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1 2 3 The wrong t-shirt: configurations of 4 5 language and identity at Warruwi 6 Community 7 8 2 Ruth Singer 9 10 University of Melbourne 11 12 13 On June 22nd 1916, Reverend James Watson was brought to Warruwi in a canoe by a group of 14 Maningpurru people. A re-enactment of this event was staged at the beach called Angpungijpa 15 or Watson’s Landing on the 22nd of June 2016. The performers wore either a yellow or blue t- 16 shirt and the two colours were interpreted by many participants as representing the languages 17 Mawng and Kunwinjku. In interpreting the t-shirts, people made a direct connection between 18 language and identity, invoking the ‘language tribe’ (Rumsey 1993). In other contexts, however, 19 language ownership is claimed by connecting language to identity indirectly, via patrilineal clan 20 (Merlan 1981). The multiple configurations of language and identity available at Warruwi Dispatch: 25.1.18No. of CE: pages: Wiley 20 PE: Bhagyalakshmi 21 reflect the way that clan groupings, significant within the current regime of recognition in the 22 region (Povinelli 2002) co-exist with the ‘language tribes’ of earlier eras and other groupings 23 both long-standing and emergent. 24 25 Keywords: Indigenous, Australia, linguistic anthropology, multilingualism, language 26 27 28 29 INTRODUCTION 30 31 A White man wearing a safari hat and a moustache digs a hole in the sand and plants 32 a large white cross in it, having landed on the beach moments earlier. Seeing him, 33 forty Indigenous people wearing blue t-shirts turn and run away into the bush. 34 35 Another group wearing yellow t-shirts stand near the White man calling out Ngawu! ! ! ! 36 Atpurnanganiga! Nuka numalal! ‘Come here Come back He’s alright ’ T A J A 12264 37 The midday sun brought out the bright colours in the synthetic blue and yellow t- Journal Code Manuscript No. 38 shirts and melted the glue that was holding on the White man’s moustache, so that it 39 came away on one side. It was Wednesday the 22nd of June 2016, exactly 100 years 40 since the first missionary came ashore at Angpungijpa beach, Warruwi. The shiny fab- 41 ric of the t-shirts resembled that worn by football players, and as in a football game 42 the choice of colour was not random: participants had given the matter of which ‘side’ 43 to be on much thought. In the days that followed I asked people about which colour 44 45 46 Accepted date: 15 January 2018

1 they wore and why. Their answers highlighted some of the kinds of connections peo- 2 ple at Warruwi make between language, land and social groupings. 3 The t-shirts people chose related directly back to the events of the 22nd of June 4 1916, when Reverend James Watson first trod on Angpungijpa beach. The often-told 5 story of the first missionary is an account of how two different Indigenous groups 6 began a settled existence together. The roles that the two groups played validates roles 7 for particular Indigenous people at Warruwi today, depending on which group they 8 9 trace their ancestry back to. The arrival of the first missionary also marks a shift in 10 White-Indigenous relations at Warruwi. In the days that followed the re-enactment I 11 talked to people about the t-shirts and the kinds of connections they made between 12 languages and social groups illustrated the multiple configurations of language and 13 identity available at contemporary Warruwi, and how they can be embedded in the 14 context of a specific performance. 15 16 CONFIGURATIONS OF LANGUAGE AND IDENTITY: AUSTRALIAN 17 18 ANTHROPOLOGICAL DEBATES 19 Up until the early nineteen sixties, most anthropologists of Aboriginal Australia were 20 convinced that the main form of Indigenous social organisation was the ‘tribe’. This 21 22 ‘tribe’ was seen as a group of about 500 people who occupied a discrete area of land 23 and spoke a unique language. From 1962 to 1973 most Australian anthropologists 24 changed their views. Paying closer attention to Indigenous conceptualisation of land 25 ownership led to an understanding that the patrilineal clan was the group through 26 which people owned land in many parts of northern Australia, and historically, other 27 areas as well (Sutton 1978; Sutton 2003). This is the role of the clan in contemporary 28 Warruwi, as described by Gould: 29 30 Across western Arnhem Land, people take the clan name and estate of their father. These 31 patrilineal clans are most commonly referred to in Maung as nguya. Nguya names refer 32 both to an area of country and the group of people with whom it is associated (Gould 33 2016: 620). 34 Other current work on social organisation in western Arnhem land also uses the term 35 ‘clan’ (Garde 2008), which is not to say that the term has not generated significant 36 debate. For example Catherine and Ronald Berndt avoided the term in their research 37 in the region (Berndt & Berndt 1970). It is quite possible that the patrilineal clan has 38 emerged in coastal western Arnhem land relatively recently, along with the strengthen- 39 40 ing of ties between coastal and inland people, as people moved towards the coast to 1 41 trade with Europeans, Indonesians and Japanese travelling by boat. Regardless, patri- 42 lineal descent is a key reference point in the way Indigenous people talk about lan- 43 guage and identity at Warruwi. 44 Merlan (1981) reviews the debates over the connection between language and 45 social identity in pre-contact Indigenous Australia. The evidence brought to bear on 46 the question from the early nineteen sixties suggested that language was not a marker

