, the promiscuity within the vecindades leads to muent arguments and fights among the inhabitants. Although the need for a certain degree of privacy or intimacy is critical, the feeling of belonging to the vecindad is strong. Anthropoiogicaiiy, the vecindad is the axis and point of departwe for ail the inhabitants' orientations towards the exterior

' Oscar Lewis. introduction. 7htr ChiI&en of Sanchez (New York: Random Houx. 1% 1 ) xii-xv.

' Vicente Martin Hernandet, Arqui~ecruradamesfia de Ici Ci& dp Mexico (Mexico D.F. : Universidad Nacional Autonoma de Mexico, 198 1 ) 1 12- 1 13. Methodology

This study wascarriedp in 3 stages: A) Literature Review, B) Case Study and C) Data Analysis.

A) Literature Review

Collection of information

0 Background readinç Sources: see re ferences

B) Case Study in Mexico City

Search for visual and written information about vecindades in: - Archivo General de /a Nacion - Secretaria de Desarroiio Urbano y Vivien& dei Distrito Federal - Fideicomiso de/ Centro Historico - Instifuto Nacional de An froplogiue Historia - CoZegio de Mexico - Universidad Nacio~lAutonoma de Mexico - Universidod Autonoma Metropofrtana - Catastro de la Ciudad de Mexico - Defegacion Cuahutemoc

Selection of twelve case studies of vecindades built fiom the XVI centwy to the XX century within the Traza of Mexico City.

Field visit for photographic documentation.

C) Data Analysis

Compilation of information and reproduction in graphies, diagrams and cham.

Anal ysis of the information following speci fic criteria.

Surnmary of the overall findine.

Conclusions.

III Rationale

ln Mexico City there is an urgent need to rehabilitate vecinâades. This necessity takes root in the precarious conditions of most vecindades in the city. The actual conditions of the vecindades are due to two major causes. Fim, the vecindades stopped king built in the mid 1940's due to the nse of Functionalism. As a result, the vecindades were considered an old and traditional urban form to be found in the center of the city. Govemment housing policies focused pnmady on developing low-income, mulîi-family, hi$-rise building and later on, focused on the periphery, rather than in the center, of the city. Second, in 1948 the President, Miguel Aleman, decreed the law of "frozen rent", which meant thar rents could not be increased for a period of 50 years. This decree had a double effect. The tenants benefited from the low rents, but on the other hand, it contributed to the lack of interest of the owners to maintain their buitdings. The law of the "fiozen rent" ended on January the 1"'. 1997 carrying with it a variety of problems and controversies.

This study sets out to give a wide and cornprehensive understanding of this important collective type of dwelling. The intended audience for this study includes researchers, scholars, architects, plannets, politicians and students in the tield of housing hoare interested in the history and revitalization of vecindades. The extent of this study not only embraces Mexico, but also other Latin Amencan countries, as this particular building type exists throughout the continent.

Goals

The goals of this study are to give a general understanding of the vecindades in the center of Mexico City; to point out their architectural, historic and cultural value as the main "low-income" housing stock in the city since the XVI century until the beginning of the XX century; and to promote their conservation and rehabilitation. This study also could be seen as a point of departure for contemporary design of these kind of dwellings. Structure

Chapter 1 of the thesis reviews the ongins and evolution of collective dwellings in Mexico City. It compares the characteristics of the dweltings of the native civiIizations with the type of dwelling brought by the Spaniards. It examines the culturai coltision between these two civilizations as a result of the conquest of Mexico by looking at the emerçing type of dwetlings and their evolution throughout the history of Mexico City until the hrst half of the XX century. Chapter II introduces the common elements of al1 the vecinades: the zuhuan, the patio, the dwellings and the accesorius. The categories of vecindades depend on the site of the dwellings and the upgrading of the vecindades from one category to another. Chapter III is a narrative of the evotution of the vecinâades in Mexico City in relation to the urban development of the city since its first design or Tiux in the XVi century until the first decades of the XX century. It explores the characteristics of the vecindades built within the Trm depending the time of construction. This is supported by twelve case studies. Chapter IV analyzes the data and characteristics of the twelve case studies, sumrnarizes the information and gives conclusions to this study.

Scope

The vecindades comprise the majority of housing stock in the city center and nowadays there are 8,000~vecindades in danger of collapsing, 4,000 in fiozen rent status, 117 vecindades which are catalogued historic monumentsS and 12,000 families in danger of being evicted."

'' There is another article saying that the number of vecindades in danger of collapsing is 80.0and with 2,600.000 people iiving there. See. Ruben Sanchez "Riesgo de muene en vecindades." [Jrrivetsd[Mexico D.F.]30 Mar. 1997: ciudad 01. "Historie Buildings' means buildings made by the Spanish for diffêrent purposes like convenis. hospitals. colleges and mansions catalogued as national inhcritance. See. Marco Lara Klahr, "El DF: sobrevivir entre ruinas," Ifrtiversal [Mexico D.F.] 12 Jan. 1997: primera seccion 20. " Angeles Ruiz, "Preve estudio eI desalojo de 12,000 familias," Urrir~rsaI[Mexico D.F.]9 Jan. 1997: segu nda parte de fa primera seccion 1 . CHAPTER 1 Origin and History of Collective Housing in Mexico City

1.1 Origios

The origins of the vecindades take root in the mixture of Spanish architecture and the Native Indigenous architecture of Mexico.

1.1.1 Spanish Architecture

Due to its location as the closest European country from Africa, Spain was the converging point of several cultures and civilizations al1 of who Ieft different influences in its tem-tory. It is possible to group these influences in two areas. In the north where Celtic and Germanic influences dorninated, and the south, mainly in the southeast shore of the Meditenanean Sea, where Roman and Muslirn influences were predorninant. Refined cultures like the Phoenician, Greek, Roman and B~vzantine influenced this

Mediterranean area due to an intense commercial and cultural exchange. In 640 ,' A under the command of Abciallah ben Said, the Arab conquerors of Egypt continued the expansion of the Islam to Europe. By 670 they controlled the north Coast of Africa, including Tunisia, AIgeria and Morocço. Then, by 67 1, they launched their invasion of Spain. '

The Islamic occupation of Spain fiom 7 1 1 until 1492 greatly influenced the region of Andalucia where the Arabs settled their power. The domestic architecture introduced by the Arabs to Andalucia had the charactenstics of the Oriental Urban house, popular in the ancient cultures of Egypt, Mesopotamia, India and China (see Figs. 1.1, 1.2, 1.3). An open space or patio surrounded by rooms is the constant feature in the urban iayout.

Norbert Schoenauer. History of Housing (Montreal: McGill University. 1992) 133. Examples of courtyard houses: A

Fig. 1.1 Ground flwr pian of the house of Gamai-al-Din-al-Zahabi in Cairo. Egypt. Norbert Schoenauer. Histoty of Hmsirrp. 140.

Fi-. 1.2 Ground fioor of house in Mohenjo-Daro. india: Third Street Area. Norbert Schoenauer. Histon?uf Hmtsing, 93 .

Fig. 1.3 Plan of a two-courtyard house in Peking, China. Norben Schoenauer, Histoty of Housing. I 7 1 . The medieval Islamic concept of city had its mots in the urban form of the ancient ci ties of Mesopotarnia One of the main characteristics of this urban fom was the sense of cornmunity. Norben Schoenauer expresses this very clearly in his book Hts~oryof Housing: "An Islamic City dweller did not see himself primarily as a citizen of a particular city: rather he felt himself to be a member of a great cornmunity." The proximity of the dwellings reveals the sense of neighborhd with areas of social control, socialization and mutual assistance when required by their residents2

The Islamic urban house had two major charactenstics: an inward looking concept for pnvacy and the existence of a patio for climatic control. The privacy of the house was assured by the existence of a '-spirit waW3 at the entrance to prohibit the Mew to the interior of the house. Also, to enhance the privacy and secunty of the fmily, the house was divided into two sections, the suiarnik or public part and the hurarnlik or private part. The former one sewed to receive male visitors and fnends and the latter was a private sanctuary for the family. The Islarnic house had a sophisticated system of climate control. The patio served as an intenor pivate oasis where plants and water fountains were placed to control the extreme climatic conditions. The existence of serni- open spaces l i ke porticos, verandahs, and gal leries surrounding the patio al lowed the circulation of fiesh air in covered areas. The ceilings of these houses were very high to have better ventilation and to create a cooler air area at the bottom. The houses never erceeded two floors and the roof at the top was used sometimes for sleeping purposes."

Fig. 1.4 Ground floor plan and upper floor pian of a îypical house in Baghdad. Norbert Schoenauer, His- 6f h'u~tsimg,144.

' Schoenauer 129. ' The "spirit wall" is a wall placed at the envurce ofthe house prohibiting the vicw to the interior of the house and proteas the residents against bad or evil spirits coming into the buse. See Schoenauer 75-76. Schoenauer 1 30- 13 1 . The Arabic occupation of Spanish temtories for approximately 700 years had a tremendous influence on the cultural and social Iife of Spain. The heritage of the Arab culture is reflected in the Popuiar Andalusian House whose plan and physiognorny resembles those of the Islamic urban house. Since this modei was a successful one for rnany generations, artisans continued to build traditional Arabic models in Spain for rnany years. In fact, it continued untii the XX century when technology took controi of the interior climate of the house and replaced the natural wvays of cooiing, iliuminating and ventilating. The patio was the main space of the Andalusian house, almost a11 the activities revolved in this space leaving only the sleeping activities for the interior of the house. The Andalusian House has its best example in the corral. It appeared in Seville in the XVI century and its popularity continwd until the fint decades of the XX century.'

There is some evidence of the existence of cordes before the XW century. A. Co1 lantes descn bes two XV century corrales: the corral of Ataranza and the San Vicente. He described them as "palaces" organized around an open space, one story high and with sloped roofs. The first data concemihg the typology of the corral is not associated with residential use but with commercial exchange and temporary lodging. Exarnples of this are the "Corral del Carbon", built in 1350 in Granada and the -Murrsran", built in 1365 also in Granada. The corral was a building typology that addressed the need for temporary lodging by ananging private rwms around a public open space with common sanitary services. The origin of the corrales can be amibuted to two events: increased immigration due to the expeditions to America and the growth of Renaissance Science which espoused the necessity of hospitais with collective and transitory living arrangements. An example of this is the Filaretest proposai for the Hospital "Ca Granada" in Milan in 1460."

- ~ ~-- '.4ntonio GonzaIez Cordon, Mvie~rky cirrM: Se\*iI!a 1849-1929 (Sevilla: Ayuntamicnto de Sevilla 1985) 92. " Gonzalez Cordon 88-92. The corrufes are collective dwellings formed by numerous communities with a sol id social structure which gave thern a strong identity. There are several examples of corrdes in Andalucia, but probably the most important one, due to its size and age, is YI hrrd &l Con&" in Seville (see Fig. 1.5). This corrd has three stories of dwellings surrounding an open space or patio, with collective sanital factlities at its center. ïhe on1 y access to the Corrd ensures an interior collective life.'

Fig. 1 .5 Ground floor plan of Ei Corral de/ Cmwk in Sevit le (XVI C.) showing the arrangement of the dweliings around the patio and the sanitary facilities in ns center. Antonio GonzaIez Cordon. bïviencb y cit~clad:Sevilla 18-19-1929.9 1.

Dunng the XVI century in Seville, the once single-family rnansions were used to lodge larger communities. Each room served to house a complete family. This kind of dwell inç received the name of ''casas de partido" or "patios de vccinJu6'. Together with the corruies, these dwellings managed to control the necessities of the fluctuating population between the XVi century and the XD( century'

Carios Moreno. Dl caury sw cosas (Buenos Aires: Innituto Argentin0 de Investigaciona de Historia de la kquitectura y del Urba~smo,1994) 119. k Gorizalez Cordon 88-92. In the XX century, the corraf suffered some transformations due to the changng needs of contemporary society. The size of the dwelling increased and sewîces were placed inside the dwellings. As a result, the patio as an extension of the dwelling and the location of the sanitary services had less importance. The patio became narrower, was used to give access to the dwellings as well as for illumination and ventilation purposes. This kind of dwellings received the narne of "modem corraf'. Architects like Anibal Gonzalez, 3. Espiau and A. Arevalo built "modem corrdes" through the fmt three decades of the XX century. One of the best examples of this type of dwelling is the one located in Avenida de Miraflores 28 in Seville. designed by A. Arevalo in 1913 (see Fig. 1.6). The proposal was a "double corraf' that allowed cross ventilation for one third of the dwellings. Bigger dwellings were proposed in the fiont of the plot and semaceswere gat hered togethereg

Fis. 1 -6Ground floor of the Cas~scmaiin A wni& & MirMmes #28. Seville. Antonio Gonalez Cordon, I/ivien&y ci&: SeviIIa 1849- 1929, 162.

9 Gonzalez Cordon 16 1 - 164. 1.1.2 Native Indigenous Architecture

On the other side of the Atlantic Ocean, Mexican domestic, indigenous architecture had similar charactenstics to those existing in the Islamic and Andalusian houses. For the purpose of this study, two major civilizations are presented as examples of collective dwell ings in Mexico: the Teotihuacan and the Aztec.

The ~eotihuacan"civilization emerged in 500 BC and ended around 750 AD. This culture disappeared mysteriousiy, but it is believed that they were the ancestors of the later Aztec civilization. The city of Teotihuacan had an area of 22 km2 and had a population of between 85,000 and 100,000 inhabitants king one of the most important cities at the time.

Fis. 1 7 Aerial riew of Tehotihuacan showing the CaWade los Muerros and the Pyrarnids of the Sun and the Moon. Instituto del Fondo Nacional de ta Vivien& para los Trabajadores. La iivieth cornunitana en Mexico. 1 S.

'" Teotihuacan" means the place of the Go&. Sa lwituto del Fondo Nacional de la Vivienda para los Trabajadores. fa tirierda comrmirar~aerr Mexico (Mexico, D.F.:Consorcio Editorial Comunicacion. 1988) 14. In the city of Teotihuacan, residential buildings consisted in rooms, porttcos and corridors surrounding several patios. The arrangement of these semi-pnvate open spaces and patios suggest the existence of a collective life. The dwellings were always one story high and divided in two areas, a vestibule as the public area and the rwm as the private one (see Fiç. 1.8). Patios were typically located far fiom the main streets. They were private spaces were families gathered to cwk and pray. Patios were designed with drainage, have an altar at which to pray and were essential for the illumination and ventilation of the dwellings.' '

Fig. 1.8 Plan of the group of dwellings in Atetelco. Teotihuacan. It shows the arrangement of the dwellin_os around the patio and the altar to pray in its center. 1- room or pn'vate area. 2- vestibule or public area. 3- patio. 4 altar. Instituto del Fondo Nacional de la Vivienda para los Trabajadores. la riviemùz com~tt~itariaen Mexico, 16.

Fig. 1.9 View of the façade of one of the dweIlings in Atetdco. Teotihuacan. Instituto del Fondo Nacional de la Vivienda de los Trabajadores, Lu vivie~& comuni14tia en Mexico. 17.

' ' lnstituto del Fondo Nacional de la Vivienda para los Trabajadores 17. The Aztec civilization founded its main city, Tenochtitlan, in 1325 AD, in the Valley of Mexico on top of Lake ex coco." By the beginning of the XVI centuiy, just before the arriva1 of the Spanish conquerors, the Mec Empire was the rnost powerful one in Pre-Colombian Amenca. Its urban organization was formed by four housing quarters named calpuil&around a religious, political, administrative and rniliiary center. These calpulli, were cotlective dwellings with living and working places in which artisans witb the same specialization or with the same family links gathered. The cuIpulli was the base of the community. 13

Fig. 1 .10 Hypothetical reconstruction of the center of Tenochtitlen. Institut0 del Fondo Nacionai de la Vivienda de los Trabajadom, La viviehcamtni14nà err M"co. 22.

" The Mecs uxd a building tshnology called chinanp~to be able to place buildings on top of the Iake. " Innituto del Fondo Nacional de la Vivien& para los Trabajdores 23. 9 The basic collective dwelling was approximately 500 mZ. It contained five or sixI4 family dwellings which were one or two stories hi& each of which opened to an open space or patio. Each dwelling was formed of one or two rooms with an area betwveen 10 to 30 square meters. A well and collective bathrooms were place next to the family dwvel l ings. The living space of the dwellings either extended from the dormitories or opened to the patio or the roof. The patio enjoyed a lot of pnvacy because it was placed far from the noise, and never having a direct access to the street. It wvas the most important place for daily activities; this is clear by the fact that the Aaec family dwellings did not have windows to the exterior. The patio always had a family altar at which to pray. The importance of the altar took root in the Aztec belief that the pemanency in the world of the quick was a transitory stage for a bener life afier death. The collective characteristics of these dwellings refiected a Society which did not promote or encourage individ~alisrn.'~

Fig. 1. I I Original drawing of a typical house in Tenochtitlan (XVI C.). Drawing taken fiom the Archiw GemraI rde b Nociotr.

.. . ------. 14 Some researchers say that these number of dweilings were between eight and twelve. See Enrique Ayala Alonso. La casa de la CruLbd clle Mexico: Ewhciort y ~Qltrformaciotres(Mexico, D.F.: Consejo Naciond ara la cultura y las artes, 19%) 28. instituto del Fondo Nacional de la Vivien& para los Tmbajadores 22-25. 1.2 Tbo Cooquest of Mexico: Mixture of two Cultures

The discovery of Amen'ca by the Spanish coincided with the ejection of the Muslims from Spanish temtones in 1492. The province of Andalucia with iu strategic location and its important manne activity, was the place of departure for the espeditions to America Seville being the exclusive door of exchange with the New Continent.

