Murder in Anatolia
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Reconciling Statism with Freedom: Turkey's Kurdish Opening
Reconciling Statism with Freedom Turkey’s Kurdish Opening Halil M. Karaveli SILK ROAD PAPER October 2010 Reconciling Statism with Freedom Turkey’s Kurdish Opening Halil M. Karaveli © Central Asia-Caucasus Institute & Silk Road Studies Program – A Joint Transatlantic Research and Policy Center Johns Hopkins University-SAIS, 1619 Massachusetts Ave. NW, Washington, D.C. 20036 Institute for Security and Development Policy, V. Finnbodav. 2, Stockholm-Nacka 13130, Sweden www.silkroadstudies.org “Reconciling Statism with Freedom: Turkey’s Kurdish Opening” is a Silk Road Paper published by the Central Asia-Caucasus Institute and the Silk Road Studies Program. The Silk Road Papers Series is the Occasional Paper series of the Joint Center, and ad- dresses topical and timely subjects. The Joint Center is a transatlantic independent and non-profit research and policy center. It has offices in Washington and Stockholm and is affiliated with the Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies of Johns Hopkins University and the Stockholm-based Institute for Security and Development Policy. It is the first institution of its kind in Europe and North America, and is firmly established as a leading research and policy center, serving a large and diverse commu- nity of analysts, scholars, policy-watchers, business leaders, and journalists. The Joint Center is at the forefront of research on issues of conflict, security, and development in the region. Through its applied research, publications, research cooperation, public lec- tures, and seminars, it functions as a focal point for academic, policy, and public dis- cussion regarding the region. The opinions and conclusions expressed in this study are those of the authors only, and do not necessarily reflect those of the Joint Center or its sponsors. -
Turkey's Deep State
#1.12 PERSPECTIVES Political analysis and commentary from Turkey FEATURE ARTICLES TURKEY’S DEEP STATE CULTURE INTERNATIONAL POLITICS ECOLOGY AKP’s Cultural Policy: Syria: The Case of the Seasonal Agricultural Arts and Censorship “Arab Spring” Workers in Turkey Pelin Başaran Transforming into the Sidar Çınar Page 28 “Arab Revolution” Page 32 Cengiz Çandar Page 35 TURKEY REPRESENTATION Content Editor’s note 3 ■ Feature articles: Turkey’s Deep State Tracing the Deep State, Ayşegül Sabuktay 4 The Deep State: Forms of Domination, Informal Institutions and Democracy, Mehtap Söyler 8 Ergenekon as an Illusion of Democratization, Ahmet Şık 12 Democratization, revanchism, or..., Aydın Engin 16 The Near Future of Turkey on the Axis of the AKP-Gülen Movement, Ruşen Çakır 18 Counter-Guerilla Becoming the State, the State Becoming the Counter-Guerilla, Ertuğrul Mavioğlu 22 Is the Ergenekon Case an Opportunity or a Handicap? Ali Koç 25 The Dink Murder and State Lies, Nedim Şener 28 ■ Culture Freedom of Expression in the Arts and the Current State of Censorship in Turkey, Pelin Başaran 31 ■ Ecology Solar Energy in Turkey: Challenges and Expectations, Ateş Uğurel 33 A Brief Evaluation of Seasonal Agricultural Workers in Turkey, Sidar Çınar 35 ■ International Politics Syria: The Case of the “Arab Spring” Transforming into the “Arab Revolution”, Cengiz Çandar 38 Turkey/Iran: A Critical Move in the Historical Competition, Mete Çubukçu 41 ■ Democracy 4+4+4: Turning the Education System Upside Down, Aytuğ Şaşmaz 43 “Health Transformation Program” and the 2012 Turkey Health Panorama, Mustafa Sütlaş 46 How Multi-Faceted are the Problems of Freedom of Opinion and Expression in Turkey?, Şanar Yurdatapan 48 Crimes against Humanity and Persistent Resistance against Cruel Policies, Nimet Tanrıkulu 49 ■ News from hbs 53 Heinrich Böll Stiftung – Turkey Representation The Heinrich Böll Stiftung, associated with the German Green Party, is a legally autonomous and intellectually open political foundation. -
2012 Annual Report