1 of the boundary of social groups as previously thought—in fact the relationship 2 between language and identity was indirect (see also Sutton 1997). The ‘language 3 tribe’ which anthropologists had earlier believed in owed more to their expectations 4 than the evidence. Their expectations, arising from the imaginaries of European 5 nationalism, were that Indigenous Australians would be organised into ‘tribes’ and 6 each tribe would speak a unique language. This ‘language tribe’ was understood by 7 some as a ‘primitive’ precursor to the idealised European nation-state. This nation- 8 9 state comprised people who shared a unique ethnicity, language and territory, as sum- 10 marised by the ‘one language, one nation, one people’ slogan (Hobsbawm 2012). 11 This idea of the ‘tribe’ was often conceptualised as a set of smaller groups that 12 shared a common language. This is reflected by Birdsell’s term ‘dialectal tribe’ and 13 Tindale’s ‘tribal map2’, which maps languages to their associated land (Tindale & 14 Birdsell 1941). Petersen (1976) notes that the ‘existence and nature of the Australian 15 tribe’ had become controversial by the point in time that he was writing, but goes on 16 to say that smaller groups ‘were linked in various ways with their neighbours to form 17 a cluster with some sense of collective identity often expressed in terms of possessing a 18 distinct language.’ (Petersen 1976: 1, my italics). Merlan (1981) notes that the evidence 19 began to mount up that alliances between clans were not fixed or based on an affilia- 20 tion with the same language. This meant anthropologists had to let go of the idea that 21 22 language identified boundaries of social groupings and land ownership. At Warruwi, 23 for example, each clan owns a clan estate, and the language associated with that land 24 is also understood to be owned by the clan. However, multiple clan estates can be 25 associated with the same language, so languages are not defining of social groups. 26 Merlan (1981) describes how the idea of the ‘language tribe’ was put to rest, and 27 reconstructions of pre-contact Indigenous social organisation then took the clan as 28 the basic socio-political unit. This model is depicted in the diagram below, which 29 illustrates how the connection between language and social group is indirect (via land) 30 in this view. 31 A quite different configuration of language and identity is described by Rumsey 32 (1993), who looks at how Jawoyn people living near Katherine made connections 33 between language and identity in their 1982 land claim. Prior to the Jawoyn land claim 34 35 language had become the primary basis for identity among Jawoyn people, although 36 the Jawoyn language was no longer widely spoken. Many younger people did not 37 identify strongly with a particular clan and the Jawoyn language itself was embraced as 38 the primary basis for people’s identity. Rumsey illustrates how the ‘language tribe’, 39 formerly found only in the colonial imaginary, came to be embraced as a valid config- 40 uration of language and identity. The socio-political group is circumscribed by the 41 language owned by its members. In this way a direct connection is made between lan- 42 guage and identity. As a result, what was once primarily used as a language name, is 43 repurposed as a name for a socio-political group, effectively a ‘language tribe’ (see 44 Rumsey 1989). 45 We could easily see Merlan (1981) and Rumsey (1993) as describing discrete 46 points along a unidirectional pathway of social change. From this perspective, post-

1 contact communities gradually shift from the clan-based, indirect configuration of 2 language and identity in Figure 1 to the ‘language tribe’ configuration described by 3 Rumsey (1993). However, the way people interpreted the use of blue and yellow t- 4 shirts in the re-enactment at Warruwi shows that the ‘language tribe’ is an available 5 configuration of language and identity, alongside the continuing relevance of the clan. 6 So these two configurations of language and identity co-exist, although they might 7 seem incompatible. 8 9 Merlan (1981) discusses her work with speakers of the Mangarrayi language in the 10 western Roper River area as well as examining the anthropological literature from a 11 number of parts of Australia. She describes the connection between land and language 12 as a stable constant, in comparison with the shifting memberships of social groups. 13 Evidence for this is provided by the fact that people in the western Roper River area 14 consistently refer to an area of land as ‘Mangarrayi country’. That the connection 15 between land and language is seen as fixed in northern Australia, is supported by 16 ancestral creation stories recorded across a broad area in which languages are put 17 down in particular places in the land (Sutton 1997; Evans 2007). This association 18 between land and language is unchanged by whether people speak the language or 19 not. Jawoyn people clearly drew on this understanding of land-language connections 20 in their land claim. Taking the European nationalist model of one people, one lan- 21 22 guage and one land proved an effective strategy for recognition, as their land claim 23 was successful. 24 Warruwi is a site of intensive linguistic diversity, where most people speak a num- 25 ber of Indigenous languages (Singer & Harris 2016). Prior to the Centenary, it was 26 already clear through interviews that people at Warruwi identify with their different 27 languages in a range of ways. What was not clear, however, was that the basic ways 28 that people made connections between languages and aspects of their identities, i.e. 29 the configurations, were multiple. The idea that identity is multifaceted, performative 30 and contextual is not new (Goffman 1956; Barrett 1999; Fought 2006). However, the 31 possibility of multiple configurations adds a further level of complexity. These kinds 32 of multiple, alternative configurations of language and identity have also been 33 described in Lupke’s€ (2016) account of multilingualism in the Casamance (Senegal). 34 35 She finds that an ‘essentialist’ configuration which makes a direct connection between 36 language and identity is invoked when people engage with those outside of the Casa- 37 mance, including institutions of the state, and the Church. A more indirect, flexible 38 configuration is made visible to those who are familiar with the local language 39 ecology. 40 41 42 clan or other individual land language 43 ↔ social group ↔ ↔ 44 45 Figure 1 The indirect relationship between individuals and their languages (from Evans 2003 46 who cites ideas in Merlan (1981) and others).