The Conquest of Mexico in 1521 by Heman Cortes marked a new era in the history of Mexico. Although the conqueron desnoyed the city of Tenochtitlan, including its civic center and its housing quarters, they could not erase the cultural tradition of the natives. Before the conqueron came to Mexico, they invaded the Caribe, commining the mistake of abolishing every trace of the indigenous culture. The result was a territory almost empty of natives, therefore without my workforce to work the land. They could not make the same mistake twice, especially in the most important city of the "New World. Another reason for the preservation of the native culture was the high degree of consolidation in the Aztec civilization. Institutions were set in place to preserve the native population, thus rnany of the characteristics of Aztec culture were conserved. l6

Most of the men who came with Cortes had their rmts in the provinces of Andalucia and Castilla, and would later be the fint Spanish inhabitants in Mexican land7: Once the Spanish took control of the temtory, they established themselves in the center of the city, leaving the penphery to the natives.

16 Ayala Alonso 19-22 17 Peggy K. tiss. Origerres de b rmcionaIiW mexiccnf~.l5,'/- 1556: La fo1maciorrr de urra rrueva soci~'rkvl (Mexico: FCE (Seccion Obras de Historia), 1986) 47. The corru/es were the first dweliings built by the Spanish; they were intended as temporary Iodging since their rnansions and palaces required more time to be built. (orrates were constructed quickly and with temporary materiais which further emphasized their temporary nature. The cordes however, were the best type of housing for determininç territorial controi because they could be built quickiy and they were constructed in larger blocks, which accommodated numerous people. New housing was based on the Spanish housing mode1 which was easily adapted to the context of the new society.

Fig. 1.12 View of the patio of a "veci~dcrd~rroî'in Mexico City showing the interior atmosphere and the collective laundry facilities (lower right corner). Instinito Mexicano del Seguro Social. I~rr1c?sfip~imtrk l ïrie~nb, 2 1 9.

The quick adaptation of these houses in Mexican territory was possible because the idea of "house" in both cultures, despite their differences, also had many similarities. The simiiarities were not only in their architecture but also in the use of the space for domestic activities. In Spanish architecture, the use of interior spaces was more cornmon Y) tha! in the Indigenous, but in both cultures the patio was the rnost important space for daily activities. In both cases, the covered spaces were used for sleeping purposes and for storage; the shortage of fumiture and omamentation in intenor spaces in both cases reveal little use of these spaces during the &y. Also, in both cases, the residents are members of the "same farnily", not only by blood relationship but also with the same ethnic links. The housing rnodels brought by the Spanish were adapted and transfonned to connitute the begimings of the Mexican house." A\

since the XVI century, the Spanish began to build collective dwellings, fim because of their tradition and second to protect themwlves from a possible attack by indigenous people. There were two different types of dwellings.

First, there were "collective" family dwellings which meant that the collective participation of al1 its members was determined by the election of an authority of the community for administration purposes. The residents gathered in groups according to t heir activities (agriculture, mining, commerce, etc.. .) and shared their Spanish origin and way of life, like religion, education, and diet. Some of these groups gathered to fom villages like Puebla, Valladolid, and Guadalajara.

The other type of "collective dwelling" twk place in single-family mansions of rich Spanish conquerors, who required a large number of employees and servants. These houses represent the fint kind of collective dwelling in the same building. One of the first examples of this type of house was the house of Heman Cortes named ''Casas V~ejasde Carres" built in 1523. The "palace" was divided in two levels, the upper one housed the main rooms and several rooms for the servants and their families, most of whom were soldiers enlisted to protect Cortes fiom a possible Aztec aîtack The lower level 6 , comprised pi30 or 40 work~ho~s.~~These places were intended for rental purposes and had a chamber for the tenants and their Families. The rest of the houses in the Spanish quarters of Mexico City followed this example according to the characteristics of each famil y (see Fig. 1.13).

I X Ayala Alonso 13-1 7. 19 Other historians say that the ''CPSQ.Fviejas dL! Cones'. had fiAy workshops in its lowcr floor. Sm Institut0 del Fondo Nacional de la Vivien& de los Trabajadores 78. Fiç. 1 . 1 3 Ground fl oor plan and upper floor plan of the housc of the Cdde LSiuttiqgo tk CaIimgy1 (XVUI C.). At the fiont is located the main patio surrounded by a colonnade in three of its four sides; the rear patio Qave access to the stable. Services and work-shops were located in the ground tloor and the living quarters were located in the upper floor. Most of the work-shops were provided with stair to give access to a mezzanine. Enrique Ayala Alonso. La Casa du fa Cju& de Mexico: Evo/ucim~y n(urrf'timws. 56-5 7.

These dwellings were somewhat fortified and resembled houses in the province of Castilla. Aspect that was necessary in a city that was the capital of the powerful Aztec Empire and whose vanquishrnent was not certain. Few openinp to the exterior reveal the ovenurn of living activities to the interior of the house. This kind of dwelling was the basis of the urban tayout in the Spanish quarters of the city in the XVI century.

Fig. 1 .14 View of the façade of the house of the Conde de Santiago de Calirnaya. The fortified aspect was a constant in the design of the buildings. EMque Ayala Alonso. La Cmde la CiddeMexico: Ew3I11cimty ttcntsjanira~imm~ 1.3 Collective dwellings in Buildings owned by the Churcb

During the XVII century, the Catholic Church acquired a great deal of power as it was the most important institution in the "New Spain" (Mexico). It controlled al1 educational, health and political decisions. The result was the proliferation of convents, hospitals and colleges. When the first fnars came to Mexico in the Xvl century, they desigied their settlements with the same general characteristics as those in Europe. Within these buildings, living spaces were very important. In some cases, the number of fnan was reduced to four or five to make room to lodge different kinds of people such as artisans and farmers. These dwellings also housed boarding students fiom the college or patients from the hospitals which were often next to the convents. Usually these rooms were piaced on the second flwr of the convent and were preceded by a gallery or portico which surrounded an interior patio. The importance of the dwelling uni& inside the convents was influenced by the hope to gather the largest nurnber of people for evangelization purposes.20 In Mexico City, the Francircans had seventeen convents, the kugustinian three and the Dominicans five."

Al1 the collective dwellings in buildings owned by the Church had the same configuration: a row of roorns surrounding an interior space where the activities unique to the building took place. An example of this is the college of Las C.r=ca;nm(see Fig. 1.15) where the row of rooms surrounded classrooms, a chapel, a cemetery, the administration, interior patios and one hundred and twenty rooms for diffèrent activities.

SmaIl rooms for working or commercial activities formed rows with direct access to the Street and without communication to the intenor of the building. These workshops received the name of accesorias. Later on, these spaces began to also be used as dormitories for the families of the tenants. The rooms changed their commercial use to both a commercial and domestic one.

20 For further information conccrning the architecture of the convents. sec Manuel Tousaint, Arie colmriaI rrr Mexico (Mexico: Direction General de Publicaciones, UNAM, 1974) and George Kubler. A rquirrrctrrrtr mexiccura del Sifi XVI (Mexico DF: Fondo de Cultura Economica 1982). " lnstituto del Fondo Nacional de ta Vivimda dc los Trabajadores 102-1 04. The front of the room was used as the workshop and the back as the dweliing space of the famil y. These mix-use spaces received the name of "casas-tiendu" meaning,

Fig. I .15 Ground floor plan of the college of Lar F"i1~4i1~zs.The row of acceswias surroundcd the building in three of its four sides. Plan taken tiom the ArchGermai dk /a Nacimt-

In some cases the interior height of the rooms ailowed their teriants to divide the space vertically by adding a wooden floor, therefore the lower half was used as the workshop and the upper for domestic activities, mainly sleeping. An intenor stair attached in the wall connected both floors; the lower flwr had its ventilation and illumination through the door facing the street and the upper flwr by a small window placed at the top (see Fig. 1.16). This layout received the name of "Tuza y Pfato", aliuding to a "cup on a plate". The "Ccrsas Viejus de Cortes" described earlier, was the first building to have this kind of arrangement. The sanitary services were communal and were placed in the interior of the building

Fis. 1.16 Ground floor plan, upper floor plan and section of the ~~ces0Tia.sof the college of Lm k7=~(1it&zs. This section shows vqcleariy the **Tiy Pla~dconfigwation in the ground floor. Jan S. Bazant, Enrique Espinosa, Ramiro Davila and Jose L. Cortes. Tipoogïa de vivier& urboruz: Aldisisfkico ckz conterlos ur~bi~(~:î~~Ies& /apobIacion ck hjos ingresos en /a Cru& de Mèrico. 1 11 2. 1.4 Vecindades

Convents, hospitals and colleges represented a good business for the Church due to the large number of rooms for rent. Therefore, tenements were constructed exclusively for rental purposes having the name of vecindudes. Although the vecindades existed since the XVI century, it was in the XVIII century that they began to be reproduced continuously.

The vecindades' popularity was mainiy due to the fact that they gave lodging and working space to an important nurnber of people. On the other hand, the owner of most of the vecindades, the Church, was doing a great business renting the rooms to foreigners and simultaneously owning land and properties which consolidated its status as the most powerful institution in Mexico. Most of the people arriving to the city were artisans who began to gather in the vecindades in groups according to their specialization. This arrangement initiated specific quarters within the city where the residents were identified by their activities. Several streets in these quarters received the name of the predominant activity which took place on them."-7

These dwellings resembled the configuration of the old mansions and convents. A row of rooms surrounding an open space or patio was the characteristic feature of these buildings. The communal sanitary facilities, instead of king placed inside the building, were placed in the patio. For land saving purposes, the patio became narrower, and took a rectangular form. The interior arrangement of the dwellings was either "IUZU y pllrlo," "enrresuelos" or a mixture of both. This mixture was a result of having the rooms of

--~UZUy phtu '* in the lower floor facing the Street and the '-entresudos " ones on top wi th its access through the interior patio. The rooms on the second floor did not have a place for commercial activity but instead had a larger interior space and enjoyed the privilege of being on the "second floor" which connoted a wealthier or higher social position. The interior patio, unlike the mansions and convents. was a serni-pnvate space for the tenants.

22 Ayala Alonso 53. 17 By 1750, due to the amval of the Bourbon Dynasty to the power in Spain, Mexico City experimented with many transformations which modified the life of the city The diverse festive and religious manifestations that once took place in streets and plans were king gradua1ly forbidden. Similarly the street markets began io be banned and the vecindades of '-taauy plaro" and -'entresueios" whose commercial activities normally took place in the streets, were affected by restricting their commerce to inside the workshops. These reforrns, named "Bourbon Reforms," were politically and economicaily driven but they also affected the arts, architecture and the urban fabric.

The vecindad during the second half of the XVIII century untii the beginning of the XX remmained a dwelling unit that fit very well with the needs of society. Its popularity resulted in a proliferation of different styles, dimensions and qualities. Most of them were built following the empirical method by copying the traditional fonns of the "older vecindades ", but in some cases they were designed by well know architects of the t ime: Lorenzo Rodriguez, Manuel Herrera., Ignacio Castera, Antonio Velazquez and Antonio Guerrero y on es." On a social level. the vecindades played an important role as they facilitated human relations arnong the tenants, promoted the exchange of ideas, self-help, self-policing and family unity.''

The vecindades did not suffer substantial changes through the years afier Independence in 1810. In fact, there was very littie poduction of housing in this pend (1 81 1-1857) due to constant political changes and the redefinition of the Mexican temitory.

" lnstituto del Fondo Nacional de la Vivienda para los Trabajadores 153.

" lnstituto del Fondo Nacional de la Vivienda para los Trabajdonr 152. \ i- ' By 1813, the Church, owned 2,016 out of a total of 5,520 houses, /'which represented 47.08 %. This excluded the diverse temples and convents which they also owned. The government was the owner of only 7.76 % of the buildings and a parbcular group of owners had the remaining 44.40 ?4. Few people controlled the building property in Mexico Cil; only 1.6% of the population owed a house. While the Church rented most of its buildings the particular goup of ownea rented approximately 20% of their properties. The Church, then, controlled almost ail the housing activity of the city"

In 1857, the Liberal party headed by Benito haret proclaimed the "Laws of Reform" abolishing the privileges of the Church and the Amy. Consequently, the properties of the Church proceeded to be owned by the tenants. Almost one third of the houses in the city were owned by tenants who paid the equivalent of one year's rent to own the place. A large rai estate market emerged fiom this law and it was the point of departure for the modernization and expansion of the At this time many of "new vecindades" were built in the barrios surrounding the city which followed the sarne characteristics of the early vecindades. These "new vecindades" were but lt mostly by individuals for business purposes.

After the Constitution of 1857 with the pnvatization of the properties of the Church, the vecindades became the most abundant dwelling forrn in the city. Vecindades were built exclusively for business purposes to better use the little land available in Mexico City. They took the sarne urban configuration of the former vecindades of fa-a y plut0 or entresuelos but their living activities took place in the intenor of the building. Usually the only side exposed to the street was the narrow front, which was equipped with commercial spaces, and the wealthier dwellings were on top.

-- - - - xlnstituto del Fondo Nacianal de Ii Viviendi para las Trabajdores 152. 2S Maria Dolores Morales. "Estniawa urbana y distribucion de La propiedad, 18 13," comp. Alejandra ", Moreno Toscano. Cidde Mexico: eriscryo & COILS~NCC~O~& umhistwiaa(Mexico: SEPllNAH (Coleccion Cientifica 6 1). 1978) 72. Even though vecindades were composed of modest dwellings, they were not intended to lodge the poorest sectors of society. Tenants were generally artisans of a certain social position and depending on their income, they occupied either the larger dweil ings facing the Street or the smaller ones facing the courtyard.

Fig. 1 .17 Plan, section and isometric of a ''typical" one noor vecindad with collective sanitary facilities next to the patio. Sometimes the int&or height of the floon ailows the possibility to place a mezzanine. Universidad Autonorna Metropolituia, Alteny~~i~& vivieda err 6urrio.s /x)p~tiare.s.3 8.

By the last decade of the XIX century, the vecindades housed one third of the total population of the city. People with different income IeveIs were attmcted to the vecindades, but this inevitabiy led to overpopulation. Quality of life decreased drastically. The few communal sanitary services began to be insuficient for the nurnber of people. The interna1 privacy of the dwelling began to be affected and the harmonious interaction among the tenants began to decline. The last vecindades were built between 1930 and 1940; their decline was due to the raise of Functionalism. The architects of the time were beavily influenced by modemist thought and molded their designs accordingly. forgetting traditional patterns.

In the 1 940's. the Mexican econorny suffered a destabilization which produced a high inflation. This resulted in a rent increase which affected the lower income eamers. To address the problem, the president, Miguei Aleman, decreed the law of the "frozen rent'-: rneaning that rent could not be increased for the next 50 years. There were two consequences, first, tenants could continue living in their, but on the other hand, the ow-ners of the buildings lost interest in maintaining their buildings, leading them to deteriorate.

E3y 1985, the situation of the vecindades in Mexico City was miserable. There had ken no maintenance for 40 years and their deterioration was extreme. On September 19, 1985 an earthquake shook the Valley of Mexico, devastating and damaging thousands of vecindades. The govemment promptly applied a rehabilitation program named "Plan de Renovucion Hubircrcioml PopIar". Most of the damaged vecindades were built in the beginning of this century by individuals or were old buildings considered national heritage. The renovation plan comprised 48,800 dwellings in which 490 had minor reparations. 6,220'' were rehabilitated and 39,790 were new c~nstructions.~~New constructions were in form of apartments three floors high.

27 2,500 dwellings of those dwelfings wcre in bistac monuments.

'' Rertovacjott HQbitacio~udPupub en eiD.F.: La recmlshlccimt clri vivieda en el cemro hisrorico de la Ciurkul de Mexico, &qmes de los si.s& septiembre de 1985 (Nairobi: United Nations Center for Hurnan Settlements, 1987). CHAPTER 2 Elements, Categories and Upgrading of Windades

Vecindades were defined as a group of rmms where numerous families Iived, which surround an open space or patio, and foilow the physical layout of old mansions in the center of Mexico Ciîy The same denomination was applied to multi-family collective dwellings built in the banios and, later on, in the periphery of the city. Most of these '-new vecindades" were one or two stones high, some with two or more patios, with communal washinç and sanitary services on the patio. The one stol vecindades tended to follow the example of the ones existing in the barrios and the two stones ones seemed to be inspired by the ones existing in the center of the city. '

2.1 Elements of the vecindades

Even though they are situated in different locations, built in different centuries and are used by different income groups, vecindades generally shared the same eiements. The elements are the zuhuun (enuance), the patio, the dweilings and the occesorrus. nese elements Vary in number, area and position depending on the characteristics of each vecindad.

Vicente Martir! Hernand~r,.4.ymi1ec11mr rrbmcsticn de /a Citdad de Mexico (Mexico D.F.: Lhivaoidad Nacional Autonoma de Mexico. 198 1 ) 101). 2.1.1 The Zahuan

The zdtuun is the entrance to the vecindad. It is the space of transition between the public and the semi-public, the exterior and the interior, the Street and the patio? Mile the patio is seen as a semi-public space, the character and personality of the zahum rnake the visitor feel he or she is entering a vety private space or even a sacred one. Usually the zahtrun is Iong and narrow, allowing light only from the two minor sides, a feature that makes it quite &rk and mysterious and therefore rnakes the transition obvious and sometimes even dramatic.

O nn. a II 9

Fis. 2 1 Ground floor plan of the vecindad located on Republica de Nicaralguu = 1 5, Mexico City. The shaded area comprises the srrhuan. Plan takcn fiom the Imituto Nacimy~l& Antrupologi4 e Historia (iNAH); redrawn by Alejandro M. Rebolledo.

- 2 Universidad Autonoma Metropobna, cd. Altenmtkzs de viWersda en hiasprrprlares (Mexico D.F. : Universidad Autonoma Metroplitana, 1988) 25. Due to the characteristics of the zuhuun, its narrowness, its lack of light and its location within the vecindad where you can be out of the sight of neighbon, the =a/zuan is more than just a transition space to give access to the vecindad. It has various functions and it is an ara where there seem to be no laws or irnpedirnents. In the zahm, wrestling and fights are al lowed and boys and girls use it to expenence their fint sexual contacts.

Fie. 2.2 View of the Jahtuui of the vecindad located on Republica de Nicaragira = 15, Mexico City. This photograph shows the darkness of the zahiran and the clear transition fiom shadow to light during the entrante. Photo by Alejandro M. Rebolledo.

