Southern Realignment
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Phoenix History Project on November 16, 1978
Arizona Historymakers™* ORAL HISTORY In Our Own Words: Recollections & Reflections Arizona Historical League, Inc. Historical League, Inc. © 2010 Historical Society BARRY M. GOLDWATER 1909-1998 Honored as Historymaker 1992 U. S. Senator and U.S. Presidential Nominee, 1964 Barry Goldwater photograph by Kelly Holcombe The following is an oral history interview with Barry Goldwater (BG) conducted by Wesley Johnson, Jr. (WJ) for the Phoenix History Project on November 16, 1978. Transcripts for website edited by members of Historical League, Inc. Original tapes are in the collection of the Arizona Historical Society Museum Library at Papago Park, Tempe, Arizona. WJ: Today it is our pleasure to interview Senator Barry Goldwater about his remembrances of Phoenix. Senator Goldwater, what is the first thing you can remember as a child about this city? BG: Well, this may seem strange to you, but the first thing I can remember was the marriage of Joe Meltzer, Sr. because I was the ring bearer. It was being held at the old Women’s Club at Fillmore, which was about Fillmore and First Avenue. I remember I was only about four years old, standing outside waiting for the telegraph boy to bring a message saying that President Taft had signed us into statehood. It was Joe Meltzer’s determination to be the first man married in the State of Arizona. Sure enough, I can still see that dust coming up old unpaved First Avenue with the messenger with the telegram. Then we marched in and had the wedding. WJ: That’s interesting. I interviewed Mr. Meltzer and he told me that story from his perspective. -
League of Women Voters Is a National Nonpartisan Grand Traverse County Districts 4-Year Term, All Expire 1/20/21 Political Organization Established in 1920
NATIONAL OFFICIALS About the League GOVERNMENT OFFICIALS 116th Congress U.S. Congressional The League of Women Voters is a national nonpartisan Grand Traverse County Districts 4-year term, all expire 1/20/21 political organization established in 1920. League of Women Feb 2020 President: Donald Trump (R-New York)..........(202) 456-1414 1st Bergman (R) Voters encourages informed and active participation in The White House Washington, DC 20500 4th Moolenaar (R) government, works to increase understanding of major public Vice President: Michael Pence (R-Indiana) 5th Kildee (D) policy issues and influences public policy through education and advocacy. The League is financed by member dues and UNITED STATES SENATORS contributions from members and others. Membership is open 100 (47 Dem - 53 Rep) to all citizens of voting age. 6-year staggered term For more information: Senate Office Building, Washington, DC 20510 Phone: 231-633-5819 Write: LWV-GTA, PO Box 671, Traverse City, Ml 49685 Gary C Peters (D-Bloomfield Twp) 1/3/21 ......(202) 224-6221 Website: www.lwvgta.org Fax: (313) 226-6948, (844) 506-7420, (231) 947-7773 State Senate The League of Women Voters is where www.peters.senate.gov Districts hands on work to safeguard democracy 35th Curt VanderWall (R) leads to civic improvement. Debbie Stabenow (D-Lansing) 1/3/25 .............(202) 224-4822 36th Stamas (R) Fax: (231) 929-1250, (231) 929-1031 37th Schmidt (R) Voting Information www.stabenow.senate.gov • You are elibible to register and vote if you are a US US HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Citizen, at least age 18 by election day. -
A History of Maryland's Electoral College Meetings 1789-2016
A History of Maryland’s Electoral College Meetings 1789-2016 A History of Maryland’s Electoral College Meetings 1789-2016 Published by: Maryland State Board of Elections Linda H. Lamone, Administrator Project Coordinator: Jared DeMarinis, Director Division of Candidacy and Campaign Finance Published: October 2016 Table of Contents Preface 5 The Electoral College – Introduction 7 Meeting of February 4, 1789 19 Meeting of December 5, 1792 22 Meeting of December 7, 1796 24 Meeting of December 3, 1800 27 Meeting of December 5, 1804 30 Meeting of December 7, 1808 31 Meeting of December 2, 1812 33 Meeting of December 4, 1816 35 Meeting of December 6, 1820 36 Meeting of December 1, 1824 39 Meeting of December 3, 1828 41 Meeting of December 5, 1832 43 Meeting of December 7, 1836 46 Meeting of December 2, 1840 49 Meeting of December 4, 1844 52 Meeting of December 6, 1848 53 Meeting of December 1, 1852 55 Meeting of December 3, 1856 57 Meeting of December 5, 1860 60 Meeting of December 7, 1864 62 Meeting of December 2, 1868 65 Meeting of December 4, 1872 66 Meeting of December 6, 1876 68 Meeting of December 1, 1880 70 Meeting of December 3, 1884 71 Page | 2 Meeting of January 14, 1889 74 Meeting of January 9, 1893 75 Meeting of January 11, 1897 77 Meeting of January 14, 1901 79 Meeting of January 9, 1905 80 Meeting of January 11, 1909 83 Meeting of January 13, 1913 85 Meeting of January 8, 1917 87 Meeting of January 10, 1921 88 Meeting of January 12, 1925 90 Meeting of January 2, 1929 91 Meeting of January 4, 1933 93 Meeting of December 14, 1936 -
Mountain Republicans and Contemporary Southern Party Politics