1 Anthropologists such as Tindale (1974) who posited the ‘language tribe’ as the pri- 2 mary, universal unit of socio-political organisation in pre-contact Indigenous Aus- 3 tralia were mistaken, but shifts in Indigenous social identity have brought the 4 ‘language tribe’ into being in many areas. At Warruwi, not only anthropologists but 5 also missionaries and other non-Indigenous people took their starting point in 6 assumptions of linguistic nationalism. These ideas persist today at Warruwi and play a 7 role in guiding government policy and practice. The ‘language tribe’ is a model that 8 9 non-Indigenous people can understand, so can be used as blueprint for White-Indi- 10 genous interactions. 11 Although the ‘language tribe’ construct was not a good account of how language 12 and identity were linked, it is also not altogether foreign as Rumsey (1989) and Merlan 13 (1981) point out. It exists in a ‘recognition space’ (Pearson 1997; Mantziaris & Martin 14 2000) where concepts are translated from White to Indigenous frameworks and back 15 again. As Rumsey (1989) argues, different Indigenous social groupings are made in 16 different contexts. The association of a specific area of land with a specific language 17 was already present in many areas. To relate Indigenous frameworks to the ‘language 18 tribe’ construct it was only necessary for Indigenous people to take the step of rallying 19 together under the banner of land and language. Anthropologists consigned the ‘lan- 20 guage tribe’ to the dustbin in the early 1970s. Little did they know, the ‘language tribe’ 21 22 was only just getting started. Among both White and Indigenous publics the ‘language 23 tribe’ is now a robust grouping, and language names are widely used to refer to 24 Indigenous groups, especially in the longer-settled areas of Australia. 25 26 A NOTE ON LANGUAGES, CLANS AND CLAN AGGREGATES 27 28 In western Arnhem Land the names used for languages such as Kunwinjku, Kunbar- 29 lang and Mawng are different to the names for clans. This contrasts with eastern Arn- 30 hem Land where a clan name such as Galpu can also be used to refer to the language 31 of that clan. This clan language is sometimes referred to as a clan-lect by linguists, 32 who may not feel the distinctiveness of each clan language is strong enough to use the 33 word language in the way that linguists usually do. At Warruwi, the names of clans 34 35 alone are not used to refer to western Arnhem languages. In fact, it varies between lan- 36 guages, as to whether each clan is even ascribed a specific variety. For Gunwinyguan 37 languages such as Kunwinjku and Kunbarlang each clan is seen to possess its own lan- 38 guage (Garde 2008), but speakers of Mawng do not have the view that each clan has 39 its own variety of the Mawng language. Instead, specific varieties of Mawng are said to 40 have been spoken by different clan aggregates in the past. These clan aggregates are 41 groups of clans who own land in a particular region. Clan aggregates do not group 42 clans by language, so may include clans that own different languages. 43 Specific varieties of Mawng spoken in the past can be referred to by binomials such 44 as Mayinjinaj Mawng, ‘Mawng spoken by the Mayinjinaj clan aggregate’3. The fact 45 that the names for languages and social groupings are distinct at Warruwi makes it 46 easier to investigate different ways of connecting a social grouping and a language.

1 Clan aggregates have been reported from a range of areas around Australia. Gould 2 (2016) discusses the Madjagurru (=Majakurtu) clan aggregate, which groups the clans 3 (nguya) that own Warruwi (South Goulburn Island) and Weyirra (North Goulburn 4 Island): 5 6 In between the region’s large language groups, and the relatively small nguya, are a vari- 7 ety of other regional terms. Madjugurru, for example, refers to the five nguya of North 8 and South Goulburn Island, and is translated as ‘people of the islands’.... A tapestry of 9 regional affiliations operates at varying social and geographical scales, connecting people 10 to each other in multidimensional ways. Each layer of affiliation represents a set of rela- 11 tionships which have been developed over time, through their own historical courses of 12 interpersonal engagement and alliance-building, and have been reinforced through the 13 day to day unravelling of secular and ceremonial life (Gould 2016: 620). 14 As Gould notes, a multitude of social categories are available at Warruwi. This paper 15 looks at what groupings were used in interpreting the blue and yellow t-shirts at the 16 re-enactment. In discussions I had with people during the re-enactment, they inter- 17 18 preted the linguistic and social diversity at Warruwi in terms of the groups that came 19 together 100 years ago on Angpungijpa beach. (Fig. 2) 20 21 THE STORY OF THE FIRST MISSIONARY 22 23 When I first started fieldwork on the Mawng language at Warruwi in 2002, I was keen 24 to follow in the footsteps of linguists I admired and collect mythological texts. In con- 25 trast, I positively dis-identified with earlier missionaries, although most previous work 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 Colour online, B&W in print 41 42 43 44 Figure 2 Map showing Warruwi and surrounding communities. Some of the languages histor- 45 ically associated with Warruwi Community are shown in red, in the area of land they are tradi- 46 tionally associated with.

1 on Mawng was done by missionary linguist and nurse Heather Hewett (nee Hinch), 2 who worked at Warruwi 1964-1979 and 2010-2015. During my first fieldtrip to War- 3 ruwi in 2002 I was disappointed to find that the Mawng speakers I worked with were 4 not interested in recording traditional myths. Instead, they suggested I record the 5 story of the first missionary. I recorded a number of versions of this story, without 6 much enthusiasm, and I also found some versions that had been recorded earlier4 as 7 part of the activities of the Mawng-English bilingual program at Warruwi School. 8 5 9 The story of the first missionary tells how men of the Maningpurru clan aggregate 10 found him on the mainland and brought him over to Warruwi in a dugout canoe. 11 When they arrived at Angpungijpa beach on Warruwi, the people of the local Maja- 12 kurtu clan aggregate fled into the bush, fearing a stranger. The Maningpurri people 13 called them back and explained that the missionary was harmless. The story then 14 describes the movements of the first missionary, around the island, until he decided 15 on the current site at Mardbalk Bay for the mission settlement. Then the storyteller 16 often goes on to describe the building of the church and the missionaries’ house, as 17 well as further development of the mission buildings and gardens. 18 When telling the story of the first missionary, Mawng speakers usually explain 19 how they are related to the two parties who met on Angpungijpa beach. Storytellers 20 describe their kinship relation with either the Maningpurru people who brought the 21 22 missionary over in their dugout canoes, or the Majakurtu people who were on War- 23 ruwi and fled at the sight of the missionary. An example from Miriam Kris’ telling of 24 the story is below: 25 Yuranka, awunimany pata ngapi ngamin wawu, ngamin, la pata awuntumalkpangung. 26 ‘He came here (the missionary), he was brought by my grandfathers (father’s fathers) and 27 their sons’ 28 Miriam Kris6 7/6/2004 RS1-026_trans03.eaf7 29 30 In addition to the story of the first missionary there is popular music written by 31 composers from Warruwi. Traditional owner Johnny Namayiwa performs his own 32 songs about the first missionary in both Mawng and English, songs such as ‘Maning- 33 purru people’8. The songs and stories detail which Indigenous people were involved in 34 the establishment of the Methodist mission at Warruwi and, by virtue of this involve- 35 ment, have the longest standing connection to Warruwi Community. This group of 36 people is much wider than the set of clan groups who own land on Warruwi. As a 37 myth about the coming together of Indigenous groups and White people to form a 38 community, the first missionary story is the most appropriate one to tell newly arrived 39 40 White researchers. Musicologists Reuben Brown and Isabel O’Keeffe also recorded the 41 story early in their research at Warruwi, and give accounts of it in their works on 42 music, language and identity at Warruwi (Brown 2016; O’Keeffe 2016). 9 43 Another popular song titled Mirrijpu consists mainly of the refrain below: 44 Ngawu! Kutjanyiga arrkpawani rtil. 45 46 Come here! Come and let’s live together.