The strong "magic-religious" tradition of Mexican culture is aiso evident in most / _the vecindades. Almost every zahuan has an image or a statue of the Virgin of Gwdafupe (patron saint of the Mexicans) which is placed in an altar decorated with flowen and candles. This image is venerated by al1 the inhabitants because it represents the protection against exterior theats, dangers or plagues as well as against undesirable people and evil spirits which might attempt to enter the vecindad. Therefore the rohuon acquires a sacred mafic-religious meaning, full of special significance and power which helps to separate the tranquility of the vecindad from the chaos. danger and violence of the extenor wor~d.~

Fig. 2.3 View of the altar in the =ahtuut of the vecindad located on Cwreo Mqyw # 10, Mexiw City. Photo by Aiejandro M. Rebolledo.

3 Manin Heniandez 1 16. 2.1.2 The Patio

The vecindad's patio is like a hurnan king's spine; it is the center of the nervous system where al1 the energy gathers, it gives articulation to the dwellings and allows the circulation and movement of its inhabitants.

Fig. 2.3 Ground floor plan of the vecindad located on Repbfica & Coiimbia # 39, Mexico City. The shaded area comprises the patio. Plan taken fi-om the IrtsfitufoNaciod de Arïfropoiogiae Historia (iNAH); redrawn by Alejandro M. Rebolledo.

The patio is the most important element of the vecindad. Without it, the word vecindad would lack its connotation and meaning. The patio is the conunon place of ~atheringof al1 the inhabitants and it is here where the "living in vecindad" takes place. CI Due to the space limitations inside the dwellings, the patio plays the role of an extension of the dwelling or as a substitute for the space lacking inside. It is the main ais and ordering element in the vecindad, it gives access to the dwellings and is also the space through which the dwellings breathe and are lit.

Fig. 2.5 View of the patio of the vecindad located on Repbfica & Cofombia# 39, Mexico City. Photo taken fiom the entrance to the vecindad. Photo by Alejandro M. Rebolledo. This space allows the performance of di fferent activities like artisan's occupations, howhold chores, children's garnes, gossip, and on occasion, parties and festivities or arguments and fights. The patio also offers a space in which to do certain activities impossible to carry out inside the dwelling such as laundry, and hanging clothes. Old vecindades still have common sanitary services in a corner of the patio and a common washing or laundry place in the center.

The visuai image of a vecindad's patio offm the observer a very powerful scenario of creativity, imagination and folklore. The hanging of clothes is a constant feature in eveiy vecindad patio. It adds vitality, color and movement. The abundance of flower basins surrounding the patio gives each dwelling a sense of territoriality and pri vacy.

Fis. 2 6 View of the interior atmosphere of a vecindad located on the Tepito bho,Mexico City. This photo rwcals the intense use of the patio for diffcrent activities Iike playing and hanging of clothes. Jan S. Bazant, Enrique Espinosa, Ramiro Davila and Jose L. Cones, Tipoopra de vïv~endaurham: Anolisis~sico& ~~)~rerrosurbormliabilocio11~1Ies &* la pobkiwt & bjos rrrgresos en /CICiu& Ck Mexico, 127.

' Universidad Autonoma Mctmpolitana 24-25. 2-13 The Dwelling

The dwelling is the private space of the vecindad and it is here where other domestic activities take place such as eating, resting and sleeping. Normally the area inside the dwellings in a vecindad do not have sufficient space, therefore the use of the patio as an extension of the dwelling is very common. The number of dwellings in a vecindad varies in relation to the physical characteristics and size of the vecindad.

Fip. 2.7 Ground floor plan of the vecindad louted on kpubli~& Coiombia # 56, Mexico City. The shaded area comprises the dwellings. Plan takm fiom the Insfituto Nacimaa/ dr AnrroNogia c. Historia (INAH): redrawn by Alejandro M. Rebolledo.

The spatial restrictions inside the dwell ing propitiate communication and interaction amonp the members of the family, but this also lads to a lack of privacy and intimacy. It is a space charged with aggression produced by the constant contact between its members. There is a typological classification of dwellings inside vecindades made by Vicente Martin Hemandez where he classifies the dwellings depending on the number and size of the rmms and the total built area. The classification is the following:

A) One-room dwellings situated inside a vecindaâ, where al1 the domestic activities take place. Usually this type of dwelling lacks windows for ventilation and illumination, the door king the only opening to the exterior patio. They used to lack individual sanita- senices; communal sewices were placed on the patio of the vecindad. Nowadays most of the dwellings have their own sanitary services within the room. These rooms are divided in two areas; the azotehuela where the kitchen and sometirnes the bathroom are placed and which also functions as the lobby or transition between the patio and the room, and the room itself where ail the other activities take place (see Fig. 2.8). Disproportionate furniture for the size of the room, the creativity of its arrangement and its multi-fùnction use, are constant characteristics of the interior space of these rooms. The area of the room is between 9 and 12 m2.'

B) One-room dwellings with a wooden awning dividing the height of the room. This type of dwelling has the same characteristics as type A, the only difference being that the area is almost doubled by the existence of the awning. The azotehuela remains the same with the kitchen and bathroom, the ground floor is used for eating and leisure and the upper level is used for sleeping purposes. A srnaII window is placed above the door to give the upper level some ventilation and light. Due to the limitations of the space and the number of members in each family, the gound floor is aiso usually used for steeping purposes (see Fig. 2.8). The total area of these dwelling is approximately 20 m2. This kind of dwelling, as weli as the type A, is occupied by working-class and low- incorne people."

Martin Hernandez 10 1-1 04. ' Manin Hernandez 10 1- 104. Fig. 2.8 Plan ofa "typical" dwelling of a vecindad: 1 - patio. 2- access. 3- lobby, 4- kitchen, 5- bathroom, 6- stair, 7- dining and living room, 8- mezurnine (kdram).The shaded ara comprises the a=orehuela. Vicente Martin. Arguirecrurcr domestka ak la Ciu& de Mexico. 102.

C) Dwellings with two rooms. The first room is nurnber 7 in the diagram. It is a dining and living room which is connectecl to the azotehuela where both cooking and sanitary facilities are located. The second room is located on the second floor, its primary use is for sleeping. These dwellings represent a minimum of comfon within the vecindades and are occupied by middle-income working classes, artisans and mal1 businessmen. The area is approximately 35 m2.'

v D) The last type of dwelIing in a vecindad are those which have more than two rooms, meaning two bedrooms, or dining room and living room separateci from each other (see Fig. 2.9). These dwellings are occupied by higher-income earners, businessmen and governent employees. The total area varies from 35 to 45 m2."

Fig 2.9 Plan of a dwelling with three rooms: 1- patio, 2- access. 3- lobby. 4- kitchen. 5- bathroon 6-living room, 7- dining room, 8- bedroom. The shaded aracomprises the azo~ehuela. Vicente Manin, Aquifecrura crbmesfica & la Ci~rclbdrAe Mexico. 1 02.

Martin Hemndcz 101-104. '! Martin Hemandez 10 1 - 104. 2.1 -4 The Accesodas

The literal translation of uccesoriu is outbuilding, but they moa ofien are spaces for commercial activity (business shops) within the vecindad- Even though accesorias appear in most vecindades, they are not a constant feature. It appears that the vecindades in downtown Mexico City always have them due to the high commercial activity of the area but the ones in the barrios sornetimes lack this space. These spaces are always in the front of the vecindad facing the street. If the vecindad has more îhan one side facing the street, the acces~~riuswill follow this fact, taking advantage of every space facing the street for commercial activity. The accesorias also fùnction as a link between the vecindad and the street. They can be seen as a transitory area which helps the vecindad integrate into the commercial activity of the city. With the existence of these spaces, the vecindad is no longer and hermetic enclosure, but it participates in the urban fabric of the city. The owners of the shops are usually inhabitants of the vecinâaâ; they are usually a whole family in charge of the business. The area and number of these spaçes varies with each vecindad and the kind of commercial activity within them also varies according the location of the vecindad within the city.

Fig. 2.1 O Ground floor plan of the vecindad located on Republica & Co/wnbiu # 56, Mexico City. Thc shaded area comprises the clccesorias. Plan taken fiom the II~IIUIONacimmI de A~lfropIqiae Histwia (INAH); redmwn by Alcjandro M. Rebolledo. Fig. 2.1 1 View of the façade of the same vecindad showing the accesorius on the ground fioor facing the street. Photo by Alejandro M. Rebolledo. 2.2 Categories of the vecindades

Since the XIX century, vecindades have fotlowed two major models: the ones built in downtown Mexico City and the ones buift in the banios in the periphery of the city center. The vecindades in the center of the city were subdivided in two groups. The ones built "'on purpose" as a vecindad and the ones that once were one-farnily mansions or public buildings and became vecindades later on.

Each model shares the same elements and characteristics and is divided in three categones: pr,humble and decorous. The poor vecindades are the ones formed by one- rmm dwellings without azotehuela or mezzanine (see Fig. 2.12). The humble ones are those vecindades formed by one-room dwellings but with cotehuela and menanine. And the last category, decorous, are those ones with two or more rooms (see Figs. 2.13, 2.14).

These categories indicate different spatial amplitudes and comfort levels which are reflected in the use of the patio by the inhabitants For the poor vecindades, the patio becornes an essential space for expansion of the dwelling and for the decorous ones it is just a transitov space to access the dwellings. These differences influence the interna1 social relations within the vecindad. in the poorer ones, where the patio is a space of constant communication and interaction arnong the neighbors, the feelings of unity and sol idarity are stronger than in the larger ones where the privacy of each dwelling is better preserved and the cornmunity bonds are weakere9

Martin Hernanda 1 IO- 1 1 1. Fig 2.12 Ground floor plan of the vecindad located on Republica uk Nicmagua # 36, Mexico City. This vecindad is an example of a poor vecindad since its dwellings are one-roorn. it has to be considered that each family might own more than one dwelling or mm. Plan taken frorn the /nsrift~roNaciomd ak AnrropoIogiu e Hisfma (INAH); redrawn by Alejandro M. Rebolledo.

Fie. 2.13 Ground floor plan of the vecindad located on Cannen # 43. Mexico City. This vecindad is an example of a decorous vecindad since its dwellings are two-moms. Plan taken fiom the f~rsrifuro Nacimal de A~trropolograe Hisroria (INAH); redrawn by Alejandro M. Rebolledo.

Fig. 2.14 Ground floor plan of the vecindad on RepubIica & Colombia # 60, Mexico City. This vecindad is also an exarnple of a decorws vecindad since its dwellings arc compn'sed of more than two rooms. This vecindad was rmovated in 1986 and the interior arca of each dwelling had to be increased by law. Plan taken hmthe Insîiîu~oNàciomI & Anhrrpdogra e Hisiwia (MAH); redrawn by Alejandro M. Rtbolledo. The location of the dwelling within the vecindad also indicates differences of social class between neighbors. Generally, dwellings closer to the Street are more sought afier than the ones at the rear of the patio. In the case where the vecindad has more than one patio, the dwellings in the fint patio are more appreciated than the ones in the second and so on.'' This sentiment is best expressed in the Mexican saying which says that the worst dwellings are those ones in the "guint0 patio" (fiM patio).

[n two-storied vecindades, the dwellings located on the upper level are considered more prestigious than those on the ground floor. These dwellings are larger and usually have more roorns than the ones undemeath due to two main reasons. The first reason is the lack of patio as an extenor extension of the dwelling which rneans that the interior space of the dwelling has to increase in size in order to satisQ the space requirements needed to cary out al1 the domestic activities. The second reason is the physical position of the dwelling which represents a higher level for a higher level in society. Being on top is a way of demonstrating one's status, in particular, by constructing their buildings in higher positions or on top of '-the beaten ones". In the Middle Ages, the height of the tower had a relation to the number of nobility titles of the owner." Men the Spanish conquered Mexico, they built the new city on top of the ancient one syrnbolizing the victory and Spanish power. In the vecindades, in old single-family mansions, the upper floor \vas narned the "noble level" because it is here where the owner of the house - usualiy with nobility titles- used to live, while the ground flwr was used to lodge the servants.

10 Martin Wernandez 1 10-1 1 1.

II Carlos Moreno, h CCLEQ~sus Cm (Buenos Aires: Imituto Argentin0 de lnvestigaciones de Historia de la Arquitectura y del Urbanisme, 1994) 232. 2.3 U pgrading of vecindades

In the majority of the poorest vecindades, the inhabitants and the owners legdize the expansion of the dwelling (one-room) towards the patio. They build wdIs to get the desired uzotehueiu as a way of transforming their dwelling fiom poor to humble and to raise their social status. In a great number of humble vecindades, services are introduced in the azotehuelas. One side is used for the kitchen, the other for the bathrwm and the space in between is used both for access and as a source of illumination. With these - -- < S. -tràmfoff~l;ahas,the vecindad is transformed into a decorous one. In some cases, the roof is changed into concrete and a room is built on top, connected to the one underneath by an interior stair. At times, a second smaller mmon top of the azotehuela is built, which raises the dwelling or the vecindad to the decorous category of decorous. These kinds of vecindades have two or three rwms plus the a-otehuela, including the services. The ground level is used for domestic activities during the &y and the upper level for resting and sleeping. IL

Fig. 2.15 View of the vecindad located in the Tepito banio. Mexico City. The photograph shows some transformations made by the owners on top of their dwellings. Jan S. Bazant, Enrique Espinosa Ramiro Davila and Jose L. Cortes. Tipofogïa clr viviedz urbcrm: Amfisisftsico ck contmos urbar10-hclbilo~iuty1Ies& 14 pobbcim & b4jm ingresos en Irr Ci& & Mexico, 1 3 5.

''Universidad Autonoma Maropolitana 40-4 1 . CHAPTER 3 Urban development of Mexico Ciîy and Case Studies

This chapter reveals the characteristics of the vaindades in Mexico City in relation to the first design of the city made by the Spanish in 1524 (Trca)and its urban gowth and configuration until the second half of the XX century. The structure of the chapter is chronological, divided in sections by century from the XVI century to the XX century.

The fint part of each focuses on the history of the city's urban development looked at under social, cultural and political circumstances. Ah, it illustrates the characteristics of the vecindaâes in each centwy and their role in the configuration of the city. The second part of each section shows examples (case studies) of actual vecindades built in the respective century. The case studies show the location of the vecindad within the Traza, its urban and architectural plan as well as its characteristics and its actual condition supported by photographie &ta.

The section of the XVi century explores why Hernan Cortes decided to build the city on top of the Aztec Tenochtitlan despite enormous disadvantages; the importance of the Truza; and the characteristics of the first buildings built by the Spaniards. Case study 1 (Reliscrrto Domingue: # 23)' and case study 2 (Leandro Volle # 14).

The XMI century section investigates how the Tmaxgregated its inhabitants; the characteristics of the vecindades built within the Trca; and, the type of dwelling and living conditions in the Indian barrios. Case study 3 (Belisario Domingze # 23). The XVIlI century section describes the stagnation of the city's growth; the importance of the vecindades and their physical characteristics. Case study 4 (Repubiica de I impq# 1 82), case study 5 (Correo Mqor Ci 1 0)and case study 6 (S~isirnu# 22)

The section of the XIX century describes the expansion of the city due to the .'~orfiricrco;"' the polarization of societal sectors and urban segegation: and, the decay of the barrios and the growth in the number of vecindades. Case study 7 (RepubIica de Peru 8 1 12), case study 8 (El Carmen # 43) and case study 9 (Repubhca de Argetztinu # 97-99. roi).

And finally the XX century section explores the enormous growth of the city; the formation of a horseshue of slwns surrounding the city center and the continued proii feration of the vecindades. Case study 10 (Republica de P enr # 1 OO), case study 1 1 (Corregidoru#59) and case study 12 (Avareriu # 24).

Fig. 3.1 Plan of the Traza showing the location of the cwelve case studies. Each number corresponds IO the number of the case study.

' The name of each case study represenis the name of the Street where thcy are located. ' The Poflriaro is the pwiod of tirne whm Porfirio Diaz was in charge of the Mexican gwemment (1 876- 1910). 3.1 Stl century

Wiihoui any doubt, the first Spanish Truzu of Mexico City had fundamental value, not only in urban ternis, but it had a direct influence un the life of the of the city7s inhabitants The way the land \vas distributed is indicative of the structure and organization or the society : the dominant class (Spaniards) control led production, which determined both social structure and distribution of spce.'

Afier the conquest of the Aztec Empire in 1521, the Spaniards, commanded by Heman Cortes, began to deliberate on where to settle the new "Spanish City". The main issue was whether or not to place the capital city on the island of Tenoçhtitlan. The arguments against settling on the istand were nurnerous and convincing. It had the reputation of king unsanitary and incapable of sustaining agrarian or livestock activity, due to an absence of pastures, field and springs. Adequate water supply could only be addressed through expensive artificial means. The Spaniards thought the site was a trap and it would be incapable of resisting siege.'l Despite these enormous urban disadvantages, Cortes, in 1522, took the decision to rebuild the city on top of the ancient Aztec City In Cortes words, "as the city was so renowned and was so important, it seemed well to us to rebuilt it.'" Four considerations were integral to the decision: the economic capacities of the site; its strategic properties; its traditional historic prestige, renown and importance; and, ils potential to avoid a possible rebirth oCTenochtitlan. The already established htec sociocconomic system was a major advantage for the Spaniards.

.\na Rita Valero de Garcia Laxurain. La Ci&& Mexicc+Tenmhfiîlm: .% Prjmera Traz 1524-1534 (Mexico. D.F.. Editorial Jus, 199 1) 1 10-1 1 1. ' George Kubler. Arqi~ifectrrramexiccara rkl Sig10 A77 (Mexico DF: Fondo de Cultura Economica. 1982) 69. 5 Kubler 70.

Between 1522 and 1524, Alonso Garcia Bravo under the orders of Heman Cortes, designed the main+ plan or Tra-u for the city. The Tra-a was influenced by the fifteen and si xteenth century ital ian theory , whic h emphasized the relation between open spaces and housing blocks such as Leone Battista Alberti, Antonio AverIino Filarete and the author of the han reveries of the Hypnerotomachiu ~oli~hi(i.~It was very dificult to put in practice the new renaissance urban theories in Europe, but in America it was feasible due to the existence of virgin land and the fact that cities could be built in kirentirety.