Journal of Political Science Volume 23 Number 1 Article 2 November 1995 Forgotten But Not Gone: Mountain Republicans and Contemporary Southern Party Politics Robert P. Steed Tod A. Baker Laurence W. Moreland Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.coastal.edu/jops Part of the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Steed, Robert P.; Baker, Tod A.; and Moreland, Laurence W. (1995) "Forgotten But Not Gone: Mountain Republicans and Contemporary Southern Party Politics," Journal of Political Science: Vol. 23 : No. 1 , Article 2. Available at: https://digitalcommons.coastal.edu/jops/vol23/iss1/2 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Politics at CCU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal of Political Science by an authorized editor of CCU Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. FORGOTTEN BUT NOT GONE: MOUNTAIN REPUBLICANS AND CONTEMPORARY SOUTHERN PARTY POLITICS Robert P. Steed, The Citadel Tod A. Baker, The Citadel Laurence W. Moreland, The Citadel Introduction During the period of Democratic Party dominance of southern politics, Republicans were found mainly in the mountainous areas of western Virginia, western North Carolina, and eastern Tennessee and in a few other counties (e.g., the German counties of eas't central Te_xas) scattered sparsely in the region. Never strong enough to control statewide elections, Republicans in these areas were competitive locally, frequently succeeding in winning local offices. 1 As southern politics changed dramatically during the post-World War II period, research on the region's parties understandably focused on the growth of Republican support and organizational development in those geographic areas and electoral arenas historically characterized by Democratic control. -
The Democratic Party and the Transformation of American Conservatism, 1847-1860
PRESERVING THE WHITE MAN’S REPUBLIC: THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY AND THE TRANSFORMATION OF AMERICAN CONSERVATISM, 1847-1860 Joshua A. Lynn A dissertation submitted to the faculty at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of History. Chapel Hill 2015 Approved by: Harry L. Watson William L. Barney Laura F. Edwards Joseph T. Glatthaar Michael Lienesch © 2015 Joshua A. Lynn ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii ABSTRACT Joshua A. Lynn: Preserving the White Man’s Republic: The Democratic Party and the Transformation of American Conservatism, 1847-1860 (Under the direction of Harry L. Watson) In the late 1840s and 1850s, the American Democratic party redefined itself as “conservative.” Yet Democrats’ preexisting dedication to majoritarian democracy, liberal individualism, and white supremacy had not changed. Democrats believed that “fanatical” reformers, who opposed slavery and advanced the rights of African Americans and women, imperiled the white man’s republic they had crafted in the early 1800s. There were no more abstract notions of freedom to boundlessly unfold; there was only the existing liberty of white men to conserve. Democrats therefore recast democracy, previously a progressive means to expand rights, as a way for local majorities to police racial and gender boundaries. In the process, they reinvigorated American conservatism by placing it on a foundation of majoritarian democracy. Empowering white men to democratically govern all other Americans, Democrats contended, would preserve their prerogatives. With the policy of “popular sovereignty,” for instance, Democrats left slavery’s expansion to territorial settlers’ democratic decision-making. -
American Federalism: More Than Two Centuries of Political Tension
CHAPTER ONE American Federalism: More Than Two Centuries of Political Tension efore one explores the components and particulars of the BConnecticut polity, it is important to first discuss the features of American federalism, as well as the ongoing tension between federal and state authority throughout the course of American history. This general overview should demonstrate the centrality of state governments within the context of the American federal system, and why this work has special relevance in the twenty-first century. One of the bedrock principles of the United States Constitution is that the power of government should be limited and restrained. Heavily influenced by the writings of classical liberal philosophers, most notably the English philosopher John Locke (1632-1704), the Founding Fathers devised an ingenious constitutional system in which power would never be concentrated in one branch or one level of government.1 Limited government was viewed as a prerequisite to individual liberty and more generally the preservation of the newly- formed republic. The Founding Fathers’ deep belief in a system of limited government is clearly reflected in the principle known as federalism. Drafted during a swelteringly hot summer in Philadelphia more than two hundred years ago, the Constitution of the United States established a governing system in which power would be divided between two levels of government, national and state. The principle of federalism is among the several distinguishing features of the American constitutional framework. 2 AMERICAN FEDERALISM Federalism and Divided Power The Constitution, written in response to the failure of the Articles of Confederation (1781-88), provides the national govern- ment with both enumerated and implied powers. -
Administration of Donald J. Trump, 2018 Remarks At