1 This ‘Mirrijpu’ song lists the groups who were among the first to settle at the 2 Goulburn Island Methodist Mission and their languages. The interjection Ngawu! 3 ‘Come here!’ is often used to welcome those who might be a little nervous or shy in a 4 new place, to make them feel more comfortable. The story of the first missionary as 5 told at Warruwi is about the development of a special place through the efforts of 6 recent ancestors10. This rich lore was drawn on in the re-enactment, which was viewed 7 by a few hundred people, including around 100 visitors, roughly half of whom were 8 9 White and half were Indigenous. The performance was directed by Bunug Galaminda 10 and rehearsed a number of times in the recreational hall before the final performance 11 on Angpungijpa beach. The re-enactment focuses on the key scene when Maning- 12 purru people, Majakurtu people and the missionary met on Angpungijpa beach at 13 Warruwi. 14 15 13TH JULY 2016, MELBOURNE 16 17 A few weeks after the re-enactment at Warruwi I was in Melbourne working with Ran- 18 isha and Lesley11, two high school students from Warruwi, who are studying at a pri- 19 vate high school in Melbourne, in Australia’s southeast. We were watching some 20 footage that Ranisha had shot during the Centenary. Using a small video recorder she 21 22 filmed a traditional dance, Ngili ‘Mosquito’, performed by members of her family at 23 the Church a few hours after the re-enactment. It was part of the launch of a new 24 Mawng language translation of the Gospel of St. Mark. 25 While we were watching the video in the school library Ranisha suddenly pointed 26 at one of the dancers. ‘He’s wearing a yellow t-shirt!’ she laughed. Ranisha explained 27 that the other dancers were wearing blue t-shirts and only her brother was wearing 28 yellow because they had run out of small sizes in the blue t-shirts. The fact that this 29 was a laughable moment, shows that it was obvious to both Lesley and Ranisha which 30 t-shirt Ranisha’s brother should have been wearing – the blue one like the rest of her 31 family performing the Ngili dance. (Fig. 3) 32 Ranisha’s family had worn blue t-shirts while Lesley’s family had worn yellow t- 33 shirts. I asked Lesley and Ranisha how their families had decided which t-shirt to wear 34 35 and they explained that the blue t-shirts represented Mawng and the yellow t-shirts 13 36 represented Kunwinjku . The text on the back of the t-shirts however did not directly 37 refer to language. The blue t-shirt had written on the back, Manyjakurtu arrarrkpi 38 ‘Majakurtu people’, while the yellow t-shirts had Manginpurru arrarrpkpi ‘Maning- 39 purru people’ written on the back. Majakurtu and Maningpurru are the names of two 40 clan aggregates, groups of clans who own land in the same area. The Majakurtu clan 41 aggregate owns land on Warruwi and Weyirra (North Goulburn Island). The Maning- 42 purru clan aggregate is associated with the Kumarderr (Goomadeer)14 river and is 43 described in a draft Bininj Kunwok (Kunwinjku) dictionary as below: 44 45 46

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14

15 Colour online, B&W in print 16 17 18 Figure 3 Ranisha’s brother dancing in yellow t-shirt to right (figure with long hair and Nginji 16 19 bands painted on arm). Photo: Margaret Miller 20 21 22 Name (or ethnonym) that includes all people with country in the Gumardir (Gooma- 23 deer) River Catchment — from rocky headwaters to coastal mudflats. This includes Kun- 24 winjku and Mawng language clans (Garde 2016, unpublished data). 25 26 Interestingly, the yellow t-shirts with ‘Maningpurru people’ written on them, were 27 associated with Kunwinjku, although Garde’s definition refers to the Maningpurru 28 clan aggregate as a group of Mawng and Kunwinjku clans. 29 Many people I talked to about the t-shirts at Warruwi gave the same explanation: 30 that the blue t-shirts represented Mawng and the yellow t-shirts, Kunwinjku. Initially 31 this interpretation of the contrasting colour t-shirts was easier to understand than the 32 clan aggregate labels written on the backs of the t-shirts. The words Maningpurru 33 arrarrkpi ‘Maningpurru people’ on the yellow t-shirts confused me because the words 34 were written very much where the name of a football team would appear on the back 35 of a football shirt. Yet only a few of the people wearing the shirts identified primarily 36 37 with a clan that was part of the clan aggregate named on the back of their shirt. The 38 explanation for the t-shirts as representing Mawng and Kunwinjku, however, suffered 39 from the opposite problem. Most of the adults wearing the shirts spoke both Mawng 40 and Kunwinjku, and also had affiliations with both the languages through various 41 ancestors. 42 Mawng and Kunwinjku are two of the most widely-spoken languages at Warruwi 43 Community, and most adults who have grown up at Warruwi speak both Mawng and 44 Kunwinjku. Those that only speak one can usually understand the other language well. 45 In interviews, people often identified more strongly with other languages such as Kun- 46 barlang or Burarra, which they had ownership of via their patrilineal clan. So the