The Mexico-Tenochtitlan Tma, mixed these *renaissance - ideas with the native layout of the city. The grid of the renaissance city was established following the most 5= important Aztec buildings like the "Cusus Viejas de Mociezumu" and the avenues like the ChIzuJu de Tumba and Calzada de Iztapaiapa. Therefore it could be said that the city of Mexico-Tenochtitlan (Mexico City) was boni as a "'cïudud ntesti.~."5vhere European ideas married the existing native urbanism.

The Spanish Traa,uheid the nucleus of European settlement upon the island. It defined a square area at the center of the island within which rigorous municipal control prevailed. The central area differed from the remainder of the island in that the portions lying outside it were not subject to an urt,an plan.8 The Traza of the city clearly separated social classes; the Tmwas for the Spaniards and the periphery for the Indians. In facf from the Spaniards' point of Mew, the Tra=awas the city.

6- Kubler 98. ' Mesmmeans hybrid but it ahwas used to dcnominate the people born from Spanish and Mian parents. Kubler 74. The Trminciuded about fourteen streets, intersecting one another at right angles to form a grid iron plan with rectangular blocks. Four main avenues converged upon the central piaz., where the cathedrai and the govenunent buildings were situated. The limits of the Trcu were defined by the following streets: to the north, the Culie de Aparfudo- Peru; to the south, the CuUe de San Jeronirno; to the east, the Cdie de la Santisima and to the west, the present Eje Luzuro ~ardenus~(see Fig. 3.3).

The periphery of the city was established by the four ancient "calpullis" or barrios from the ancient Tenoch ti th. They were: Mwotlun, Tkrquechihuacan, Atzucuako and Teopan. which remained in the sarne place but were renamed with Christian names of Sun Juan Santo Mariu. Sun Sebastian and San Publo respective1y."

Fig. 3 2 Map of Mexico City showing the urban area in 1524. The larger dot reprmts the Trmwhiie the other dots rcpresent the barrios surrounding the city- The dash Iine indicates the Iimits of actual Mexico City. Sociedad de Arquitectos de Mexico. Colegio de Arquitectos de Mexico. institut0 de Arquitectura y Urbanisme. Teslimin~riio:Rermvaciorr HabiracimwI Poyular. 16. Fig. 3 3 Map of the Trmof Mexico City and the surrounding barrios XW C. The area of the Trw is comprised inside the black rectangle. Map taken fiom the Archivvl Gerwral& la Nacimr

Y Vakm de Garaa Lascurain, 85. 10 Inmituto del Fondo Nacional de la Vivienda para los Trabajedores. La viviemh comurrimria en Mexico (Mexico. D.F.:Consorcio Editorial Comunicacion, 1988) 77. Several reasons lead the Spaniards to estabiish the Indians in bamos outside the city. Since the natives were kept together and under control, the congregation and segregation of the Indians in the periphery facilitated the Spaniards' evangeiization, tributary control and above all, their desire to exploit the resources of indian society to support a sumptuous and noble life-style inside the city.

By 1 524, Cortes begm to distribute the solares (plots) to the Swards, each of them would be given one. In the case where they had participated in the Conquest, one plot would be given for having panicipated in it and another for king a "vecinu" of the city (see Fig. 3.4). The label "vecino7' was given by the Spanish Crown to those who .'established in a tom with the intention to rernain in it"." After ten yean, they would çet the "vecindud', which in this sense, was a sort of citizenship."

The new city of Mexico, as the head and capital of a very centralist kingdom, wouid reflect the sanie characteristic in its intemal composition. The Trara, the geographical center of the island, woutd be the nucleus and main axis and within it, the central plots were the most sought afier. Residential desirability declined with distance from the central plaza. The center represented power, wealth and prestige while the periphery (Indian Republic) represented submission and poverty. '' The streets of Tucuba towards the west and ktapiap towards the south were favored by the Spaniards to settie there because they represented an easy and quick deparhue route in case of an Indian attack. The solares were squared with more or less the same dimensions, 42 by 42 meters with a total area of 1.764 squared meters''>(see Fig. 3.4).

- - ' ' Pmdencio Antonio de Palacios, Nom a la Recapikion de Ltys& Irrdias (Mexico. D.F.:Universidad Nacional Autonoma de Mexico. 1979) 1227.

'' Valero de Ciarcia Lascurain 96. ' Valero de Garcia Lascurain 1 13. '' Valero de Garcia Lasairain 108. México-Tenochtitlan Primera Traza 1524- 1534

Fig. 3.4 Map ofMexico City's Tra=a showing the solares (first plots). Ana Rita Vaiero de Garcia Lascurain, Lu Cirsclrlde Mexico Te~~oc'h~i~ht:Su Primera Trm1524-1534

The palaces and mansions were built with Castilian sobnety, acting as fortresses for potential Indian attack Some had towers which later functioned as bay windows and terraces. At tint, the Spanish conquistadores built their mansions with only one story, then, as the economy became stronger, they added new levels. Later on, uccesorias for commercial activity were added to the mansions for the purposes of gaining an extra income by renting them. Also at this time, the Spanish began to build the fist vecindades for low-income residents. ''

l5 Maria de los Angdn De lu Vil* "El ambime de la uu en la Ciudad de Mexico y ais dredcdad' Arres rk Mexico: La Cid& Mexico No. W:Sus Chos 1967: 13-45. By 1525 the city had almost 150 houses owned by Spaniards with a total of 1500 --white people", most of whom were servants, merchants or artisan^.'^ The colonial elite promoted the migration of Spa~ardartisans to repopulate the city due to its limited Spanish population. Population approximations by the XVI century are unclear, however, it could be deduced by Cook and Simpson's investigations that the number of Indians were in the millions while the nwnber of Spaniards were in the tho~sands.'~

During the 1560's and 1 57OYs,Spanish legislation attempted to segregate Indians from ail other segments of the population. Indians were to live in their own bamios; work places and even hospiîals were also to be ~e~re~ated.'~The Indian bamos were wual, dense agglomerations of huts and shelters; they served as a reservoir of labor for the proud, orderly Spanish City. The lndian sectors of the city were built in such a disorderly way that ir was ditticult to circulate in hem, whether by foot or on horseback." By emphasizing the segregation and consolidation of the Indian republic, the crown in effect assigned the Custus (Creoies, Mestizos, Mulattos and Blacks) to the Spanish comunity. Native villages were supposed to have only Indian inhabitants, while the "Spanish Cities" contained members of al1 of Mexico's racial groups.'O

The socioeconomic meaning of the Spanish-indian dichotomy had been visible in Mexico City fiom the begi~ing;the contrast between Spaniards' "monumental public and private buildings" and "the Indians' shacks which barely rise above the gound was a~tonishin~.""

'" Kubler 1 5. 17 Valero de Garcia Lascurain 86. 1% R. Douglas Cope. nie Limtrs of Racial Domitmtia)r: Plebeiatt Weiyin ColmtiaI Mexico City, I6#- 1720 (Madison: The University of Wisconsin Prcss. 1994) 16. l9 Kubler 74. 'O Cope 16. " Francisco Cervantes de Salazar, Mexico en 1554, Trans. Joaquin Garcia Ic8zbalceta (Mexico, D.F.: Ediciones de La Universidad Nacional Atononaa, 1952) 95. 3.1 .1 Case Study 1: BeIïsario Domingrce= # 44-SO

Fig. 3.5 Map of the Tra=a showin8 the location of case study 1 Fig. 3.6 Ljrban plan of case smdy 1. Plan taken hmthe C~f~slroclle la Ciudad& Mexico.

Fig. 3.7 Ground floor plan of case study 1 . Plan taken fiom the Itutituto N~ciotorral& Ar~rrcpIugiac Historia (iNAH); redniwn by Aljandro M. ReboHedo. Archhccmral plan scaled 1 :500. Add ress: Belisario Dominpez street Dimension riad tom1 amof îhe plot= M4-50 47m x 48.5111,2279.5 m2 Category of the vecindad: decorous Relation kngdihvidth: 1 Historic background: this building was a Total anr of tbe patio= 350 m2 hospice known as Nuestru Senora de Relation kngihhidtb: 1.8 Covactonga. popularly known as "El Heararro", built in 1777. Original use: hospice % of common am: 19 % Actual use: habitation and commerce % of privrtc am: 72 % % of commercial am: 9 % Number of esterior fades: 1 Number of stories: 2 Numbcr of commercial spaces: 7 Wdth of tbe waüs: 0.80 m Type of cornmercul activity: Coashiction mrtc~b: printing, plumbing, and goods Fawde: red rezontlt! Num ber of patios: 1 Walb: stooe and tezonrle Fbrs: wooden beam and wood % Built am: 85% Roofi wooden bearn and wood % Open spacc: 15%

This building was the "Nuestru Semra de Covadonga Hospice", commonly known under the name of "El Beatario". The building was not built in the XVI century, but it is placed as a case study in this and because it has the spatial charactenstics and dimensions of the buildings built in this century. The dimensions of the plot (47m x 48.5m) are similar to the dimensions of the solores or plots (42m x 42m approx.) established in the fim Trm of the city by Hernan Cortes (see Fig. 3.6). This building might have comprimd one sofur. The hospice was built between 1775 and 1777 and later on it was converted into a veci ndad. This building represents the typical early Colonial building with its façade covered by red lezonrl8, its sobriety and the predominant solidity venus openings. It has seven occesorzas fscing the street but due to the little commercial activity of the street it appears that some of them are closed (see Fig. 3.8).

A long and wide zuhwn with an image of the Virgin of Guadalupe encompasses the entrance to the building. The dimensions of the zahuan, as well as the combination of Iight-shadow-light in the entrance make the access to the building dramatic (see Fig. 3.1 1 ). One seerns to be entering a very private space or even a sacred one. At the end of the long zuhuan, a rnagnificent rectangular patio with a fountain in its center opens to the sky. The hanging clothes on the line contribute to the beauty and folklonc nature of the patio. The patio is sunounded by an arcade which gives access to the dwellings on the ground floor. The arcade provides the dwelling with shadows and gives them a sort of extenor entrance lobby, which seÊms to belong to the dwellings and also reveals the interior spatial limitations of the dwelling (see Fig. 3.9). This is further strengthened by the placement of plants and vegetation on the grounds around the dwellings. All the entrance doors to the dwellings were kept shut and al1 of them were constructed with wîndows to help light in the intecior. Also, al1 the windows had curtains to prohibit the view to the interior and allow the residents to maintain certain privacy (see Fig. 3.10)-

The difference between the height of the dwellings in the ground floor in relation to the ones in the second floor that the former ones are provided with a meaanine which ivould double the area of the dwellings.

The quality of the space and architecture of this vecindad revealed a cornfortable and tranquil intenor atmosphere where the tenants could enjoy a peacefiil way of living.

-- '' Tezmle is a kind of stone found in the vrlley of Mexico. Clockwise from top lefi

Fig. 3.8 Vïew of the façade of case study 1. Photo by Alejandro M. Rebolledo. Fis. 3.9 View of the interior atmospbere of the patio ofcase study 1. fhot0 by Alejandro M. Rebolledo. Fig. 3.10 View of the fiont door of one of the dwellings of case study 1. 'The placement of vegetation in front of the dwellings gives the sense of appropriation and temtoriality. Photo by AIejandro M. Rebolledo. Fig. 3.1 1 View of the zahmof case study 1. Photo taken fiom the patio towards the entrana door. Photo by Alejandro M. Rcbolledo. 3.1.2 Case Study 2: Leudm Vdfe# 14

Fig. 3.12 Map of the Trmshowing the location of case study 2. Fig. S. 13 Uhan plan of case study 2. Plan taken fiom the CUICZWOde ta Ciruhide Mexico.

Fig. 3.14 Ground floor plan of case study 2. Plan given by Guadalupe Vailarta (former owner of the building); redrawn by Alejandro M. Rebollcdo. Architectural plan scded 1:500. Add rcss: Leandro Kaik street # 14 Dimension and total amof the plot: Category of the vecindad: decorous 37m x 38~1406 m2 Historic background: first budt in 1532 as Relation kngîthidth: 1 part of the Santo Domingo convent, rebuilt Total amof &e patio: 225 rn2 in 1558 and 1575. Reiation kngth/widtb: 1 The actual vecindad was built in the XVlli c. and restored in the begiming of the XX c. % of comrnon am: 20 % Original use: convent ./O of private am: 60% Actual use: habitation and commerce % of commercial am: 20 %

Number of cxtcrior friccides: 1 Numbcr of storics: 4 Width of îbe waüs: 0.80 m Num ber of commerci.l spacs: 2 Construction matc~ls: Type of commercial aîtivity: printing hmde: cernent painted in red (pink) Number of patios: 1 WaUs: terontle and brick Fbors: concrete slab % Built am: 86% RooC: concrete slab % Open spacc: 14%

This vecindad .aswdhm the vecindad in Belisurio Donzinguez # 44-50 was not built in 1 1 the XVI century but the dimensions and the squareci shape of the plot are in tandem *th , !<' the characteristics of the buildings in'this century (see Fig 3.13). This building was part of the Sunto Domingo convent. The convent comprised six soiares (plots) and was first bui l t between 1 529 and 1532. Twenty years Iater it had to be rebuil t due to the precarious conditions of the building. At the begi~ingof the XVIII century the convent suffered a flood and it had to be rebuilt again. In 18503, the temple was closed to the cuit to open the Leandro Vdie street which divided the convent in two parts. The actual vecinâad was bui lt at the beginnings of the XX century and probabl y comprises one solor (plot) of the former Santo Domingo convent. Even though this vecindad was part of the convent, the characteristics of the vecindad reveal that it was specially built for living purposes. Leandro l'aile is a cul-de-sac Street in the northeast of the Santo Domingo plaza (see Fig. 3.16). The placement of the vecindsd at the end of the street, its linle traffic activity and the placement of a fountain acting as a roundabout in front of the vecindad make its exterior a very quiet and tranquil space. The height of the four-storied vecindad as well as its exterior fonn and materials seem to be in accordance to the surrounding hancontext (see Fig. 3.1 5).

The street itself does not bring much commercial activity, but because of the vecindad's proximity to the Santo Domlngo plan (which is widely known for its printing activities), it has several workshops offering printing services.

A square patio (1 Sm x 1Sm) decorated with plants and vegetation comprises the intenor of the vecindad. The proportions of the patio as well as its good condition provide a very pleasant interior space. A staircase at the end of the druan allows access to the upper levels. Narrow corridors surround the patio and give access to the dwellings. Even though al1 the doors have glas windows for illumination, al1 of them have a curtain to ensure privacy (see Fig. 3.1 8).

The plan of the vecindad reveals a cornfortabte interior space. The dwellings comprise an entrance lobby, dining and living room, kitchen, bathroom, two or three bedrooms and an interior patio which gives light and ventilation to all the rooms (see Fig 3.14).

The exterior of the vecindad as well as its intenor reveals both simplicity and beauty, which make for a very pleasant building. Clockwise fiom top lefi Fis. 3.15 View of the façade of case study 2. Photo by AJejandro M. Rcboiledo. Fis. 3.1 6 View of the Learrrb.0 VaIie Street. Photo by Aiejandro M. Rebollado. Fig. 3-17View of the dwellings on the third and founh floors of case study 2. Photo by Alejandro M. Rebolledo. Fis. 3.18 View of the interior atmosphere of the patio ofcasc study 2. Photo by Alejandro M. Rebolledo. 3.2 XWcentury

The XWI century followed the same socioeconomic situation established by the Spaniards one century before. The capital of the "New Spain" (Mexico City) was a city of contrasts, within the Tra-u were beautifùl buildings with large =crhuunes, big patios and long corridors; Iuxury and aristocratie costumes were common. On the other hand, outside the Tm,in the barrios, the conditions of indigenous dwellings were subhuman. They did not have any sanitary faci tities and some of them were placed in swampy areas. The living conditions in colonial society in Mexico City were full of richness on one side and full of poverty on the other?

Fig 3.19 ûrawing of Mexico City in 1628. The drawing shows the placement of the city on top of the Lake and the barrios surrounding the city (Trazu), closer to the border. Map taken from the Archivo GetaeraIbp la Naion-

23 Enrique Espinosa Lope2 Ci& & Mexico: C-do CrOnoleco de su Ctecimienro Urbam I XI- 1980 (Mexico, D.F.:Enrique Espinosa Lopu, 1991) 39. In some cases, home-owning CU SI^.^'" and Indians had inherited their property but possibly found adequate maintenance beyond their economic means. Houses were often divided among heirs; in fact it was not musual for rooms, rather than hows, to be the unit of inheritance and sale. Even small houses tended to be shared among families.

Even those who possessed rmms in small, run-down buildings, were privileged compared to the majority of their neighbors. Few Mexico City inhabitants actually owned their own homes. Most of the TICCI 3 buildings (aside fiom public structures) were in the hands of the twenty-two convents and twenty-nine monasteries. Like privatefy owned residences, rented houses clearly demonstrated Mexico City's hierarchy of living quaners. Ecclesiastical ren t usuall y distinguished between cosus bujas -one story dwellings- and casas altus -NO-story structures of Stone built around a central courtyard. The latter oflen served as apartment buildings or vecindades. The most affluent tenants would live in the upper stories, in suites of rooms "called viviendas to distinguish hem from the single-room apartrnents that were nomally found on the ground floor and called cuurtos. ,.2j The lower story also frequently contained a store, workshop, or a tavem facing the Street.

in contrast to elite dwellings, even the worst cuorros (rooms) could usually find some tenant willing to pay a few reales monthly for a place to stay. A small apartment described as "uninhabitable" in May 17 16 nevertheless had a tenant and was still king rented hvo and one-half years later. One Indian woman actually lived in a house under construction to take advantage of the low rent. For the poorest housing, the owners did not always insist on regular rent collection, some tenants paid for their room in a vecindad by caring for the building. The houses owned by artisans, petty merchants, and minor Indian nobles were humble indeed compared to the sumptuous dwellings of the wealthy. '"

'' ïastas was the word used to describe people who wae bom fiom a crossing of races like: Creole. Mulattos and Mestkos. 7 < '-GabrieI James Haslip. "Crime and the Administration of Justice in Colonial Mexico City, 16%- 18 10." diss.. Columbia University. 1980. 19. The use of space in Mexico City in the XVIl century revealed a vertical segregation of socieîy, divided prirnarily along class rather than racial lines. The weal t hier I ived upstairs, above the malodorous, disease-ridden streets and canais where the poor lived. Pnvacy was rare in the cramped quarters of the poor.