U.S. Commission on InternationalUSCIRF Religious Freedom Annual Report 2012 Front Cover: Nearly 3,000 Egyptian mourners gather in central Cairo on October 13, 2011 in honor of Coptic Christians among 25 people killed in clashes during a demonstration over an attack on a church. MAHMUD HAMS/AFP/Getty Images Annual Report of the United States Commission on International Religious Freedom March 2012 (Covering April 1, 2011 – February 29, 2012) Commissioners Leonard A. Leo Chair Dr. Don Argue Dr. Elizabeth H. Prodromou Vice Chairs Felice D. Gaer Dr. Azizah al-Hibri Dr. Richard D. Land Dr. William J. Shaw Nina Shea Ted Van Der Meid Ambassador Suzan D. Johnson Cook, ex officio, non-voting member Ambassador Jackie Wolcott Executive Director Professional Staff David Dettoni, Director of Operations and Outreach Judith E. Golub, Director of Government Relations Paul Liben, Executive Writer John G. Malcolm, General Counsel Knox Thames, Director of Policy and Research Dwight Bashir, Deputy Director for Policy and Research Elizabeth K. Cassidy, Deputy Director for Policy and Research Scott Flipse, Deputy Director for Policy and Research Sahar Chaudhry, Policy Analyst Catherine Cosman, Senior Policy Analyst Deborah DuCre, Receptionist Tiffany Lynch, Senior Policy Analyst Jacqueline A. Mitchell, Executive Coordinator U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom 800 North Capitol Street, NW, Suite 790 Washington, DC 20002 202-523-3240, 202-523-5020 (fax) www.uscirf.gov Annual Report of the United States Commission on International Religious Freedom March 2012 (Covering April 1, 2011 – February 29, 2012) Table of Contents Overview of Findings and Recommendations……………………………………………..1 Introduction…………………………………………………………………………..1 Countries of Particular Concern and the Watch List…………………………………2 Overview of CPC Recommendations and Watch List……………………………….6 Prisoners……………………………………………………………………………..12 USCIRF’s Role in IRFA Implementation…………………………………………………14 Selected Accomplishments…………………………………………………………..15 Engaging the U.S. -
Freedom of the Media in Turkey and the Killing of Hrant Dink
FREEDOM OF THE MEDIA IN TURKEY AND THE KILLING OF HRANT DİNK TRIAL OBSERVATION REPORT September 2007 FREEDOM OF THE MEDIA IN TURKEY AND THE KILLING OF HRANT DİNK TRIAL OBSERVATION REPORT SEPTEMBER 2007 KURDISH HUMAN RIGHTS PROJECT BAR HUMAN RIGHTS COMMITTEE OF ENGLAND AND WALES INDEX ON CENSORSHIP ARTICLE 19 Acknowledgments This report was researched and written on behalf of the Kurdish Human Rights Project (KHRP), the Bar Human Rights Committee of England and Wales (BHRC), Index on Censorship and Article 19 by Edel Hughes, Junior Lecturer in Law, Centre for Criminal Justice, University of Limerick and KHRP Advisory Group Member Louise Christian. It was edited by Rachel Bernu, Walter Jayawardene, Mustafa Gündoğdu and Amy Pepper (KHRP). The authors are grateful to the following individuals and organisations for their cooperation and assistance in this project: Fethiye Çetin, lawyer for the Dink family; Murat Çelikkan of the Helsinki Citizens’ Assembly; Hakan Gündüz and Yaşar Aydın of TOHAV (The Foundation for Legal and Social Studies) and Şaban Dayanan from the Istanbul Branch of İHD. The authors would also like to thank their interpreter Abdulcelil Kaya. KHRP gratefully acknowledges the support of The Big Lottery Fund (UK), Irish Aid (Ireland), The Sigrid Rausing Trust (UK), The Corner House (UK), Ministry for Foreign Affairs of Finland (Finland), Oak Foundation (USA), Bishop’s Subcommission for Misereor (Germany), Oakdale Trust (UK), Rowan Charitable Trust (UK), Stiching Cizera Botan (Netherlands). Layout & Design: Torske & Sterling Legal -
Digital Populism: Trolls and Political Polarization of Twitter in Turkey
International Journal of Communication 11(2017), 4093–4117 1932–8036/20170005 Digital Populism: Trolls and Political Polarization of Twitter in Turkey ERGİN BULUT Koç University, Turkey ERDEM YÖRÜK Koç University, Turkey University of Oxford, UK This article analyzes political trolling in Turkey through the lens of mediated populism. Twitter trolling in Turkey has diverged from its original uses (i.e., poking fun, flaming, etc.) toward government-led polarization and right-wing populism. Failing to develop an effective strategy to mobilize online masses, Turkey’s ruling Justice and Development Party (JDP/AKP) relied on the polarizing performances of a large progovernment troll army. Trolls deploy three features of JDP’s populism: serving the people, fetish of the will of the people, and demonization. Whereas trolls traditionally target and mock institutions, Turkey’s political trolls act on behalf of the establishment. They