1 interpretation of the blue/yellow contrast in the t-shirts in terms of Mawng and Kun- 2 winjku still does not explain how each family chose which colour t-shirt to wear. In 3 the re-enactment families were forced to choose either blue or yellow t-shirts to iden- 4 tify either with Mawng or Kunwinjku. The language identities reflected in the t-shirts 5 are bound to the specific context of the re-enactment, but they were by no means ran- 6 dom or arbitrary. Ranisha’s laughter at seeing her brother dance in a yellow t-shirt 7 demonstrates this. It turned out that decisions that Warruwi families made were based 8 9 on a connection they made to ancestors who were at Angpungijpa beach when the first 10 missionary arrived. 11 The confusion I was having about why people were only wearing t-shirts associ- 12 ated with either Mawng or Kunwinjku, when people discussed a much wider range of 13 languages in interviews, derives from a bias which Lupke€ (2016) describes as an ‘essen- 14 tialist language ideology’. This idea, which came out of interviews I did with people, is 15 that there is one language that always has the greatest symbolic value for people’s 16 identity. At Warruwi, the language people mentioned as most important to them in 17 interviews was their father’s father’s language, their patrilineal clan language. This 18 reflects the ideology of ‘language ownership’ reported from across most of Indigenous 19 Australia, whereby clan membership bestows ownership of the language associated 20 with the clan estate (Harvey 2002). The choices people made about whether to wear 21 22 blue or yellow t-shirts, however, were not solely based on patrilineal clan membership. 23 This is illustrated by Delilah Watson’s Facebook post below, which she posted a few 24 hours after the re-enactment, and in which she speaks of ‘representing’ the Maning- 25 purru clan aggregate. (Fig. 4) 26 Delilah Watson points to her connection with the Maningpurru clan aggregate via 27 Stephen N Bunug Watson, her mamam, her grandfather who is her mother’s father, 28 i.e., not a patrilineal ancestor who is of the same clan as Delilah. As Delilah writes, she 29 represented Manginpurru Arrarrkpi ‘Maningpurru people” at the re-enactment 30 through wearing a yellow t-shirt. Delilah is not claiming a patrtilineal connection with 31 a clan in the Maningpurru clan aggregate, but instead indexing an ancestor that is rel- 32 evant to the re-enactment, and thereby tying herself to the foundation of Warruwi 33 Community. 34 35 The blue and yellow t-shirts were worn by many participants for the entire eight- 36 day celebration of the Centenary of the mission. After the Centenary celebrations were 37 over, they seemed to lose their symbolic role and instead of each family sticking with a 38 certain colour, the colours were worn randomly: clothing is something often 39 exchanged at Warruwi. In the photo below, taken a few weeks after the Centenary, 40 members of Lesley’s family, who wore only yellow t-shirts during the Centenary, are 41 modelling the full range of the t-shirts which they had at home. The white t-shirts 42 were made when blue t-shirts ran out. They said Manyjakurtu arrarrkpi on the back, 43 just like the blue t-shirts, and most people said they were the same as the blue t-shirts. 44 But a few suggested they represented Kunbarlang, another significant language used at 45 Warruwi in the early mission days that is now spoken mainly by old people. (Fig. 5) 46

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 LOW RESOLUTION FIG 22

23 Colour online, B&W in print 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 4 Figure 4 Delilah Watson’s Facebook post about the re-enactment. Top row from left: Tamia 36 Manmurulu, Delilah Watson and Geibi Watson. Delilah and her mother Geibi have the Nginji 37 body paint design on their foreheads, arms and legs. 38 39 40 THE ROLE OF LANGUAGE IN THE RE-ENACTMENT 41 42 The original inhabitants of Warruwi are said to have spoken a language called Mana- 43 ngkardi. Not much is known about this language, as there are few records of it. People 44 who are aged around sixty have heard the language being used by people two genera- 45 tions above them. It is the Mawng language that is now associated with the Majakurtu 46 clan aggregate, the clans that own Warruwi and Weyirra, North Goulburn Island. In

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12

13 Colour online, B&W in print 14 15 16 17 18 Figure 5 Lesley’s family modelling t-shirts a few weeks after the Centenary. 19 20 21 22 interviews, speakers describe Mawng as the ‘main language’ or the ‘common language’ 23 of Warruwi. Mawng is very much identified with Warruwi Community, as illustrated 24 by the way that Miriam Kris’ begins her telling of the first missionary story below. 25 Ajirrik nganginkanyi Nenyku la inyminy ngartu, “Parangju met”. 26 27 I was going to talk in Kunwinjku but she said “Hang on a minute”. 28 Nungpakayu ngaminang ngaw kapin kani ngayama tuka Mawng kunak you know. 29 30 I told her that I’ll work here (i.e. in Mawng) because this is Mawng land, you know. 31 32 Miriam Kris 7/6/2004 RS1-026_trans03.eaf 33 I asked Miriam Kris to tell the story in Mawng as at the time my research was 34 focused on the Mawng language. In this quote Miriam justifies her use of Mawng to 35 potential critics in her audience. As a member of the Danek clan she might be 36 37 expected to use Kunwinjku in this relatively formal context. She justifies her use of 38 Mawng by the fact that she is telling the story at Warruwi, where the land is associated 39 with the Mawng language. 40 Rosemary Urabadi, who was one of the main organisers of the Centenary, came 41 up with the idea of the blue and yellow t-shirts. She explained to me how she chose 42 the colours:; the blue, she said, represents the islands, because the blue sea is all 43 around. Yellow represents the mainland, the colour of the soil. The island/mainland 44 distinction is often made at Warruwi and it corresponds to the freshwater/saltwater 45 distinction made in nearby areas, which distinguishes those groups oriented to a 46 coastal way of life from those who live inland (Williams 1986). Mawng clans own the