The XVII century registered a decrease in the number of Indians, which was reflected in the economic activity of the city. The decrease in the number of Indians was the result of severai floods which affected the city at the begi~ingof the century. These flmds had an effect on an entire generation and cufminatcd with the great flood in 1629. The dwetlings of the Indiens in the city's periphery were the most affècted due to the swampy grounds. The Indians without roofs, shelter and food were easy victims of epidemics and diseases." In those days, in Mexico City, there were many more Indians and cas ru.^ than Spaniards. Vazquez de Espinosa estimated that the total population of the city including the barrios was 80,000 Indians, 50,000 Blacks and Mulattos and 16,000 Spaniards and ~reoles.~~Thompson caiculated that there were 1,500 families of Spaniards with approximtely 7,500 people and more than 300,000 Indians in the suburbs.

The archbishop Manso and Zuniga calculated that the number of deaths due to the flood in 1629 was about 30,000, most of them Indians. If the number of people calculated by Vazquez is correct, there was a decrease of between 35 or 40 % of the Indian population or almost 25 % of the total non-Spanish population-'9 Also, the flood provoked a migration of people fiom the city. This loss of population resulted in the Ioss of the principal labor force (Indians) and debilitated the economic growth of the city. The

ugovsrnment of the city had two major problems to solve, one was to reactivate the productive system and the other was to repopulate a city devastated by the conquest, floods and diseases.

" Richard Everetî Boyer. Lu gr~ninundrrciri. Trans. Antonina Suichez Mejorada (Mexico, D.F.: Secretaria de Educacion Publica. 1975) 3 1. 28 Antonio Vazquez de Espinoza. Descnpcion & la Ntreva Esprnia en el -O Xk7I (Mexico, D.F.: 1944) 156. 3.2.1 Case Study 3: tklisan'o Dodnguez # 23

Fig. 3 20 Map of the Trmshowing the focation of case snidy 3. Fi-,. 3.2 1 Urban plan of case study 3. Plan taken fiom the Cakuwo ak /a Citdadde Mexico.

Fig. 3.22 Ground floor plan and upper floor plan of case study 3. Plan taken fiom the Imtilu~oNaciouf de Anrropologia e Hisroria (îNAH); redrawn by Alejandro M. Rebotledo. Architectural plan scaled 1 :Sm.

'' Everett Boyer 32. 54 Ad d ress: Relisario Dom inpe: sireet #23 Dimension and torril area of die plot= Catcgory of tbe vecindad: decorous 16.7111x 40.81~587m2 Historic background: house built in the Relation kngtbhvidtb: 2.9 XVlI c.. sansformed into vecindad in the Total amof the patio: 125 m2 SV111 c. and restored in 1985-86. Relation Iengwwidtti: 5 Original use: habitation and commerce Actual use: habitation and commerce % of common ana: 24 % % of private am: 67 % Numbcr of exterior facadcs: 1 % of cornmerch1 am: 9 % Numbtr of stories: 2 Num ber of commercial spaces: 2 Width of tbe waUs: 0.60 m Type of commercial actiwie: Coastruction ma terials: goods and food Fasade: ochre cernent Numbcr of patios: 2 Watb: stone Floors: wooden bearn and wood % Built area: 82% Roof: woden beam and wood % Open spact: 18%

This house, built in the XWI century, was convened into a vecindad in the XVTII century and restored in 1986 after the earthquake of 1985. Looking at the dimensions of the plot

( 16.6m s 41m), it seerns that the plot cornprised half of a soiar (see Fig. 3.21). The exterior façade of the vecindad is quite simple. The ground floor comprises three openings leading to the uccesorias and the opening of the entrance door. On the upper level, there are four windows each with balconies on top of the four previously mentioned openings on the lower level (see Fig. 3.23). The intenor of the building comprises two patios of different proportions, the first one (1 0m x 6m) has a width / length of 1.6 (see Fig. 3.24), while the second one, due to its narrowness, served as a corridor to give access to four dwellings and to two stairwses (see Fig. 3.26). At the end of the first patio, a staircase is preceded by the image of the Virgin of GuucI'upe and connects the ground tloor with the upper one. Corridors in the upper level, held by wooden bearns and iron brackets, surround the patio and give access to the dwellings.

The decoration of the interior façades of the first patio, with Stone windows and door cases, and the wooden bearns of the corridorsin the upper tevel, give the vecindad a very powerful personality and intenor cornfort. The placement of flowerpots in front of the entrance window-doors and in the balustrades of the second floor indicates the appropriation of the space, as wetl as the temtoriality by the tenants (see Fig. 3.25). Clockwise from top lefi

Fig. 3.23 View of the façade of case study 3. Photo by Alejandro M. Rebolledo. Fig. 3.24 View of the patio fiom the entrance of case study 3. Photo by Alejandro M. Reôolledo. Fig. 3.25 View ofthe dwellings on the upper level ofcase study 3. Photo by Aiejandro M. Rebolledo. Fig. 3.26 View of the interna1 atmosphere of the second patio of case study 3. Photo by Alejandro M. Rebolledo. 3.3 XVUI century

The XVIiI ceniury will show an increase of Mexico's population and therrrore a repipuhting uf Mexico City. The rnigriition to Mexico City was intended tu leactivate the productive system and, as a resrilt, the city began to rxperience growth and stability.

This growih lirsi happenrd among the Spanish population and C~IUSMile the Indian population remained stable or had a slight decreaw. It is not until the second half of the century that an increase of the Indian population is evident in the city3'

Being identified as a Spaniard, whether Creole or peninsular, was in no way suficient to place a person in the ranks of the elite in the large and expanding population of late Colonial Mexico City. in 1790, when the city contained roughly l i 0,000 inhabitants, approximately one half of them were considered to be of Spanish decent. The degree of racial integration which had taken place over the previous two and a half centuries and the wi-llingness of the society to classify people of different ethnicities according to their individual accomplishments, mam-age patterns, and cultural behavior caused the Spanish sector of the population to expand rapidly. The Spanish, whether Creole or ~eninsu1ar.j' were not able to enjoy high-status and well-paying employment by the mere fact of their ethnicity. Significant numbers worked at manual tasks. In a very rçal sensr the Spanish sector of Mexico City in the eighteenth untury was occupationally diverse, with members in every level of society. This occupational distribution is demonstrated in both the 1753 and 18 1 1 censuses of the city. Spaniards worked as unskilled laborets and house servants, The 1753 census reported peninsuiars empioyed as weavers, carpenters, and taiiors, among otber non-prestigious occupations, while some were unemployed."

'O Institut0 del Fondo Nacional de la Vivienda para los Trabajadorts 121. 3 1 Peninsulares were Spanish people who were brn in Spain but lived in Mexico. -" John E. Kicza, Cvlorrial Enrrepreneurs: Families ami Business in Bourbori Mexico Ci& (New Mexico: University of New Mexico Press, 1983) 14. The cmAs themselves were ordered in a traditional hierarchy based on prestige, the wvorth of the goods produced, and the income that a master craflsman might eam. Somr members of the highest-ranked guilds (silversmiths, goldworkers, coachmakers, and saddlemaken among hem) could live very well, drawing an income and enjoying social status similar to that of retail merchants and Iower-ranked professionals and bureaucrats. Even in Iower-ranking crafts, the most successful could expect to maintain themselves comfortabiy and to expand their econornic interests beyond their particular

The elite, king silversmiths, could afford to own houses in the capital. Some, in fact, invested in urban real estate, particularly in roominghouses, which they were prone to offer as collateral when contracting loans. At ieast one silversmith had a female slave as a d~mestic.~.'

Even though the city did not grow rnuch during this century, by the 1740's the city had extended beyond the Tra-a (see Fig. 3.27). Part of the Indian population was estabf ished in the ara of the conquistadores and there were sorne houses of Spaniards in the Indian area. The growth of the city as well as the varieci value of the plots began to womy the authorities. The government took the decision to delimit again the boundaries of the Trca in order to differentiate the city fiom the barrios. The Iimits were the tbllowing: to the norih, the RepubIicu de Peru street; to the east, the EJL' Laru C'urdenus, to the south Jose Murru IZCI=-U~UStreet and to the West, the street going to Lu SunrÏ.~Ïmu.(These limits seem to be the same ones that Alonso Garcia Bravo delineated after the conquest of Tenochtitlan; the difference king the offlcial or political implication of the limits).

33 Kicza 207. '' Kicza 21 6. The perimeter ofthe city was formed by the following Indian bamos, suburbs and buildings: to the norîh, Santiago Tla~efoIco,Los Angeles. Sanfa Ana, Tepiro. E/ Curnze~r and to the notheast, Sunta Maria lu Redonda. To the east San Lcaro. Scrnru Cruz. Sdedud und Lu PuIrnu. To the south, San Publo, San Anfoniu Abad San Jeronimo, dhntserrut. Lus Recogidas and the college of Las Vizcainar. To the West, Suntu Isabel, the college of Letrun, the Real Hospital, Men dc lm Moch und Belen de los Mercedurios and to the southwest, the bamo de Rornitu (see Fig. 3.28). By 1750, the city had 355 streets, 146 deys, 19 mesons, 28 lodging houses, 2667 houses and 722 vec i ndades .''

Fig. 3.27 Map of Mexico City showing the urban area in 1700. Sociedad de Arquitectos de Mexico, Colegio de Arquitectos de Mexico. Institut0 de Arquitectura y Urbanismo, Te-srimorrrrio: Rerrovacior~Habi facicud Popuk. f 6. Fiç. 3 28 Map of Mexico City in 1793. T%ismap shows very cieariy the urban design within the Tram and the lack of it in the barrios of the perÏphcry. Map taken fiom the Archirio Gerural de /a Nacim. The description of the vecindades of the XWII century made by Mana de los Angeles De Las Vilas reveals the great quality of the buildings: "The vecindades had large patios and arcades with rows of washing places and wide comdors in the upper level that lead the inhabitants to their d~ellin~."~'

By the second half of the XVIII century, the Bourbonic Reforms were established in the "New Spain" (Mexico). The refoms had political and economic intentions. First, to diminish the power of the Church, which controlled most of the City's real estate and second, to reorganize the tributary system into a commercial one. These refoms organized the commerce in favor of the Crown in Spain and therefore, commercial activity took a very important role in the development of Mexico City.

As a result, from 1780 to 1810, there was a large increase in urban populations. The new economic structure in manufacture control, as well as the search for different markets, initiated a social division of work and the organization of workers into specialized guilds."

The artisan guild became the main element of the social system. Its organization was constituted of artisans and their families and this organization required that the house and work place be in the same space and have direct access to the Street. There was therefore a strong correlation between the yild's organization productivity and the appropriation of urban space. This relationship was seen in the buildings in which were located the physical unit of "casa-rienda-tafler"(house-workshop) as well as in the formation of commercial plazas and streets which repted this urban pattern.

The yilds' dwelling typology couid be considered as one of the expressions that emanated from the urban politics of the new socioeconomic regime after the Bourbonic Reforms.

36 De las Vilas 13-45. " Instituto del Fondo Nacional para la Vivienda de los Trabajadorcs 16 1. 3.3-1 Case Study 4: Republicu de Uruguay # 182

Fig. 3 29 Map of the Traza showing the location of case study 4. Fis. 3.30Urban plan of case study 4. Plan taken fiom the Cat~~~tro& la Ciu&& Mexico.

Fis. 3.3 1 Ground floor plan of case study 4. Plan talcen fiom the f~~~titutoff~cim~~lak A11trop0~~4 4 Hisloria (iNAH); redrawn by Alejandro M. Rcbolledo. Architectural plan scaled 1 500. Add ras: Republrca de Umguay street fi 1 82 Dimension and tobl amof tbe plot: Category of the vecindad: humble 38m x 56.5- 1700 m2 Historic background: built Ïn the XIX c. Relation IengtWwidtb: 1.5 Original use: habitation Total area of the patio: 87.5 m2 Actual use: habitation and commerce Wclation Icngtû/width: 3.5

% of common arcci: b % Number of esterior facadu: 3 % of private ana: Ü 70 Numbcr of storics: 2 % of commercial ana: 92 041 Numbcr of commercial spaccs: 18 Type of commercial activïty: diverse Widtb of the waUs: 0.60 m N um ber of patios: I Construction ma te ~ls: Fasade: cement painted in white Walb: stone and rezonde % Built ana: 92% Floors: bearns and brick % Open Space: 8% RooE bearns and brick

This vecindad, built in the XVIII century, is an excellent exampie of the social division of work and the organization of workers in to specialized guilds. The organization, as mentioned before, required that the existence of the house and work place was in the same space and had direct access to the street (see Fig. 3.30). The vecindad is located on the east of the Tra-u, where the commercial activity is quite intense due to its proximity to the largest market in downtown Mexico City, 121 Merced (see Figs. 3.29,4.1).

Three out of its four sides have large crccesorias facing the street. Ninety two percent of the ground tioor area is occupied by commercial spaces while the narrow patio occupies the rernaining eight percent. Even though the patio is very nanow and small, it serves to give access to the dwellings on the upper level by the placement of a staircase. It also gives a rear access to the accesoria.s and allows the ûccesorias and the dwellings to have more Iight and cross ventilation (see Fig. 3.3 I ).

This vecindad is completely outward looking, its exterior facades are simple but elegant (see Figs 3.32,3.33). The humble patio is used as a service line without any space for gathering (see Figs. 3.34, 3.35). The absence of the patio as a space for gathering and as an extension of the dwellings is cornpensated for by the fact that three out of four sides of the veçindad have direct access to the street. The street space, then, becornes an extension of the dwellings. Clockwise tiom top lefi

Fig. 3.32 View of the fkçade of case study 4. Photo taken fiom the corner of Repblica de Unpqstreet and Ro/& street. Photo by Alejandro MARebolleâo. Fig. 3.33 View of the façade of case study 4 fiom Rolikur street. Photo by Alejandro M. Rebolledo. Fig. 3.34 View of the interior atmosphere of the patio of case study 4. Photo by Alejandro M. Rebolledo. Fig. 3.35 View of the patio ofcase study 4. Photo taken fiom the zahrran. Photo by Alejandro M. Rebolledo. 3.3.2 Case Study 5: Como Miyor # 10

Fig. 3.36 Map of the Trca showing the location of case study 5. Nwnber 1 indicates the location of the National Palace. Fig. 3.37 Urban plan of case study 5. Plan takm tiom the Curusm de la Ciu&lduè Mexico.

Fig. 3.38 Ground floor plan of case study 5. Plan taken hmthe lmtiluro NociumIde An!rqmIogïa e Historia (iNAH); redmw by Alcjdro M. Rebolledo. Architecturai plan scaied 1 500. Ad d ras: Correo kfajror street fi 10 Dimension and tobrl area of the plot: Category of tbt vecindad: poor 18m x 46m 905 m2 Historic background: house built in the Reiaîion Iength/width: 2-5 XWIl c., restoreâ in the XIX c- Total arcri of the patio: 1 14 m2 Original use: habitation Rciaîion Iength/widrb: 3.2 Actual use: habitation and commerce % of common ana: 1 6 % Number of exterior fades: I 5% of pnvatc arcri: 6 1 % Number of storiu: 3 % of commercial am: 23 96 Numbcr of commerciril spaces: 4 Type of commercial activity: Widtô of îhe waüs: 0.60 m diverse goods Conshiction mate~ls: Number of patios: 1 Faqade: cernent painted in white Watls: Stone: and tepetate % Built area: 87% Floors: wooden beams and wood % Open space: 13% Roofi wooden beams and wood

This vecindad is located on Correo Mqvor street, just behind the National Palace (see Fig. 3.36). This street has one of the heaviest commercial activity in the downtown area. Usually the commerce invades the sidewalks and during Christmas festivities, it is almost impossible to circulate in the street. Looking at the plan of the vecindad, one can see that almoa one fourth of the total ground area is occupied by commercial spaces (see Fig. 3.38). This seems to be due to the intense commercial activity of the area and the tirne of its construction, when commerce and artisan yilds were very important. Some of the roorns inside the vecindad, once occupied by dwellings, have been converted into commerciaI spaces, for example a fonda or linle restaurant inside the patio of the vecindad was once a dwelling.

The zucihuun is a long and dark comdor due to the length of the ucce.sorius (see Fig. 3.4 1 ). At the end there is an image of the Virgin of Guudufupe which is intended to protect its residents against bad spirits and non-welcome people.

This vecindad is the first one to show the staircase Iocated within the patio and to use concrete both for the staircase and the comdors that comct the two upper leveis (see Fig. 3.42). Even though there are some materials which give certain decoration to the building, such as in the floor of the patio and in the staircase, the vecindad appears to be very dirty and damaged.