produce a digital culture of lynching and censorship. Trolls’ language also impacts pro-JDP journalists who act like trolls and attack journalists, academics, and artists critical of the government. Keywords: trolls, mediated populism, Turkey, political polarization, Twitter Turkish media has undergone a transformation during the uninterrupted tenure of the ruling Justice and Development Party (JDP) since 2002. Not supported by the mainstream media when it first came to power, JDP created its own media army and transformed the mainstream media’s ideological composition. What has, however, destabilized the entire media environment was the Gezi Park protests of summer 2013.1 Activists’ use of social media not only facilitated political organizing, but also turned the news environment upside down. Having recognized that the mainstream media was not trustworthy, oppositional groups migrated to social media for organizing and producing content. -
The Plot Against the Generals
THE PLOT AGAINST THE GENERALS Dani Rodrik* June 2014 On a drizzly winter day four-and-a-half years ago, my wife and I woke up at our home in Cambridge, Massachusetts, to sensational news from our native Turkey. Splashed on the first page of Taraf, a paper followed closely by the country’s intelligentsia and well-known for its anti-military stance, were plans for a military coup as detailed as they were gory, including the bombing of an Istanbul mosque, the false- flag downing of a Turkish military jet, and lists of politicians and journalists to be detained. The paper said it had obtained documents from 2003 which showed a group within the Turkish military had plotted to overthrow the then-newly elected Islamist government. The putative mastermind behind the coup plot was pictured prominently on the front page: General Çetin Doğan, my father-in-law (see picture). General Doğan and hundreds of his alleged collaborators would be subsequently demonized in the media, jailed, tried, and convicted in a landmark trial that captivated the nation and allowed Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan to consolidate his power over the secular establishment. In a judgment issued in October 2013, Turkey’s court of appeals would ratify the lower court’s decision and the decades-long prison sentences it had meted out. Today it is widely recognized that the coup plans were in fact forgeries. Forensic experts have determined that the plans published by Taraf and forming the backbone of the prosecution were produced on backdated computers and Cover of Taraf on the alleged coup attempt made to look as if they were prepared in 2003. -
Illiberal Media and Popular Constitution-Making in Turkey
University of Massachusetts Amherst ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst Communication Department Faculty Publication Series Communication 2020 Illiberal Media and Popular Constitution-Making in Turkey Burcu Baykurt Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.umass.edu/communication_faculty_pubs 1 Illiberal Media and Popular Constitution Making in Turkey 1. Introduction Popular constitution making, a process that allows for public participation as opposed to a handful of elites writing a fundamental social contract behind closed doors and imposing it on the rest of society, is tricky. It sounds like a noble idea in theory, but it is difficult to execute effectively, efficiently, and, most importantly, democratically. Even trickier are the roles of publicity and media in popular constitution making. What are the consequences of reporting during the drafting of a new constitution? In what ways could the media lend legitimacy to the process by informing the public and incorporating public opinion into the drafting of a constitution? Coupled with the rise of new media technologies, an ideal of participatory constitution making (and an active role for the media) may seem desirable, not to mention attainable, but there are myriad ways to participate, and basing a constitution on popular opinion could easily devolve into a majority of 50 percent plus one that imposes its will on the rest. The bare minimum, ideally, is to expect journalists to report on facts without bowing to political or economic pressures, but even that is easier said than done. For which audiences are these journalistic facts intended? For those leaders drafting the new constitution or the public at large? These are not easy questions to answer empirically, not only because media and communications are often neglected in studies of constitution making, but also because the relationship between the two is hard to ascertain precisely. -