1 coastal areas of the mainland directly opposite Warruwi, while inland there is the 2 rocky, higher ‘stone country’ owned by Kunwinjku clans. 3 I asked Rosemary about whether she had drawn on any long-standing associations 4 between clans and colours. We discussed how eastern Arnhem clans who live at War- 5 ruwi, from Elcho island and Milingimbi have a specific colour that they use in cere- 6 monies for their clothing and flags. At Warruwi, western Arnhem Landers also use 7 fabric to make matching outfits for performances, but a new piece of fabric is bought 8 9 for each ceremony, and the colour and pattern used by each group is not held con- 10 stant across events. Like eastern Arnhem Landers, Tiwi Islanders also apparently use 11 colour to consistently represent the same social group. As Geraldine Narul, who grew 12 up at Warruwi explains in the Facebook post in Figure 6 below, her sons’ yellow 13 clothing represents the Miyartuwi ‘Pandanus’ group from Tiwi Islands. 14 The opposition between the blue and yellow t-shirts creates a polarity that was 15 interpreted in various ways as listed in the table below. 16 The various interpretations of the t-shirts shown in Figure 7 create equivalences 17 between quite different frames of reference15. These include grouping by clan aggre- 18 gate (Majakurtu/Maningpurru), language (Mawng/Kunwinjku), landmass (island/ 19 mainland) and ecosystem type (saltwater/freshwater). The two language names— 20 Mawng and Kunwinjku—were recruited to index a geographic frame of reference, 21 22 contrasting mainland and island people and the clan aggregate names (Majakurtu/ 23 Maningpurru) are also interpreted in this way. The conflation of various frames of 24 belonging in the yellow/blue t-shirt polarity evokes Faudree’s (2015) analysis of dis- 25 cussions of Mazateca music on Youtube. Faudree (2015) identifies a ‘conflated ethnic- 26 regional frame of belonging’ in online discussions of Mazateca musical performances. 27 While notions of ‘ethnicity’ are difficult to apply at Warruwi, beyond an Indigenous/ 28 non-Indigenous contrast, the geographic frame of reference is pervasive, especially the 29 mainland/island abstraction. The contributors to the online discussions analysed by 30 Faudree live mainly in the diaspora, outside of the Mazateca region, and often outside 31 of Mexico altogether. The politics of place at Warruwi Community also exist largely 32 in diaspora. Only a minority of those who live at Warruwi own land on Warruwi and 33 even those also have significant connections to clan estates elsewhere (for example, 34 35 through their mother). 36 The sense of diaspora at Warruwi should not be understood purely as a post-con- 37 tact phenomenon. It was never the case that discrete clans who spoke only their own 38 language moved around only within their own clan estate. People of various clans 39 lived together in small bands, moving through various estates and speaking more than 40 one language (cf. Sutton 1979). Thus a geographic frame of reference has probably 41 always been used to index identities and belonging. Since the island of Warruwi itself 42 is not the location of most residents’ patrilineal clan estates and dreamings, the Man- 43 ingpurru and Majakurtu people provide a frame within which to index belonging to 44 Warruwi Community. The conflation of various frames of belonging in the interpreta- 45 tion of the t-shirts—land, language and ancestry—strengthens people’s claims of 46 belonging.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10

11 Colour online, B&W in print 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22

23 LOW RESOLUTION FIG 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 5 Figure 6 Facebook post by Geraldine Narul from June 2014 (reposted July 5th, 2015). 37 38 39 40 At Warruwi, as elsewhere in Australia, where the ‘language tribe’ has been evoked 41 by Indigenous people, language has provided a useful point of commonality, from 42 which to construct a group identity larger than the clan or clan aggregate. The people 43 associated with inland groups at the re-enactment did not all belong to a single clan, 44 or a single clan aggregate such as Maningpurru. Regardless, the Kunwinjku language 45 was something that they could all identify with, even if they identiﬁed more strongly 46 with another language such as Kunbarlang or Ndjebbana in other contexts (such as

1 The opposition between the blue and yellow t-shirts creates a polarity that was interpreted in 2 various ways as listed in the table below. 3 4 Blue t-shirt Yellow t-shirt 5 Majakurtu clan aggregate Maningpurru clan aggregate 6 Mawng language Kunwinjku language 7 8 Island people Mainland people 9 Saltwater people Freshwater people 10 11 Figure 7 Polarities invoked by the yellow and blue t-shirts. 12 13 biographical interviews). Most western Arnhem Landers at Warruwi have close con- 14 nections to both Mawng and Kunwinjku through various ancestors. Exactly how fami- 15 lies decided where to position themselves with respect to the polarity in the context of 16 17 the re-enactment was not always clear to me. No doubt the position chosen needs to 18 be backed up by claims of authenticity based on ancestry, such as the one Delilah Wat- 19 son provides in her Facebook post in Figure 4. 20 The re-enactment and the entire eight-day Centenary celebrations mirrored the 21 structure of traditional ceremonies held at Warruwi in some ways. For example, per- 22 formers had to select either the blue or yellow t-shirt. This kind of selection of an 23 identity category from a small set defined in context is also evident at the two kinds of 24 public ceremony performed at Warruwi: funerals and Mamurrng (Brown 2016; O’ 25 2016). In these ceremonies the relevant groups involved are decided beforehand and 26 performers affiliate themselves with one of these groups. In designing the t-shirts, 27 Rosemary Urabadi and the other elders she conferred with identified two groups as 28 relevant to the re-enactment. At ceremonies such as funerals there may be more 29 30 groups, but these are always less in number than all possible groups that the partici- 31 pants could identify with. This limits the ways of expressing identity in any one cere- 32 mony, but across different ceremonies people can represent different aspects of their 33 identity as they need not always perform with the same group (Brown and O’Keeffe 34 2016, unpublished data). Geraldine Narul’s post in Figure 6 even shows that it is 35 sometimes possible to represent more than one group, as her sons are painted up in 36 designs reflecting both their western Arnhem and their Tiwi groups. 37 38 39 REGIMES OF RECOGNITION AT WARRUWI 40 The Warruwi Centenary raised a number of questions around how groupness is con- 41 structed at Warruwi and how Warruwi Community is imagined. One of the questions 42 43 explored is how people at Warruwi talk about cultural and linguistic diversity, includ- 44 ing social groupings and language identities. There are interesting parallels with how 45 people discuss musical diversities, as discussed by O’Keeffe (2016) and Brown (2016). 46 In fact, the negotiations of sameness and difference that play out in performances of