Its exterior facade is also very damaged but its architecture was appropriate to its imporîant status. This exterior of the vecindad does not seem to correspond with the poor quality of its interior space (see Fig. 3.39). Clockwise fiom top lefi

Fig. 3.39 View of the façade of case study 5. Photo by Aiejandrc M. Rebolledo. Fig. 3.40 View of the interior atmosphere of the patio of case study 5. Photo by AIejandro M. Rcbolledo. Fig. 3.41 View of the ahuat~of case study 5. Photo taken fiom the patio. Photo by Alejandro M. Rebolledo. Fig. 3.42 View of the sraircase to access the upper floor. Photo taken fiom the end of the Lah1m1. Photo by Alejandro M. Reboiledo. 3-32 Case Study 6: SUIII~SI*~~# 22

Fig. 3.43 Map of the Trmshowing the location of case study 6. Fig 3.44 Urban plan of case study 6. Plan taken fiorn the Cafarfro de la Ci& & Mexico

Fig. 3.45 Ground floor plan of case study 6. Plan takm fiom the hsfih~foNLW:~~M/ & A~trropoIogru e Historia (LNAH); redrawn by Alejandro M. Rdmlledo. Architectural plan scaled 1:5ûû. Add ras: Sanrisima street #22 Dimension and tom1 amof tbe plot: Category of the vecindad: poor 22m x 26% 560 m2 Historic backgmuad: built in the XVHI c. Relatioa kagtbhvidtô: 1.2 Original use: habitation Toîal amof the patio: 97.5 m2 Actual use: habitation and commerce Retation kngthirvidtâ: 1.7

Nurnber of exterior facade: 1 % of cornmon am: 20% Number of stories: 2 % of private arta: 62% Number ofcommercirrf spacu: 3 % of commercial am: 18% Type of commercial activity: phartnacy and clothes WWlth of îhe wak: 0.80 m Number of patios: I Construction uuîeruls: Fawdc: cement painted in yellow Walls: stone and /ezonr/e % Built arcri: 73% Floors: bearns and concrete slab % Open space: 1 7% RooE barns and concrete slab

This vecindad, built in the XVIII century, is pan of the building located at the corner of Sunrisimu street and Emiftano Zirpatu street (see Fig. 3.44). It seems that the interior of the building is divided at least in two different vecindades while the extenor façade shows onIy one building (see Figs. 3.46,3.47). The exterior façade is quite damaged but the quality of the architecture remains intact and overshadows the deterioration of the building. The relation between the mass

versus the openings is very notorious. ;. 7 -

The interior space is quite pieasant; the zuhwrn ends with the view of a wide stone staircase comecting the upper level to the lower. A wide comdor, sustained by stone colurnns and wooden beams, decorates the patio, giving it presence and elegance (see Fiç. 3.49). The width of the comdor allows the patio to have an arcade surrounding it in mound floor, which gives the dwelling an exterior lobby or extension. This space should C be considered part of the patio or common space for al1 the tenants but due to its characteristics the tenants seern to have appropriated it as part of their dweiling (see Fig. 3.48).

Another aspect that contributes to the elegance of this vecindad is the treatment of the entrance doors to the dwelling. The window-doors are made out of wood and surrounded by a gray stone door case. As in other case studies previously discussed, curtains are placed behind the doors to keep certain pnvacy to the interior of the dwelling.

The interior space was very warrn and tranquil and showed how, with the placement of a few architectural elements, one can create a very nice and cornfortable living atmosphere. Clockwise from top left

Fig. 3.46 View of the façade of case study 6. Photo taken from the corner of Smtisima d Emiliam Zapata. Photo by Aiejandro M. Rebolledo. Fiç. 3.47 View of the façade of case study 6 fiom the htisima street. Photo by Akjandro M- Rebolledo. Fig. 3.48 View of the entrance of a dwelling of case study 6. This photo reveals an appropriation of the corridor as an extension of the dwelling. Photo by Alejandro M. Rebolledo. Fig. 4.49 View of the staircase and part of the corridor-colonnade of case study 6. Photo by Alejandro M. Reblledo. 3.4 XIX century

Since the Independence movement between 1810 and 1856, Mexico's social and political organization was not stable due to frequent intemal wan and international interventions. After Independence, the rural areas became very dangerous and lead the peasants to abandon their land and migrate to the city searching for security and the possibility of a better life. The increase in Mexico City's population, together with the absence of buildinç construction of during the first half of the century provoked a critical situation in the city.

Due to the triumph of the Liberal government in 1856, Benito Juarez prornulgated the '%qvc.s de Reforrnu". Among the different issues comprised in those reforms, the govemment diminished the power of the Church by expropriating al1 its properiies. This law provoked an incredible increase in the circulation of real estate in urban areas, principally in Mexico City. The urban demographic growth of the city was absorbed with the former possessions of the Church. Benito Juarez's Liberal govemment focused on populating the cities in order to govem them. The authorities widened the plams, prolonged some streets and opened new ones. The colleges and convents once owned by the Church were transfonned into dwellings for the lower classes.

Fig. 3.50 Map of Mexico City sbwing the urban are. in 1800. Sociedad de Arquitmos de Mexico, Colegio de Arquitectos de Mexico. lnstituto de Arquitectura y Urbanisme. Testimm~~~io: Rertowcion Habitaciînd Pqdar, 1 7. Froiri i 858 to 19 10, Mexico City expsrienced an irnprtant transfomation. Its urban and population growth during the "Porjfiria~a"( 1 876- 19 10) was astonishing due iû the developinent of the economic concenaahon and power in Mexico City. The construction of the national railway system with its center in the city, the appearance of hydroeiecuicity and the consolidation of Mexico City as the most important labor market, resulted in an enonnous rural migration to the city. The area of the colonial city, which did not register much change during its evolution, was, in 1858, 8.5 km2 (see Fig. 3.5 1 ). Oniy 50 years later, by 1910, it increased to an area of 40.5 W.This geat expansion absorbed suburbs, near-by towns, haciendas and ranches and invaded the former Indian barrios. The demographic growih of the city grew 2.3 times, from 200,000 to 471 ,000 inhabitants Therefore, it registered a decrease in the overall population density but it showed a density increase in the central area and in the bar rio^.^^

Mexico City dwing the last 30 years of the MX century tvas a city full of cun~inus,pulquerius 39 and brothels. On the east side of the city. the bamos o/'San Paldo. lopucio. Carrerones and Soiedadl and on the north, the barrios of Peralvif/o, Santa Muria /a Rcdoriccra ad De Los Alige/es were the area of vagabonds, drunkards and thieves. The bamos were dusty and full of garbage, only the barrio of San Cosme was picturesque with megreen areas and prden~.~'

At this time, the city and the barrios found the vecindades to be the most suitable dwelling form due because they combined domestic and productive activities in the same place and shared facilities for washing and communal places for recreation. At the end of the XVIIl century and the kginnings of îhe XIX century, artisans were grouped accordingly to their specialization, which resulted in a unique urban layout.

'' Institut0 del Fondo Nacional de la Vivienda de los Trabajadores 201. 33 Pulqueria is a bar where pulque (Mexican alcoholic beverage) was sold. U) Espinosa Lopez 73-97. In the 1st half of the XIX century, the artisan guilds lost their importance as a form of socioeconomic organization, but the vecindades remained as a space where dwelling and labor activities took place. The vecindad housed a very heterogeneous k population, in contrast with the guild bamos, where the division of work corresponded with the segregation of urban space. In this pend, artisans with different specializations and people wiîh other occupations shed the vecindades. The divenity of people who shared the vecindades in the last half of the XE century was linked to their social class and not by their job specialization. It is important to notice at this time the tendency towards overpopulation and the limitations in the use and maintenance of the collective spaces and services." '

Fig. 3.5 1 Map of Mexico City in 1853. Map taken fiom the Archivo Gewraide la Nucion.

4 I institut0 del Fondo Nacional para la Vivimda de los Tmbajadarcs 205. 3.4.1 Case Study 7: RepubIica de Penr # 112

Fig. 3.52 Map of the Trazz showing the location of case study 7. Fig. 3.53 Urban plan of ca* study 7. Plan taken fiom the Cafaswo& /a Ciutlbdde Mex~co.

Fig. 3.54 Ground floor plan of case study 7. Plan taken f?om the I~zsfifufoNÙciomI de Alrffopohgiae Historia (INAH);redrawn by Alejandro M. Reùotledo. Architectural plan scaied 1 500. Address: Republica de Pem sireet # 1 12 Dimension and tom1 irea of the plot= Category of the vecindad: humble 14m x 37m, 475 m2 Historic background: bdt in the XIX c. Relation kngth/mdtb: 2.8 Original use: habitation Toial area of ihe patio: 125 m2 Actual use: habitation and commerce Relation kngth/widîb: 5

Numbcr of txtcrior fades: 1 % of common am: 28 % Yumbcr of stories: 2 % of private am: 57 % Numbtr of commercial spaccs: 2 % of commercial orcri: 15 % Type of commercial activity: books, tools and plumbing Width of tbt walls: 0.50 m Numbcr of patios: 1 Constniction materiais: Famdc: cement painted in gray Walls: tepetate and brick % Built ara: 76% Floors: wooden beams and wood % Open spact: 24% Roof: wooden beams and wood

This vecindad could be considered a "typical vecindad"; its dimensions, proponions and number of dwellings follow the general idea of a vecindad (see Fig. 3.54). The exterior façade as well as the interior facades of the patio reveal the humbleness of the materials and architecture, but the quality of space overpasses these aspects. This vecindad could be seen as a Frone but it seems to provide high living standards. Even though the width of the patio could be considered nanow (4.5m), its proportion of one to five provides a ver). suitable space for the sire of the vecindad. The dimension of the patio allows a healthy intenor atmosphere where the tenants seem to have understood the c haracterktics of their vecindad. The interior atmosphere as it is show in the illustrations reveals a very clear temïtorialityand use of space. The abundance of vegetation both in the interior and in the exterior of the vecindad helps to determine the tem-toriality and also indicates the strong appropriateness of the space (see Fig. 3.58). A concrete staircase placed in the middle of the patio Ieads to the upper level and a narrow concrete corridor surrounds the patio to give access to the upper dwelIings. Due to the narrow width of the patio, the staircase seems to divide it in two sections, the front and the rear. While the fiont part of the patio could be seen as an exterior entrance lobby to the vecindad, it aftually only gives access to one dwelling and to the staircase (see Fig. 3.57). The rear section of the patio appears to be the pnvate part of the vecindad, where daily activities like the hanging of clothes take place and basins with water and toys are placed (se Fiç. 3.56).

As in other case studies, the windowdmrs were kept shut and had a curtain to ensure more privacy to the tenants. The general atmosphere of this vecindad was very tranquil and peaceful and the tenants seemed to be ve- proud of and were cornfortable living in this vecindad. Clockwise fiom top lefl

Fis. 3.55 View of the façade of case study 7. Photo by Alejandro M. Rebolledo. Fig. 3.56 View of the rear section of the patio of case study 7. Photo by Alejandro M. Rebolledo. Fig. 3.57 View of the fiont section of the patio and the staircase of case study 7. Photo by Alejandro M. Rebolledo. Fig. 3.58 View of the upper floor of case study 7. Photo by Alejandro M. Rcbollcdo. Fig. 3.59 Map of the Traz shawing the location of case study 8. Fig. 3 -60Urban pian of case study 8. Plan taken fiom the Carasno de la Ciudadde Mmco.

Fis. 3.61 Ground flwr plan of case study 8. Plan taken from the /t~~fifufoNacimy~I dt. Atrtrr@o(:i~ e His~~u(iNAH); redrawn by Alejandro M. Rcbolleâo. Architectural plan scaled 1500. Addms: E/ Carnien street ii43 Dimension and total amof the plot: Category of the veciadad: humble 20.5m x 45nq 922.5 m2 Historic background: house built in the Relaîion Iengtb/width: 2.2 XVII 1 c., transfonned into a vecindad in the Toîal area of tbe patio: 142 m2 SIX c., restored in 1985-86 Rehtion Iengtb/rnd th: 5.1 4 Original use: habitation Actual use: habitation and commerce % of common am: 17 % % of private ana: 70 % 'iumber of exterior fades: 1 % of commercial area: 13 % Number of storics: 2 Nurnber of cornmercipl spaccs: 4 Width of the walls: 0.60 m Type of commercial activify: goods Construction materiah: Number of pak: I Faqade: cement painted in beige Wah: stone and tezonfle % Built a-: 85% Floors: concrete slab % Open space: 15% Roof: concrete slab

This vecindad, built in the XIX century, was restored in 1986 because it had been seriously damaged in the earthquake of 1985. The extenor façade of this two-storied vecindad is simple and humble (see Fig. 3.62). The active commercial activity on the street suggests that the four accesorim were overcrowded. Its narrow and obscure zahwrn opens into a narrow patio whose ceneally located staircase obstructs the view towards the intenor of the vecindad (see Fig. 3.64). The simple concrete staircase lead to the second floor where narrow concrete corridors surround the patio.

The interior of the vecinôad is ver' dean and dewrous but the lack of omarnentation and the simplicity of the interior facades diminish the character of the patio. Even though çome vegetation is placed outside each dwelling and the balustrades in the upper level reveal a kind of temtoriality and appropriation of the space, the general interior atmosphere is cold and impersonal (see Fig. 3-63). Clockwise from top let?

Fis. 3.62 View ofthe façade of case study 8. Photo by Alejandro M. Rebolledo. Fiç. 3.63 View of the stairase and patio ofcase study 8. Photo by Alejandro M. Reblledo. Fiç. 3.64 View of the =4huur1of case study 8. Photo takm fiom the entm.Photo by Alejandro M. Rebolledo. 3.4.3 Case Study 9: Republica de Argentins # 97,99,101

Fig. 3.65 Map of the Tra=o showing the location ofcase snidy 9. Fig. 3 66 Urban plan of case study 9. Plan taken fiom the Cufasfro de la Ciu&idak Mexico.

Fig. 3.67 Ground floor plan of case study 9. Plan taken fiom the hfifruro NaimwI d~A~ttrqdcgia L. Historia (MW;reârawn by Alejandro M. Rebolltdo. Architecturai plan scaled 1 :500. Addrcss: Republica de Argenrina Street #97 Dimension and total amof the plot: Category of tbe vecindad: decurous 16.7m x 351x1, 584 m2 Historic background: built in the XIX c. Relation kngMth:2.1 Original use: housing Tobl mm of rhe patio: 129 m2 Actual use: housing and commerce Rclaîioa Ieagrbhvidth: 2.4

Number of exîerior fades: I ./O ofcornmon am: 24 % Number of stob: 3 % of private artri: 64 % Numbcr of commercial spaces: 3 ./O ofcommercial am: 12 % Type of commercial activity: clothes, leather jackets Widtû of tbe waUs: 0.60 m Number of patios: 1 Construction materials: Façade: octue cement Waüs: brick % Built am: 78% Fbors: beam and brick % Open space: 22% Rwfi beam and brick

Address: Republica de Aqynrina Street if99 Dimension and total area of the plot: Category of the vccindad: decorous 17mx37rn, 6291112 Historic background: built in the XIX c. Relation Iengthhividth: 2.2 Original use: habitation Total amof the patio: 120 m2 Actual use: habitation and commerce Relation kngthhuidtb: 3.2

% ofcommon arca: 2 1 % Number of txterior fades: 1 74 of private am: 68 % Number of stories: 3 % ofcommercial arcci: 1 I % Number of commercial spaces: 4 Type of commercial activity: clothes Width ofthe walîs: 0.65 rn Number of patios: 1 Constnichn materiab: Faqadc: ochre cement Walls: brick % Built am: 8 1% Fbors: beam and brick % Open space: 19% Root beam and brick Address: Rtrprrbltca de Argenfina Street Dimension and total amof the ploc #101 1 7m x 36.%m, 625.5 m2 Category of the vccindad: decorous Relation kngth/widtb: 2.2 Historic background: built in the XIX c. Tom1 ar# of the patio: 120 m2 Original use: habitation Reiarion kogthkvidtb: 3.3 Actual use: habitation and commerce % of common am: 2 1 % % of privatc am: 39 % Xumber of extenor facdes: 2 % of commercial area: 40 % Number of stotics: 3 Xurnber of commercial spaces: 2 Width of îhe walb: 0.65 m Type of commercial activity: Consmiclion materials: clothes and phmacy Fawde: ochcernent Numbcr of patios: 1 WaUs: Stone, tepecate and brick Floors: wooden beam and wood % Built arcri: 8 1 % Roofi beam and brick % Open space: 19%

These three vecindades are studied together due to the similarity of their characteristics in terms of structure, interior space and architecture. Their facades are exactly the sarne and it appears that the three of them comprise the same building (see Fig.3 -68).

These three purpose-build vecindades are located in the nonh part of the Tra-u (see Figs. 3.65, 4.1 ). Their proximity to Lo Lapilla and Tepiio markets give them commercial activity, which not only takes place within their ucccsorius but zxtends towards the sidewalks and sometimes even invade the stteet. The numbers 97 and 99 have only one façade facing the RepubIica de Argenif~street while the one in number 1 0 1 have two, one in the Repubfico de Argentina Street and the other facing the Republica de Cosru Rica street (see Fig. 3$6). The exterior façade of the building shows the general characteristics of the vecindades previously discwed. The massive aspect of the building seems to fit with the surrounding context but the= seems to be a discrepancy between the powerful exterior architecture and the interior quality of the space.

The interior space of these three vecindades was simple but cold; the proportions of the intenor patio in relation to the height of the building make the patio obscure and shadow. The illusaations reved day light only in the upper levels (see Figs. 3.69, 3.72, 3.75).

Another factor which contributes to the cold and obscure atrnosphere of the place was the placement of the three-storied staircase in the middle of the patio with several bridges and corridorsâividing the small patio in two sections. Neither of the two sections of the patio have the necessary proportions to rnake them a pleasant space in which to live (see Figs. 3.70,3.73,3.76).