Administration of Donald J. Trump, 2018 Remarks at the Ohio Republican Party State Dinner in Columbus, Ohio August 24, 2018 The President. Thank you very much, everybody. It's great to be back here. Remember, you cannot win unless you get the State of Ohio. Remember that? I heard that so many times. "You need the State of Ohio; therefore Trump can't win." I think we won by 9 points. What did we win by? Nine? We're winning. We're going to keep winning. I love this State. I worked here. During a summer, I worked here, and I loved it. Cincinnati. We like Cincinnati. Right? [Applause] We like Cincinnati. And this November, we're going to win really big. It's going to be one big Ohio family, as we've had. Special place. Helping us to achieve that victory will be our incredible Ohio GOP Chairwoman—a really incredible person and friend of mine—Jane Timken. Thank you, Jane. Great to be with you, Jane. Great job. This is your record—alltime. This is the all—that's not bad. You know, it is Ohio. All-time record. I'd say that's pretty good. We're also joined tonight by RNC Cochairman Bob Paduchik, who also ran my campaign in Ohio. And I want to tell you, he did an awfully good job. He did a great job. Thank you, Bob. Fantastic. I also want to express my gratitude to all of the county GOP chairs, grassroots activists, volunteers, and Republican women who work so hard to achieve victory for your party, your State, and for your country. -
Polls and Elections
Polls and Elections Southern Discomfort? Regional Differences in Voter Decision Making in the 2000 Presidential Election D. SUNSHINE HILLYGUS Harvard University TODD SHIELDS University of Arkansas The South has undergone dramatic changes in population, economics, and partisanship in recent decades, leading scholars to conclude that the New South has lost many of its unique patterns of voting behavior. Using an extensive data set that contains sufficient sample sizes for regional comparisons, we estimate an interactive model of vote choice in the 2000 presidential election to compare the decision making of Southern and non-Southern respondents. We find that the voting calculus of Southern voters remains distinct, particularly for those struggling with cross-pressures between ideology and party identification. These findings have theoretical impli- cations for general models of presidential voting behavior and practical relevance for under- standing election outcomes and the future of party politics in the South. The contemporary American South continues to experience dramatic changes in population, economics, and partisanship that have fundamentally altered the political landscape of not only the region but the entire nation. The wide-ranging effects of these developments on electoral behavior are not entirely understood, but it is unquestionable that the New South remains as important in American politics—particularly presidential elections—as the Old South. With nearly two-thirds of the Electoral College votes needed to win the presidency, the South is a considerable electoral prize.1 More than a 1. The South is typically defined as the original 11 states of the Confederacy: Alabama, Arkansas, Florida, Georgia, Louisiana, Mississippi, North Carolina, South Carolina, Texas, Tennessee, and Virginia. -
Ethnic Community, Party Politics, and the Cold War: the Political Ascendancy of Miami Cubans, 1980–2000
The Japanese Journal of American Studies, No. 23 (2012) Ethnic Community, Party Politics, and the Cold War: The Political Ascendancy of Miami Cubans, 1980–2000 Hideaki KAMI* INTRODUCTION Analysis of the implications of the rapidly growing Latino/Hispanic electorate for future U.S. political life is a relatively new project for his- torians and political scientists.1 Indeed, the literature on Latino politics has long considered their political underrepresentation as the central issue for research. Many scholars in the field have sought to explain how the burden of historical discrimination and antagonistic attitudes toward immigrants has discouraged these minorities from taking part in U.S. politics. Their studies have also explored how to overcome low voter turnout among Latinos and detect unfavorable institutional obstacles for voicing their opinions in government.2 However, partly due to previous academic efforts, the 1990s and 2000s have witnessed U.S. voters of Hispanic origin solidifying their role as a key constituency in U.S. pol- itics. An increasing number of politicians of Hispanic origin now hold elective offices at local, state, and national levels. Both the Republican and Democratic Parties have made intensive outreach efforts to seize the hearts and minds of these new voters, particularly by broadcasting spe- cific messages in Spanish media such as Univision.3 Although low *Graduate student, University of Tokyo and Ohio State University 185 186 HIDEAKI KAMI turnout among Latino voters and strong anti-immigrant sentiments among many non-Latino voters persist, the growing importance of the Latino electorate during the presidential elections has attracted increas- ing attention from inside and outside academic circles.4 Hence, in 2004, political scientist Rodolfo O. -
From James A