1 various types are related. Sutton has argued that these constructions of difference and 2 unity are key to Indigenous philosophy in ‘connecting those who are different in a 3 wider set of those who are the same’ (Sutton 1997: 240). The re-enactment highlighted 4 a particular kind of difference by setting up two groups and drawing them out of a 5 very closely-knit group of people. The use of language names as a way to distinguish 6 the two Indigenous groups in the re-enactment illustrates that at Warruwi, despite the 7 enduring importance of patrilineal clans, the ‘language tribe’ is also available as a tool 8 9 for grouping people. 10 The fact that this ‘language tribe’ grouping occurred in the context of a perfor- 11 mance that marks the beginning of a particular kind of White-Indigenous relations at 12 Warruwi is probably not a coincidence. This article has focused on the two Indigenous 13 groups, but Whites constituted a third group in the performance. Although there was 14 only one part in the performance for a White: the missionary, performed by Reverend 15 Lindsay Parkhill, a local ministry resource worker, about 50 Whites were in the audi- 16 ence, all connected to Warruwi via the Church. White-Indigenous relations were a key 17 part of the story being told in the re-enactment. Reflecting on the social impact of 18 native title processes, Smith and Morphy (2007) note that “It seems likely that many, 19 if not all forms of contemporary Indigenous identity are at least inflected by forms of 20 identity making—and the ‘politics of recognition’—that are deeply tied to the [word 21 22 deleted] mainstream both nationally and internationally.” Missionaries drew heavily 23 on the notion of the language tribe in governing Indigenous people and language 24 tribes continued to be politically significant at Warruwi throughout the self-determi- 25 nation era, right up to the dismantling of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Com- 26 mission in 2005 (Gould 2010). 27 Within the context of native title claims, Indigenous Australian groups have drawn 28 on a wide range of pre-contact and post-contact understandings of social and linguis- 29 tic diversity in forming claimant groups (Sutton 2003; Smith & Morphy 2007). Merlan 30 (1981) and Rumsey (1993) give detailed accounts of two available configurations, 31 which are also the two main ways that people have organised into claimant groups in 32 land claims. While in western Arnhem Land the clan is used as a basis for claims to 33 land ownership, in other areas where the clan is less significant, language groups have 34 35 formed the basis for claims. While these two alternatives might seem like mutually 36 incompatible ways of connecting land, social groups and languages, the re-enactment 37 at Warruwi shows these two options are still available there. 38 Sutton (1978) lists a wide range of ways people organised themselves into groups 39 at Cape Keerweer, Cape York, and emphasises the lack of ‘congruence’ between these 40 groupings. A multiplicity of cross-cutting groupings creates a strong network. There is 41 a flexibility in the way people can represent themselves and their many and varied alli- 42 ances which ultimately tie everybody to everyone else in some way. At Warruwi the 43 range of categories and concepts that can be drawn on to construct groupings, include 44 but is not in any way limited to: patrilineal clan, clan aggregate and language group. 45 In interviews about their language and identity, people at Warruwi focused more on 46 an indirect configuration between language and identity –identifying their language

1 via their patrilineal clan (Singer and Harris 2016). In the re-enactment, however, 2 something closer to Merlan’s (1981) account of ‘Mangarrayi country’ emerges. The 3 social group named by a language, emerges via the land that the language is associated 4 with. Through this process, the groups that wore yellow and blue t-shirts enacted con- 5 temporary ‘language tribes’. 6 The significance of the language tribes at the re-enactment underline Vincent’s 7 observation that in Indigenous history ‘no epoch neatly supplants the other’ (Vincent 8 16 9 2017: 23). While each era has brought to the fore a specific regime of recognition , 10 the effects of earlier regimes are still evident, even if they seem to apply pressure to 11 Indigenous identities in contradictory ways. Recognition is sometimes understood as 12 a totalising process, that forces Indigenous people to choose between assimilation or 13 refusal (Simpson 2017). Hinkson (2017), who views recognition as an “ever-present 14 structuring arrangement in relations between Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal people”, 15 suggests that we not overstate the effects of recognition on how Indigenous people see 16 themselves. The arrival of the first missionary in 1916 brought Christianity to War- 17 ruwi. A few decades later, the Church had a number of converts (Emilsen 2016). Yet 18 Christian beliefs have not supplanted longer-standing spiritual beliefs at Warruwi. 19 Similarly, the different regimes of recognition have added new categories to discus- 20 sions of diversity, such as ‘language tribe’ and ‘Traditional Owner’ but have not sup- 21 22 planted the multiplicity of groupings that have, and continue to play an important 23 role in intra-Indigenous relations. 24 25 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 26 27 This work was only possible through the generosity of Indigenous people of Warruwi 28 Community and the support of Warruwi Community School. For this paper I would 29 especially like to thank Rosemary Urabadi, Rachel Meiyinbara, Janet Mardbinda and 30 the young people I refer to as Lesley and Ranisha. Salome Harris, Jill Vaughan, Murray 31 Garde, Gerald Roche, and two anonymous reviewers kindly gave very useful com- 32 ments. Funding came from the ARC (DECRA fellowship DE140100232), SOAS 33 (University of London), the University of Melbourne and the Fritz Thyssen Stiftung. 34 35 36 Please send correspondence to Ruth Singer: [email protected] 37 38 NOTES 39 40 1 This was suggested by one reviewer. Harvey & Garde (2016) argue for large-scale changes in 41 other social categories in this area during this time. 42 2 https://aiatsis.gov.au/explore/articles/aiatsis-map-indigenous-australia (accessed 18/10/2017). 43 3 This kind of term is used by Mawng speakers to discuss past variation in Mawng as they see the 44 Mawng spoken today as uniform. 45 4 After a few years we did start to record traditional myths. 46