ERGENEKON, SLEDGEHAMMER, and the POLITICS of TURKISH JUSTICE: CONSPIRACIES and COINCIDENCES August 29, 2011 Gloria-Center.Org
http://www.gloria-center.org/2011/08/ergenekon-sledgehammer-and-the-politics-of-turkish-justice-conspiracies-and-coincidences/ ERGENEKON, SLEDGEHAMMER, AND THE POLITICS OF TURKISH JUSTICE: CONSPIRACIES AND COINCIDENCES August 29, 2011 gloria-center.org Since it was launched in June 2007, the Ergenekon investigation has become the largest and most controversial case in recent Turkish history, resulting in over 300 people being charged with a membership of what is described as a clandestine terrorist organization seeking to destabilize the country’s Islamist government. In the parallel Sledgehammer investigation, 195 members of the fiercely secularist Turkish military stand accused of plotting a coup in 2003. Yet not only is the evidence in both cases deeply flawed, there are also increasing indications that much of it has been fabricated. On June 12, 2007, acting on an anonymous tip-off, the Turkish police discovered a crate of grenades in a shantytown in the Istanbul suburb of Umraniye in the beginning of what later became known as the Ergenekon investigation. By May 2011, a motley collection of over 300 people had been formally charged with membership of what public prosecutors described as the “Ergenekon terrorist organization,” which was allegedly plotting to use violence to try to destabilize the government of the moderate Islamist Justice and Development Party (JDP). In January 2010, prosecutors launched a parallel investigation into claims that members of the Turkish military had plotted to stage a coup against the JDP in early 2003. By May 2011, 195 serving and retired members of the Turkish military had been formally charged with involvement in the alleged plot. -
Interim Trial Observation Report
INTERIM TRIAL OBSERVATION REPORT Hearing of “Taraf” journalists Istanbul High Criminal Court October 2016 Written by Gráinne Mellon Bar Human Rights Committee 1 Bar Human Rights Committee of England and Wales Doughty Street Chambers 53-54 Doughty Street London WC1N 2LS England 2 Produced by BHRC Copyright 2016 © Contents About the Bar Human Rights Committee ...................................................................................... 4 Acknowledgements .............................................................................................................................. 5 Introduction ............................................................................................................................................ 6 Background ............................................................................................................................................. 8 Arrest and investigation ..................................................................................................................... 9 The hearing ........................................................................................................................................... 10 Events following the hearing .......................................................................................................... 13 Concerns ................................................................................................................................................. 14 The right of a Defendant to know the case against them................................................................ -
Changing Agenda and Turkey: a Study on The