Revision, Fall 2004 (20 November 2004) Prepared for James A. Thurber, ed. Rivals for Power, 3rd ed., (Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 2005). Partisan Polarization, Politics, and the Presidency: Structural Sources of Conflict James P. Pfiffner George Mason University In his campaign for the presidency in the 2000 election, George W. Bush promised that he would work closely with Congress and the Democrats and tone down the corrosive partisan rhetoric that had come to characterize Washington in the last years of the 20th century. After a very close election in which Bush narrowly won the presidency while trailing the Democratic candidate by half a million votes, many expected him to take a conciliatory approach to Democrats in Congress and seek out moderates of both parties to forge an agenda in the middle of the political spectrum. But that is not what happened. Arguing that political capital had to be spent rather than conserved, Bush put forward a conservative policy agenda and won some impressive victories.i Just when his momentum began to lag in late summer of 2001, terrorists struck New York and Washington. The atrocities of 9-11 transformed the political landscape and presented Bush with a country unified under his leadership and broad international support for the United States. Yet three years later as he ran for reelection, the nation was deeply divided over his presidency and the war in Iraq. Although much of the political division between the parties in Congress and among partisans in the electorate could be attributed to disagreement over President Bush’s policies, the roots of the divisive partisan politics of the Bush Presidency lay in political developments in the preceding four decades. -
Building a Progressive Center Political Strategy and Demographic Change in America
Building a Progressive Center Political Strategy and Demographic Change in America Matt Browne, John Halpin, and Ruy Teixeira April 2011 The “Demographic Change and Progressive Political Strategy” series of papers is a joint project organized under the auspices of the Global Progress and Progressive Studies programs and the Center for American Progress. The research project was launched following the inaugural Global Progress conference held in October 2009 in Madrid, Spain. The preparatory paper for that conference, “The European Paradox,” sought to analyze why the fortunes of European progressive parties had declined following the previous autumn’s sudden financial collapse and the global economic recession that ensued. The starting premise was that progressives should, in principle, have had two strengths going for them: • Modernizing trends were shifting the demographic terrain in their political favor. • The intellectual and policy bankruptcy of conservatism, which had now proven itself devoid of creative ideas of how to shape the global economic system for the common good. Despite these latent advantages, we surmised that progressives in Europe were struggling for three pri- mary reasons. First, it was increasingly hard to differentiate themselves from conservative opponents who seemed to be wholeheartedly adopting social democratic policies and language in response to the eco- nomic crisis. Second, the nominally progressive majority within their electorate was being split between competing progressive movements. Third, their traditional working-class base was increasingly being seduced by a politics of identity rather than economic arguments. In response, we argued that if progressives could define their long-term economic agenda more clearly— and thus differentiate themselves from conservatives—as well as establish broader and more inclusive electoral coalitions, and organize more effectively among their core constituencies to convey their mes- sage, then they should be able to resolve this paradox. -
A History of the Virginia Democratic Party, 1965-2015
A History of the Virginia Democratic Party, 1965-2015 A Senior Honors Thesis Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for Graduation “with Honors Distinction in History” in the undergraduate colleges at The Ohio State University by Margaret Echols The Ohio State University May 2015 Project Advisor: Professor David L. Stebenne, Department of History 2 3 Table of Contents I. Introduction II. Mills Godwin, Linwood Holton, and the Rise of Two-Party Competition, 1965-1981 III. Democratic Resurgence in the Reagan Era, 1981-1993 IV. A Return to the Right, 1993-2001 V. Warner, Kaine, Bipartisanship, and Progressive Politics, 2001-2015 VI. Conclusions 4 I. Introduction Of all the American states, Virginia can lay claim to the most thorough control by an oligarchy. Political power has been closely held by a small group of leaders who, themselves and their predecessors, have subverted democratic institutions and deprived most Virginians of a voice in their government. The Commonwealth possesses the characteristics more akin to those of England at about the time of the Reform Bill of 1832 than to those of any other state of the present-day South. It is a political museum piece. Yet the little oligarchy that rules Virginia demonstrates a sense of honor, an aversion to open venality, a degree of sensitivity to public opinion, a concern for efficiency in administration, and, so long as it does not cost much, a feeling of social responsibility. - Southern Politics in State and Nation, V. O. Key, Jr., 19491 Thus did V. O. Key, Jr. so famously describe Virginia’s political landscape in 1949 in his revolutionary book Southern Politics in State and Nation.