1 5 My spellings of the names of the two clan aggregates varies from how they were spelled on the 2 back of the blue and yellow t-shirts. I write the Mawng pronunciation using the Mawng spelling 3 system so I write them Maningpurru and Majakurtu. 4 6 Adult members of Warruwi Community are identified by name in this paper. They all chose to 5 be identified as they would like to be recognised for their involvement in the research. The 6 names and faces of children have been anonymised, as requested by their families. 7 7 Code for transcription file in PARADISEC digital archive http://www.paradisec.org.au/ 8 8 Recorded on the CD ‘Best of Warruwi 2003’ produced by staff of Charles Darwin University. 9 9 Also on the Best of Warruwi 2003 CD. 10 10 The story of the first missionary focusses on the efforts of Indigenous people in creating the mission whereas Emilsen (2016), a history of Warruwi Community commissioned by the Church to 11 mark the Centenary focusses more on the efforts of Whites. See Baker (2010) on ‘invitational 12 narratives’ of missionary incursion at nearby communities. 13 11 Not their real names. 14 12 This photo is a still from this video: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KbKp1hre 15 BmI&t = 543s (accessed 12 May 2017). 16 13 The term Kunwinjku is used in this paper to refer to the entire Bininj Kunwok/Bininj Gun-wok 17 dialect chain, following a common practice at Warruwi. 18 14 I use the Mawng orthography to spell placenames, where possible. Kumarderr is thus the same 19 place as Gumardir (Goomadeer). 20 15 Mendoza-Denton (2014) shows how a North/South polarity is used to construct equivalence 21 across different symbolic fields in her work among Latina gangs in a Californian high school. 22 16 See Shulist (2016) for an earlier mention of ‘regimes of recognition’. 23 24 REFERENCES 25 26 Baker, G. 2010 “We just cry for our country”: “the boycott” and the Goulburn Islanders, Australian Histori- 27 cal Studies 41(3): 302–8. 28 Barrett, R. 1999 Indexing polyphonous identity in the speech of African American drag queens, in (eds) M. – 29 Bucholtz, A.C. Liang, L. Sutton Reinventing Identities. Oxford: Oxford University Press, pp 313 32. Berndt, R. M. and C. Berndt 1970 Man, Land And Myth In North Australia: The Gunwinggu People. East 30 Lansing: Michigan State University Press. 31 Brown, R. 2016 Following Footsteps: The Kun-Borrk/Manyardi Song Tradition And Its Role In Western 32 Arnhem Land Society. PhD thesis, University of Sydney. 33 Emilsen, W. 2016 Fighting Spirit: A History of Christianity at Warruwi, Goulburn Island. Unley, South Aus- 34 tralia: MediaCom Education Inc. Evans, N. 2003 Introduction: Comparative non-Pama-Nyungan and Australian historical linguistics, in 35 (ed.) N. Evans The Non-Pama-Nyungan Languages Of Northern Australia: Comparative Studies Of The 36 Continent’s Most Linguistically Complex Region. Canberra: Pacific Linguistics, pp 3–25. 37 Evans, N. 2007 Warramurrungunji undone: Australian languages in the 51st millennium. in (ed.) M. Bren- 38 zinger Language Diversity Endangered. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter, pp 342–73. 39 Faudree, P. 2015 Singing for the dead, on and off line: Diversity, migration, and scale in Mexican Muertos music, in The Social Life of Diversity Talk, in (eds) P. Faudree, B. Schulthies Language and Communica- 40 3 tion. ????: ????, 44: 31–43. 41 Fought, C. 2006 Language and Ethnicity. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 42 Garde, M. 2008 Kun-dangwok: ‘“clan lects”’ and Ausbau in western Arnhem Land, International Journal of 43 the Sociology of Language 191: 141–69. 44 Goffman, E. 1956 The Presentation Of Self In Everyday Life. Social Sciences Research Centre series 2. Edin- burgh: University of Edinburgh. 45 Gould, J. 2010 Being In The Black: The Business Of Development In Northern Australia. PhD thesis, Aus- 46 tralian National University.

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Minerva Access is the Institutional Repository of The University of Melbourne

Author/s: Singer, R

Title: The wrong t-shirt: configurations of language and identity at Warruwi Community

Date: 2018-04-01

Citation: Singer, R. (2018). The wrong t-shirt: configurations of language and identity at Warruwi Community. AUSTRALIAN JOURNAL OF ANTHROPOLOGY, 29 (1), pp.70-88. https://doi.org/10.1111/taja.12264.

Persistent Link: http://hdl.handle.net/11343/220269

File Description: Accepted version