The lack of ornarnentation and vegetation reveals a Iack of temitoriality and appropriateness of the space, which could be translated into an uncornfortable way of living for the tenants. Clockwise fiom top lefl

Fis. 3 -68 View of the façade of case study 9 (#97, #99, # 101). Photo by Alejandro M. Rcbolledo. Fig. 3.69 View of the upper levets of case study 9 (#97). Photo by Alejandro M. Rcbolledo. Fis. 3-70 Vîew of the inteml atmosphere of the patio ofcase study 9 (#97). Photo by Alcjandro M. Rebolledo. Clockwise From top lefi

Fig. 3.7 1 View of the façade of case study 9 (ü97, #99, # 10 1). Photo by Alejandro M. Rcbollcdo. Fig. 3.72 View of the upper lcvels of case study 9 (#99).Photo by Alejandro M. Rebolledo. Fis. 3.73 View of the intemal atmosphcre of the patio of case study 9 (#99).Photo by Alcjandro M. Rebolledo. Clockwise corn top lefl

Fig. 3 -74 View of the f@e of case study 9 (#97, #99,#101). Photo by Alejandro M. Rebolledo. Fiç. 3.75 View of the internai atmosphere of the patio of case study 9 (# 10 1 ). Photo by AIejandro M. Rebol ledo. Fig. 3.76. View of the upper levels of case study 9 (#101). Photo by AIejandro M. Rebolledo. 3.5 ,XX century

Since the last decade of the nineteenth century, Mexico City has experienced a huge urban and population growih due to the socioeconomic stability of the Porjiruto. The important exodus fiom ml areas to the city demanded a growth of urban land and dwellinç facilities. This dernand initiated several responses, most of them taken by private promoten who took advantage of the city 's housing demand to invest their rnoney in urban real e~tate.~'

Until just before the latter pan of the nineteenth century, Mexico City was confined to what is ofien referred to as the First Quarter, an area of about 20 km2 centered around the Zocclo or main (see Fig. 3.77).

By 1900, Mexico City was delimited by the following streets: to the north, Flore.. bfugon street with a salient on Republica de Argentinu street until the Peralvdio roundabout and Cunuf del Norte; to the northeast, Affedestreet and to the southeast, the CLI~ZUCJCI Congreso de la Union; to the south, Chimulpopoca street and to the West, the city lirnit was the Plcu de iu Repub/icu, better known as the Monumento u lu ~cvoiucton~ (see Fig. 3.78).

In 1900, when the population of Mexico City was only about 345,000 inhabitants, the cityls central district expanded outward, creating a cchorseshoe"of high-land-value slums immediately to the north and east. As was mentioned earlier, when the boundary of the Spanish City was established in l52O's, the native population lived outside its Iimits. Architect Felix Sanchez B. has pointed out that this hodgepodge outside the Spanish City was the begi~ingof the present horseshoe of high-land-value ~lums''~(see Fig. 3.80).

'" lnstituto del Fondo Nacional para la Vivicnda de los Trabajadorcs 244. 43 Peter M. Ward, Mexico City: The production and reproduction of an urban environment (Boston: G.K. Hall & Co., 1990) 37. 44 Espinosa Lopez 10 1. '' Norman S. Hayner, New. Patterns in Old Mefico (New Haven: CoIIege and University Press SeMces, lnc.. 1966) 61. Fis. 3.77 Map of Mexico City showing the urban area in 1900. Sociedad de Arquitectos de Mexico. Coles~iode Arquitectos de Mexico, Institut0 de Arquitectura y Urbanisme, Testirnotirrio: Rrmv~ciotrHabitacimwl Popdar. 17. Fig. 3.78 Map of Mexico City in 1903. Map taken fiom the Archivo Genera/ de la Nacima.

The congestion in the city center became problematic, and there was a growing fear of exposure to daegerous diseases. There are several testimonies which illustrated the fear of the well-todo farnilies regarding the unhealthy living conditions in the vecindades. In 1893, the newspaper Elfinonciero rncxiccrno affirmed that "the horses of the rich had better lodging than the tenants of the vecindades." The newspaper EI Puis said that -'the vecindades should be build separated fiom each other to avoid the promiscuity and in benefit of the hygiene and moral," also the sarne newspaper said that .-the vecindades of Tiu~cio/cowere more proper for pigs than for h~rnans.'l'~These descriptions reveal the conditions of the vecindades at the beginning of the centq as well as the worries of socieîy towards the dangers of the "public's health." These testimonies, as Vicente Martin points out, was not a woq for the health and well king of the poor, but for the bourgeois and weaIthy who felt threatened by the diseases originating in the dwellings of the poor.

fi Vicente Martin Hemandeq Arqr~i~ecntratesriuz de /a Ci& & Mexico (Mexico D.F. : Universidad Nacional Autonoma de Mexico. 19% 1) 105- 106. The appropriation of space and the segregation of social groups intensified at the beginning of the XX century. Broadly speaking, the better-off groups rnoved West and south, while the poor moved east and north. As the rich moved out, ttieir residences were tumed over to alternative land uses, either for commercial purposes or subdivided as vecindades for working-class families.'

The vecindades may comprise old vacated elite residences in which a household occupies a single room and shares the toilet and washing facilities, located on the patio area. If colonial mansions were not available for conversion to single room accommodation for low-income households then housing was purpose-built in order to fulfill the lodging needs of the city's residents. It is important to point out that these purpose-built vecindades have been built since the XVI century'

However, the most rapidly expanding rental accommodations at the beginning of the cenniry were "new vecindades" located in the older, irregular settlements of former Indian barrios in the periphery of the city3 (see case study 12). The excessive promiscuity, the absence of light, the poor condition of the constructions, the accumulation of garbage in the comdor were the characteristic features of the kind of dwellings in the bar rio^.^

The 19 10 census reveaied that there were 7 16,862 inhabitants in the city and 79,206 dwellings in vecindades.' If it is estimated that five people lived in each dwelling of a vecindad, then 55% of the city's population lived in vecindades by that time.

' Ward 37. ' Dc las Vilas 1335. Ward 47. ' Claude Bataillon. and Helene Riviere D'Arc, La Ciudad de Mexico. Trans. Carlos Monternayor and Josefina Anaya (Mexico, D.F.: Secremia de Educacion Publica, 1973) 87. Espinosa Lopez 108. In 1937, President Lazaro Cardenas passed a new policy which expropnated agricultural lands. It produced an insecurity arnong land-ownen which caused rnany to migrate to the cig. The central area of the city absorbed moa of this new population until the suburbanisation process began to take place during the 1940's.

By 1980, although reliable estimates are facking, it is probable that about 20% of al1 urban residents lived in the rented rooms of ~ecindades.~~

Fig. 3.79 ~Mapof Mexico City showing the urban area in 1980. Sociedad de Arquitectos de Mexico, Colegio de Arquitectos de Mexico, Institut0 de Arquitectura y Urbanisrno, 7e~limonnio: Kerrovaciut~Habitaciorml Poplar. I 7. Fig. 3.80 Map of Mexico City showing the Trclza (stripes) and the horseshoe of slums towards the nonh (black spot). Norman S. Hayner. New Patterr1.~in Old Mexico. 76-

s 2 Robert V. Kemper, Migratrion andA-fim (London: Sage niblications, 1977) 87. 3.5.1 Case Study 10: Rqubika & Penr # 100

Fip. 3.81 Map of the Trmshowing the location of case study 10. Fig. 3.82 Urban plan of case study 10. Plan takm fiom the Cutusno de la CiudaJde Mexico.

Fiç. 3.83 Ground floor plan of the case mdy 10. Plan takm fiom the ImifufoNNcrconaI & A11rroy70logïa e Historia (INAH); redrawn by Alejandro M. Rebolledo. Architectural plan scded 1 500. Address: Republica de Pen street ff 100 Dimension and tom1 area oftbt pioc Category of the vecibdad: decorous 29m x 49.5m, 1646 m2 Hi~tokbackground: built in the XWII c., Reïatian kngth/widtb: 2.1

resiored ut die XX c. Toul arcr of the ph: 464 tiQ Origbal use: habitation Re& tioa kaglli/widllr: 3 -8 Actual use: habitation and commerce n/O (if cornmon ana: 30 96 Num ber of exterior fades: 1 % of pnvatc area: 52 76 3umber of stories: 4 "/U of commercial arw: 19 96 Xumbcr of cornmerciai spaces: 6 Ty~euf c~rnmcrciaiuctiviay: yriiitiiig, Whitb oi' the wuh: 0.50 ui fibarkrsliop aiid ofic;ci c=quiyiiic=iit Cons lruclioo mulcrtiis: Suniber of patios: 2 Fa~ade:ccilisiit paüited in beige WaIis: brick and tepetate 3'0 Iluilt ara: 72% Floon: zoncrete slab % Opta space: 28% RooC: concrete siab

This vecindad was first built in the XWII century but it was almost completely rebuilt in the XX century. The exterior façade folIows the standards of al1 the vecindades; simpiicity and the dominance of the solid versus opening. Also, the façade reveals that the founh story was added on litter and it is put back from the surface of the façade (see Fig. 3.85).

The interior space of this vecindad is of a great quality, it could be said that it is even luxurious. The magnificence of the staircase that connects the three upper levels acts as an interior façade of the building (see Fig. 3.87). The interior decoration of the vecindad is remarkable considering the standards of the other vecindades; both patios are decorated with red and white tiles, they are divided by two columns and a fountain is placed in the center of the first patio (see Fig. 336). The plan reveals a large interior space for the dwellings. Even though they appear to be different from each other, al1 of them have at Ieast two rooms (see Fig. 3.83). Once more, as part of the interior decoration, flowerpots are placed in the landing of the staircase and in the balustrades (see Fig. 3.88).

Due to the large area of the vecindad and to ensure the harmony of daily activities, a list of house des is placed in the patio for al1 tenants to see (see Fïg. 3.84). The des are: it is allowed to play in the patio until 2 1:O0 tus; children older than ten years old are forbidden to play in the patio; it is forbidden to play with ball; residents must Iisten to the radio with moderate volume; they rnost keep order and be on good behavior; conserve the building and take care of the common areas.

Fig. 3.84 Photo of the list of house rules inside the vecindad (case study IO). Photo by Alejandro M. Rebolledo.

Even though the interior atmosphere of this vecindad was very tranquil and peaceful, it lacked human warmth and personality. Though it was very nice and clean it seemed to be an empty building without much social interaction between its neighbors. Clochwise from top lefi

Fiç. 3.85 View of the façade of case study 10. Photo by Alejandro M. Rebolledo. Fig. 3.86 VÏew of t he fkst patio of case study 1 0. Photo taken fiom the second patio. Photo by Alejandro M. Rebolledo. Fig. 3.87 View of the staircase in the first patio of case study 1O. Photo by Alejandro M. Rebolledo. Fig. 3.88 View of the upper floors of case study 10. Photo by Alejandro M. Rebolledo. 3.5.2 Case Study 11: Corregidom # 59

Fig. 3.89 Map of the Trca showing the location of case study 1 1. Fiç. 3.90 Urban plan ofcase study i 1. Plan taken fiom the Carusfro de la Ciuclad de Mexico.

Fis. 3.9 1 Ground floor pian of case study 1 1. Plan given by the Arch. Jose Luis Cue (former owner of the building); redrawn by Alejandro M. R&ollcdo. Architectural plan scaied 1:500. Add nss: Corregidora sireet #59 Total amof the plot: 2.475 rd Cattgory of ttit vccindad: decorous Rehtion kagthhidth: 1.8 Histonc background: built in the XX c.. Total amof the patio: 333.5 m2 restored in t 98 1, Art Deco. Relation Iength/wwlth: 6 Original use: habitation and commerce Acmal use: habitation and commerce % of common ana: 22%

% of private arcri: 0% Yumber of exterior facidu: 3 % of commercial am: 78% Number of storiu: 3 Numbcr of cornmerciol spaccs: 44 Width of the wah: 0.20m Type of commercial activiîy: diverse Constniction materials: Numbcr of patios: 3 Faqade: gray cernent WaUs: brick % Suilt am: 87% Floors: concrete slab % Open spacc: 13% RooC: concrete slab

This vecindad was built in the 1930's and it was restored in 198 1. Its architecture reveals the tendencies of the Art Deco movement (see Figs. 3-92, 3.93).

It has three entrances or zuhuunes. The main one on Corregidora street, another one on Ahondiga street and one at the tear on CIenusiiano Carranzu street (see Fig. 3.90). Even though al1 of them could be opened, only the main entrance on Corregidora Street is al ways open, the other two usuaIly remain closed. It has three patios; each is preceded by its zuhuun. Due to the length and width of the main patio, it could be considered as a wide corridor (see Fig. 3.95). It ends with the image of the Virgins of Guudu/upc. The other two patios are smaller but remain with the sarne width, which make them appear more fike a patio than a corridor (see Fig. 3.94). As mentioned earlier, the architecture of the three vecindad's exterior facades reveal the vanguardism of its time of constmction. Even though the exterior Art Deco tendencies, its interior only indicates these tendencies in the corridor balustrades which surround the patios.

The peculiarity of this vecindad is in the arrangement of commercial shops in the entire ground floor, though many of them do not face the Street (see Fig. 3.91). The ground floor of this vecindad, with its 44 commercial spaces resembles the arrangement of an open commercial mall. The dwellings occupy the two upper leveis.

There is only one staircase to connect the upper levels and it is situated in the intersection of the main and second patio. The plan of the vecindad reveals that the dwelling units are compnsed of several rooms and sometimes with interior patios for illumination and ventilation purposes.

Due to the large number of accesorias on the ground floor, the intemal atmosphere of the vecindad reveals a great deal of movement and activity. On the other hand, the scarcity of personal ornamentation like flowerpots on the upper levels reveals a lack of temtoriality and appropriateness of space. Clochwise from top left

Fig. 3.92 View of the façade of case study 1 1. Photo taken from the corner of AIhdiga Street and C.ém~stimCurrmzza street. Photo by Alejandro M. Rebolledo. Fig. 3.93 View of the façade of case study 1 1 fiom Corregidora street . Photo by Alejandro M. Rebolledo. Fig. 3.94 View ofthe interior atmosphere ofthe seand patio of case study 1 1. Photo by Alejandro M. Reboltedo. Fig. 3.95 View of the first patio of case study 1 1. Photo taken fiom the entrance towards the rear. Photo by Alejandro M. RebolIedo. 3.53 Case Study 12: Aljreriu # 14 (Lu(9 Cero Grande)

Fia.- 3.96 Map of the Trmshowing the location of 'case study 12. This case mdy is the only one outside the Tm. Fis. 3.97 Urban map of ar nudy 12. Jm S. Bazarlt. Enrique Espinosa. Ramiro Dada and Jose L. Cortes. 7ipfogia & vivietxh urbaru: Atcc~Iisis~sico& confextos wbar)o-faubimiunri/es de /apbfaciot~ Je hjos ingresos en Ia C~JI&de Mexico, 1 23.

Fis. 3.98 Architecturai plan of case audy 12. Jan S. Bazant, Enrique Espinosa, Ramiro Davila and Jose L. Cortes, Tipiogia & viMcti&r urhm: Atmfisisjkico & confexîos urb10.hobii4ci0i~lles& /a pobIacim~de hjos ingresos en /a Ciurbd & Mexico. i 122. Redram by Akjandro M. Rebolledo. Architectural plan ded1 :1000. Addms: Alfareria wcet # 24 Total ares of rbe plot: 8800 m7 Category of the vechdad: humble Relation kngdhidtô: 2.5 Historic background: built in 1910 Tom1 amof tbe patio: 207 1 m2 Original use: habitation and commerce Relaîioa kagrhhvidth: 25 Actual use: habitation and commerce

Number of exttrior facrda: 4 Number of stork- 1 Number of commercial spaccs: 29 WidÉh of the walls: O.2h Type of cornmercul activity: diverse Construction ma&riak: Number of patios: 7 Faqade: cement Walb: brick % Built am: 76% Floors: wncrete %i Open spacc: 24% Roof: wdenbtams and brick

This vecindad is the exception of this study since it is located outside the Trmand its characteristics differ fiom the ones previously discussed. This vecindad is presented here to illustrate how the characteristics of the vecindades might change in relation to their location within the city. This vecindad is the one described by Oscar Lewis in The Children of Sanche:. It was originally built in 1910 and wmpletely rebuilt in 1986 afier the earthquake of 1985. Its interior configuration was cornpletely changed; it was transfonned into apartment buildings, ignoring the layout of the former vecindad. As Oscar Lewis described: the vecindad was located in the Tepito barrio in the northeast of the Trca(see Fig. 3.96). It is a poor area with a few small factories and warehouses, public baths, run-down third-class rnovie theatres, over crowded schools, saloons, pulquerias (taverns where pulque. a native alcoholic drink, is sold), and rnany small shops. Tepito. the largest second-hand market in Mexico City, ahis known as the Thieves' Market. This area ranks high in incidences of homicide, drunicemess, and delinquency. It is a densely populated neighborhood; during the &y and well after dark, the streets and doomays are filled with people coming and going or crowding around shop entrances. Women seIl tacos or soup at little sidewalk titchens. The streets and sidewalks are broad and peved but are without trees, gass and pdens. Most of the people live in rows of one-rwm dwellings inside courtyards shut off frorn view of the street by shops or vecindad walls.

The buGrade stood between the street of Peluqueros, Aereria and Avenidn del Trabajo. Spread out over an entire block and housing seven hundred people, Lu Casa Grande was a small world of its own, enclosed by high cernent walls on the north and south and by rows of shops on the other two sides (see Fig. 3.99). Wese shops, fdstores, a dry cleaner, a glazier, a carpenter, a beauty parlor, together with the neighborhood market and public baths, supplied the basic needs of the vecindad so that many of the tenants seldum lefi the immediate neighborhood and are almost strangen to the rest of Mexico City.

The Caso Grande vecindad was a large one-story slum tenement in the hem of Mexico City. Two mow, inconspicuous entrances, each with a high gate open during the day but locked every night at ten o'clock, lead to the vecindad on both the east and West sides (see Fig. 3.97). Anyone coming or going after hom had to ring for the janitor and paid to have the door opened. The vecindad was also protected by its own patron saints, the Virgin of Guadalupe and the Virgin of Zrpopn, whose statues stood in glas cases, one at each entrante.