Selçuk Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü Dergisi 28 / 2012 Değişen Gündem ve Türkiye: Changing Agenda And Turkey: 2009 Yılı Medya Gündemi A Study On The Media Agenda Üzerine Bir İnceleme Of 2009 Mustafa YILMAZ** Aynur KÖSE*** ÖZET Enformasyonun haber formatındaki üretimi ve dağıtımı işlevini yerine getiren medya, kamusal alandaki tartışmaların en önemli belirleyicisi ve taşıyıcısı olarak kilit bir rol üstlenmektedir. Buna bağlı olarak haber medyasında öne çıkan konular ve bu konuların haberleştirilmesinde kullanılan dilsel pratikler geniş bir inceleme alanı olarak ortaya çıkmaktadır. Bu çalışmada ise medya gündeminin çok sık değiştiği ya da değiştirildiği yönündeki tartışmaların hız kazandığı bir yıl olarak 2009 yılında, yaygın medyanın değişmez konu başlıkları, bu konulardan olu şan medya gündemini kimin belirlediği, nasıl şekillendirdiği, gündemin değişim sıklığı ve hızı, haber sunumunda öne çıkan çerçeveler gibi sorulara yanıtlar aranmıştır. Bu çerçevede 1 Ocak-31 Aralık 2009 tarihleri arasında yaygın medyaya mensup Akşam, Cumhuriyet, Hürriyet, Milliyet, Posta, Radikal, Sabah, Taraf, Yeni Şafak ve Zaman gazetelerinin manşet ve sürmanşetleri içerik analizi yöntemiyle incelenmiştir. Araştırma sonucunda 2009 yılında en fazla gündemde kalan konuların Ergenekon davasına ilişkin gelişmeler ve Kürt açılımı tartışmaları olduğu saptanmıştır. Bu konuları ilk defa manşetlerine taşıyan ve uzun süre gündemde kalmasını sağlayan gazeteler ise Zaman, Taraf ve Radikal’dir. Çalışmanın ortaya çıkardığı temel bulgu, gazetelerin ateşleyici olayların -
Hrant Dink Murder Case
FOURTH-YEAR REPORT ON HRANT DINK’S MURDER Attn. Fethiye Çetin In our previous reports, we had discussed the process having paid the way to Hrant Dink’s murder as well as individuals and organisations that played a role in this process, the real perpetrators of the crime and the reasons behind the murder; we had also raised questions regarding the subject and given potential answers. As of today our answers - being shaped up by the progress made at the proceedings, the content of the case files, the evidence generated from those files, inquiries and investigations conducted outside this case and the ECHR judgment - do form the basis of our opinion about the substance of the case. In the 3rd year report, we had made the following statement: “It would not be an exaggeration to note that we are back to square one 3 years after the murder. However, despite the lack of any considerable progress in revealing the actual perpetrators of the murder by the end of these three years, the process that paved the way for the murder and the developments that took place in the following three years present significant evidence on who the perpetrator or perpetrators may be. It brings us closer to answers to the questions we posed in the report of the second year. Failure to solve the murder despite the operations of psychological war and action plans revealed by some investigations and trials particularly in the current process we have been going through, as well as the statements that “*murder+ will be investigated until the end” and hundreds of pages -
Pen International Writers in Prison Committee Caselist
PEN INTERNATIONAL WRITERS IN PRISON COMMITTEE CASELIST January-December 2013 PEN International Writers in Prison Committee 50/51 High Holborn London WC1V 6ER United Kingdom Tel: + 44 020 74050338 Fax: + 44 020 74050339 e-mail: [email protected] web site: www.pen-international.org PEN INTERNATIONAL CHARTER The P.E.N. Charter is based on resolutions passed at its International Congresses and may be summarised as follows: P.E.N. affirms that: 1. Literature knows no frontiers and must remain common currency among people in spite of political or international upheavals. 2. In all circumstances, and particularly in time of war, works of art, the patrimony of humanity at large, should be left untouched by national or political passion. 3. Members of P.E.N. should at all times use what influence they have in favour of good understanding and mutual respect between nations; they pledge themselves to do their utmost to dispel race, class and national hatreds, and to champion the ideal of one humanity living in peace in one world. 4. P.E.N. stands for the principle of unhampered transmission of thought within each nation and between all nations, and members pledge themselves to oppose any form of suppression of freedom of expression in the country and community to which they belong, as well as throughout the world wherever this is possible. P.E.N. declares for a free press and opposes arbitrary censorship in time of peace. It believes that the necessary advance of the world towards a more highly organized political and economic order renders a free criticism of governments, administrations and institutions imperative.