The vecindad had four long and stretch concrete paved patios or courtyards, about fifteen feet wide. Opning on to the courtyards at regular intervals of about twelve feet, were 157 one-room wi ndowless apartments, each with a bam-red door (see Figs. 3.98, 3.10 1 ). In the daytime, bide rnost of the dwrs, stood rough wooden ladders leading to low flat roofs over the kitchen portion of each apartment. These roofs served many uses and were crowded with lines of laundry, chicken coops, dovecotes, pots of flowers or medicinal herbs, tanks of gis for cooking and an occasional TV antenna. Within the West entrance was the public bathhouse and a small garden whose few trees and patches of grass served as a meeting place for the young people and a relatively quiet spot where the older men sat and talk or read the newspaper. Here also was a one-rwm shack marked "administration office", where a bulletin listed the names of families who were delinquent in paying their rentes3

The apartments in Lcr Casu Grunde were one-room in front of which was placed an uzorehueh that was used as a lobby and where the kitchen and a toilet were located. The raswere approximately 22 m2. This space was used for living activities like eating resting and sleeping. %me roorns were divided vertically by a mezzanine that doubled the ara and was connected by an interna1 stair. In this case, the eating and resting twk place on the ground floor and sleeping on the upper. Usually the number of people living in each apartrnent surpassai space availability and the floor became the sleeping area.'"

s3 Oscar Lewis, introduction. The Chilaken of hck(New York: Random House, 1961 ) xiii-xiv. " Jan Bazant S.. Enrique Espinosa, Ramiro Dada and Jose L. Cortes. Tipologra & viviendrr urbana: Analis~s/lsicode cmrexlaq ur~h6i1c~ii0l~lIes& /apbkion & kjos ringrw.r en /a Ciucrbd de Mexico (Mexico D.F.: Editorial Diana, 1978.) 124. 106 Clochwise from top lefi

Fiç. 3.99 View of the façade of case nudy 12. Fig. 3.100 Interior view of a dweliing in case study 12. Fig. 3.1 0 1 View of t he interior atmosphere of the patio of case srudy 1 2. Al1 the above photos were taken fiom Jan S. Bazant, Enrique Espinosa, Ramiro Davila and Jose L. Cortes. fiplogïa (IL? vivit!~& urhy~:Anafisis fisic0 & cot~texlosur'64co-habi1pri~ta~es & fapohlaciorr de bajos III~~SOSl.rr /a C'tri& ak Mexico. 125. CHAPTER 4 Conclusions

4.1 Location of vecindades in the Tmza *.--*

Fig. 4.1 Location of vecindades inside the Trm. Map taken fkom the Delegacim Cu~hutemoc(political district of Mexico City). 1- La Lagunilia, 2- Tepito, 3- La Merced Fiç. 4.2 Location of the case studies inside the Tra.The number represerns the number of the case study.

Figure 4.1 shows the areas where vecindades are located nowadays within the 7'rcu.The densest areas are towards the north and east of the center or ZocuIo (main plaza) of Mexico City. The densification of vecindades in these two areas reveals its proximity to the important markets of Tepiro and La Lagunilla to the north and to Lo Merced to the east.

The vecindades were first built to lodge to low-income artisans who eamed their living as a result of commercial activity. It seems that the artisan guilds inside the city diminis hed and eventually disappeared, while merchants gradually took over commercial activity. In other words, artisans, once the primary tenants of the vecindades, became traders of goods to supply the city as opposed to the makers of goods. The close relation between the vecindades and commerce is supporteci by the location of the vecindades near the largest market areas of the city center. Also, some vecindades showed strong commercial activity configuration Iike case study 4 and II where the accesorius comprised the total area on the ground fioor. 4.2 Vecindades as an element in the urban configuration of the Tmm

Fig. 4.3 Map of the Trazu showing two blocks where the vccindades play an imponant role in the urban configuration.

The first block is delimited on the north by Republica de Bolivia street; on the south by Repubi~cude Colombiu street: on the east by Ef Curmen street and on the West by Repuhl icu Je Argentinu street.

nie second block is delimited: on the north, Republicu de Costa Rico street; on the south, Republica de Haifi street; on the east, Repubiicu Dorninicanu street and on the wes t, Republicu de A rgenfinu street. Fig. 4.4 Urban plan of the fira block. Map taken fiom the CUIQS~Ork la Cithdu2 Mexico.

Fig. 4.5 Urban plan of the second bfock. Map taken fiom the Cawtro de la Ciudad & Mexico. These nvo plans reveal the importance of the vecindades as an urban element in the configuration and layout of the center of Mexico City. The vecindades comprise the largest housing stock of the center of the city. This can be seen in the number of vecindades per block as well as the area occupied by them in each block. Looking at these plans it could be said that between 30% to 50% of the total area of the blocks are occupied by vecindades. The fint plots or soiares of the fint design of the city (42m x 42m) seem to have disappeared but the plans reveal that perhaps the soiares were split in two giving birth to the "typical rectangular fom" of the vecindades.

The vecindades shown in these two plans are the ones known to the author. Also these two plans represent blocks with more than the average number of vecindades.

Fig. 3.6 Elevation of different facada of vecindades. These vecindades are iiot located togaher in redit~. the elevations were selectad 2nd put together for the purpose of this exercise. The eievations correspond to the vecindades on (hm lefi to right): Republica de Colombia #60. Belisc~~io Domingue: #23, Republiccï de Venezueh # 18 and *CO #3 1. Sociedad de Arquitectos de Mexico, Colegio de Arquitectos de Mexico, instimto de Arquitectura y Urbanisrno. Tesfimo)~nio: Rr~rortzcioriHu&i&rciorm~ Pquhr. 1 53, 157, 1 59, 163.

Figure 4.6 shows the exterior formal aspect of the vecinhdes and how they present themselves to the street. The elevations of the vecindades reveal both simplicity and elegance, and the sobriety of their architecture. Almost al1 the facades show a larger mass area in relation to that of the openinp. They have few but big windows leading to balconies in the upper leveis and openings that lead into the accesorias on the ground level. Even though most of them follow the Colonial style, they also seem to follow the architectural tendencies of the time, such as Neoclassic and Art Deco. 4.3 Three kinds of Vecindades

This study has show that there are three different kinds of vecindades depending the time of construction, location in the city and its initial built purpose. These include those which were first built as public buildings or one-family mansions, and which were later converted into tenement houses to lodge several families. There are other ones that were purpose-built to fultili the housing demand of the city and resembled the configuration of the mansions. The third Iünd was purpose-built tenements built at the end of the MX century and beginnings of the XX century in the former Indian barrios. Al1 of them are called vecindades because they serve the same purpose and share the same elements, but they differ in their quality of space, spatial comfort and architectural value.

The vecindades built within the Tma, no matter the time of construction or the building purpose, were built with the characteristics of the "Spanish City". Even though they were purpose-built as tenement housing for poor people, they followed certain rules in the building form and in quality of the space. The ones built in the barrios stayed close to the historical context of the area. They were usually one-story constructions with high population densities, built of poor materials, and which had poor living conditions. It is clear that the location of the vecindades had a key role in the quality of space, quality of architecture and quality of the living conditions.

The prevailing view of vecindades is closely related to the tenements described in Oscar Lewis' The Children of ,Canche=. However, various authors have defined and described different types of vecindades. Author Peter Ward in his book Mexico Ciiy: The production und reproduc~ionof an urbcln environment, have made a distinction between vecindades. The "classic vecindad" refers to those former one-family colonial buildings subdivided to form low-income tenement accommodation. "Purpose-built vecindad are those built specifically as vecindades in downtown Mexico City. "Purpose-built vecindad nuevu" (purpose-built new vecindad) are those new tenements built in older irregular settlements.' Norman S. Hayner in his book New Patterns in Old Mexico, differentiates the two-story Spanish-colonial private houses used by many families narning them "casas de vecinduà" (vecindad houses) from the purpose-built one-story structures, which he named as "~ecindades."~And othen Iike Robert V. Kemper in his book Migration and Adaptation makes a generalization of the vecindades stating that "the vecindades are found throughout the city from multi-storied, centrally located Spanish colonial buildings converted into a series of one-room apartments around a central patio to small, recently constructed multi-farnily buildings in the expanding peripheral zones."'

The history of the vecindades in Mexico City shows that in the XVI century the vecindades were already those purpose-built tenements, built within the Traza, to give Iodging to non-indian artisans or low-class workers, and resembling the architecture of the one-family mansions. Within this discussion, if we were to name a particular vecindad as "authentic" it would have to be the "the first in time is the first in right". However the one-farnily mansions and buildings once owned by the Church, later on converted into vecindades, should also receive the name of vecindades because they first developed a certain kind of "vecindad" due to the arrangement of rooms for servants or artisans surrounding the patio. They were not purpose-built as vecindades but the purpose-built followed their spatial configuration. The conversion of these former one- family mansions into tenement houses or vecindades takes root in the placement of several families in the rooms of the former farnily quarters. Neither the formal aspects of the mansion nor its spatial configuration change, the only change is in the labeling of the building as a vecindad. Should "vecindad, then, be attributed to a kind of building or to a kind of living?

1 Peter M. Ward, Mexico City: The production and reproduction of an urban environment (Boston: G.K. Hall & Co., 1990) 38-49. ' Norman S. Hayner, New Partem in Old Mexico (New Haven: Collep and University Press Services Inc.. 1966) 60. 3 Robert V. Kemper, Migration and Adaptation (London: Sage Publications, 1977) 86-87. 4.4 The fmdamental elements of a vecindad

It could be said that a vecindad is an open space or patio surrounded by two or more dweIIings and with one controlled access. At1 the vecindades share the same elements (zahuan, patio, dwellings and accesorias). The controlled access or zahuan has an important role in the configuration of a vecindad since it is the transition from the public to the private space and gives the inhabitants the feeling of security and privacy. The importance of the patio in a vecindad rests in its characteristic as the cornmon place of gathering. Since the interior of the dwelling usually does not fulfill the spatial requirements for al1 the different domestic activities, the tenants use the patio as an extension of the dwelling. This helps to promote contact and interaction between the residents. This interaction is the product of a collective way of living which is expressed in mutual help, self-policing, etc ... that results in a cornfortable way of living. The dwellings are important per se but it has to be ernphasized the existence of two or more dwellings in a vecindad. To live in a vecindad implies the gathenng and sharing of the same space by the residents, therefore, this could only happen by the existence of a cornmunity.

Even though the vecindad appears to be an enclosed interior space, its existence has an urban nature. It was merely created to lodge the inhabitants of the city and therefore was pIaced within its urban fabric. The mixed use characteristic of the vecindad (dwelling-commerce) allows it to have an interior life as well as to participate in the exterior world. The importance of the accesorias rests in king the connection between the vecindad and the daily activity of the streets. Beside these four elements, there is one that is not taken in consideration as an element in any vecindad because it is not present in al1 of them nor does it constitute a fundamental element, but its importance has to be revealed. This element is the arcade or colomaded wide comdor which otfen surrounds the patio in ground floor. The coionnade provides the dwellings with shade as well as with an almost 'private exterior extension" toward the patio (see Fig. 3.48). Both vecindades which had showed this element (case smdy 1 and 6) reveded a stronger appropriation of the space by the tenants.

"Living in vecin&â" is a local saying which refers not only to the specific ph ysical characteristics of a vecindad, but also to the communal living which is unique to what could be called vecindad culture. In other words, there is a difference between living together in the same building -such as in hi@ n'se tenements- and living in a vecindad. 4.5 Analysis of the case studies

-- 1 Case study I Case study 2 Case study 3

Case study 5 Case study 6

Case study 8 Case study 9

1 Case study 1 O Case study 1 1 Case study 12

1 1 L Fig. 4.7 This figure shows the shape of the vecindades of the twelve case studies as well as the relation of built area and open space. Plans takm fiom the lmluro N4ciomI de Annopolqgia e HiMa (MAH). Redrawn by Alejandro M. Reôolledo. Fig. 4.8 Built ara versus opens space of the twelve case studies.

Figue 4.8 reveals that the total built area of the hvelve case studies varied between 90% and 70% while the open space varied between 10% and 30%.

cumman arcs

pnviu irem

cammemid area

Fig. 4.9 Percentages of areas in the ground floor of the twdve case studies

Figure 4.9 shows the percentage of cornmon areas, pnvate areas and commercial areas of each of the twelve case studies. The comrnon area percentage includes the area of the patio plus the area of the zuhuun. The private area refers to the total area of the dwellings and the commercial area comprises the area of the uccesorius. These percentages show only the area on the ground floor and do not consider the areas on the upper levels. Case study 4 and case study 11, which do not have private areas on the gound fioor do not appear with any percentages for private areas. The comrnon area varied between 30% and 10% and the private one between 70% and 50%. This reveals the adaptation of the vecindad to fùifill différent necessities without changing its dwelling concept. The commercial area vaned between 90% and 10% based on the location of the vecindad in the ciîy. Therefore, it could be concluded that the vecindad is a very efficient and flexible urban forrn.

Fi-. 4. i O Width / length ratio of the plot and the patio of the twelve case studies.

Figure 4.10 reveals the width / length ratio of the plot and the patio. The ratio of the plot varied between one and three while the ratio of the patio varied fiom one in case study 2 to 25 in case study 12- In the cases where the vecindades have more than one patio, the relation was made from the average of al1 the patios.

It can be said that the social life and use of the space, inside the vecindad are compatible with each other since they develop the tenants' sense of appropriation of their environment. Residents appropriate this space by placing plants and vegetation as decoration, which also gives them the sense of defining their space. These appropriations and expressions of tertitoriality seem to be directly related to the quality of the space and this is clearly related to both the architecture and the dimension of the vecindad. When the spatial quality of the place allows the residents to have a cornfortable way of living, these appropriations seem to have been done with more motivation and enthusiasm. In the cases when the interior space does not accompiish certain living standards the tenants seem to be reluctant to place plants or decorate it. In larger vecindades the quality of space and therefore its appropriation seem to have been diminished by the dimension of the vecindad (see case study 7 in relation to case studies 10 and 12). However, most of the time it is seen that the vecinâad gives their residents the feeling of belonging to the place and being part of a micro-society or group. 118 Looking at the evolution of the vecindades through the case studies it could be said that initially, since the XVi century. their urbn form was square. This could be due to the square dimension of the solares or first plots. During the next centuries, the square shape evolved into the rectangular one. However, due to the lack of examples of vecindades of the XVI century, one could assume that some vecindades cornprised haif a solar leading to the rectangular shape like in case study 3 of the XVlI century.

Even though most of vecindades have an inward looking concept, there is a change in their configuration in the XWI century which Iead them to evoive into an outward looking structure. They no longer resembled the one-farnily mansions but the collective dwellings in colleges and convents owned by the church: a row of rooms surrounding the patio and facing the street. This arrangement followed the intense commercial activity in the city and provided the dwellings with cross ventilation and more light. Even though this change of concept responded to social, cuitural and political circumstances at the time, the vecindades later on returned to their original inward looking concept.

Another interesfing evolution of the vecindades is the placement of the staircase to connect the upper Ievels. The vecindades in the XVI and XVII centuries seems to have placed the staircase within the row of rooms while since the XVIII century it is placed in the center of the patio. The siaircase placed in the midde of the patio provides the vecindad with more privacy obstnicting the view to the interior. This placement of the staircase seems to have succeeded in two-storied vecindades while in three-storied ones, the staircase, due to its dimension, seems to divide the patio in twO parts. The result king that none of them had the right proportion and quality of space to have a corn fortable exterior place for daily activities. However, the three-storied vecindades of the XX century (case studies 10 and 1 1) have the staircase within the row of dwellings. In the XX century, vecindades took on a Iarger dimension. There is an increase of the area as well as in the number of stories. The two-storied "typical vecindad" within the Trmevolved into a three-storied and sometimes even into a four-storied building such as in case study 10 . This increase in the dimension of the vecindad seems to have responded to the necessity of lodging facilities in the center of the city due to the strong migration exodus at the beginning of the century.

The vecindades responded to di fferent circumstances through the history of Mexico City, but at al1 tirnes tKey shared the same eiements and urban configuration. Mile the exterior aspect of the vecindades experienced less change or evolution, the interior revealed more diversity of change through time. Even though the Colonial style is the prevailing aspect in the facades of the vecindades, their exterior aspect responded to architectural tendencies of the time. On the other hand, their interior aspect responded to cultural, social and poiitical circumstances. However, these changes constitute superficial changes without affecting the overall configuration of vecindades which rernained the sarne.

The existence of vecindades for more than four centuries is a tribute to their adaptability to fultill social, cultural, political, urban and architectural needs throughout the history of Mexico City. It also reveals their historic importance in the Mexican housinç tradition as well as a Mexican tradition of "living in vecindad." The strong cultural living patterns of the vecindades could be traced back to the collective dwellings of the Pre-colonial native civiiizations and to the introduction of a Moorish-influenced way of life brought by the Spaniards afkr the Conquest. As it \vas said in chapter 3. Mexico City was born as a 'bciuâ'aûmestid where Spanish urban ideas married the existing native urbanism. But also the population of the city grew due to the mrstizuje' of mainly Spanish and Indians which was strongly supported by the Spanish authorities in order to repopulate the city. Mexican population is mesrku by nature. It was also revetled in chapter 3 that the vecindades were built to Idge non-lndian artisans. therefore the vecindades were inhabited by the which were the product of the mesfizuje. Thus the vecindades were born to lodging the Mexican people and continwd to be built for the same purpose and with the sarne characteristics during the next centuries until the beginning of the XX century when their construction \asdramatically halted-

If we then look at the etyrnology of "vemacular" we find that 'Viough vernu originally refened to the home-bom slave much as the adjective Creole refened to the person born in French colonial possessions7, or to his property, the Latin vercacuius rneant "native" and in this application of the terni has validity. Even so, the assurnption thar vernacular architecture implies that which is indigenous to the country and not borrowed, or leamed from. is still open to argument."

Vecindades could be considered just as a collective low-rise housing pattern, but their history and tradition tell us that they were born together with Mexico City and with the Mexicans. The vecindades were built by and for the Mexicans and developed as the Mexican domestic architecture for 400 yean. In other words, they represent the Urban Vernacular Architecture of Mexico City.

'' Mesrizo means hybrid but it also was uscd to dcnominate the people born fiom Spanish and Indirn parents 5. Mrsrizuje means crossing of races. " CUFIUSwere calIed the people who were born due to the crossing of races iike Creole, Mulatto and Mesr~zu. ' Creole referred also to the persan boni in Spanish colonial possessions. R Paul OIi ver. Shelrer and Wery(London: Barrie & Rwkii ff The Cresset Press. 1%9) 1 1. POST SCRIPT

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