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Telegraph bookshop. Add to Basket. Shop Home Books eBooks. Join our email club Return to Book Page. Get A Copy. Kindle Edition , pages. More Details Other Editions 1. Friend Reviews. To see what your friends thought of this book, please sign up. To ask other readers questions about A State in Denial , please sign up. Lists with This Book. This book is not yet featured on Listopia. Community Reviews. Showing Average rating 4. Rating details. Sort order. Oct 15, Tom rated it liked it. Definitely goes into a level of detail I wasn't really expecting, lots of minutiae, but also a lot of really interesting facts; British collusion with loyalist death squads in Northern Ireland runs deep. There was no South African-style truth and reconciliation commission in Northern Ireland, and truth recovery has been a more fragmented process. But a series of official reports has made it impossible to deny the existence of widespread collusion between agents of the state and loyalist paramilitaries. The British government response has shifted from denial to minimisation. The pattern of loyalist violence fluctuated during the conflict. The first peak was between and , when loyalist groups killed people, most of them Catholic civilians. This was followed by a period of relative inactivity before the sectarian killings escalated sharply again. Between and , loyalists killed 50 people; between and , they killed The clearest sign that the British authorities applied a different standard to loyalist paramilitaries was the status of the UDA, which, extraordinarily, remained a legal organisation from its foundation until In the Irish government challenged its British counterpart in the European Court of Human Rights over the policy of internment without trial. During the hearings, British government officials acknowledged the double standard applied to republican and loyalist paramilitaries, and sought to justify it, claiming that the loyalist groups were not disciplined, structured organisations like the IRA. The British authorities already had ample evidence to contradict that view. Much of the research into collusion in the s has focused on the activity of the Glenanne Gang, a loyalist militia responsible for well over a hundred deaths: it was responsible for no-warning bombs that killed 33 people in Dublin and Monaghan in The HET is unable to rebut or allay these suspicions. Several RUC members were later implicated in a sectarian attack on a Catholic pub. A State in Denial: British Collaboration with Loyalist Paramilitaries by Margaret Urwin

Add to Basket. Shop Home Books eBooks. Join our email club Sign up to our newsletter to receive a whole range of exclusive benefits, including This meant greater reliance on locally recruited forces in the struggle against the IRA. If indisputable evidence of collusion had become public, it would have been much harder for the British government to justify a security policy that relied so heavily upon the RUC and the UDR. At the heart of the recharged loyalist campaign of the late s and early s was a UDA member called Brian Nelson, who worked as an agent for the secretive Force Research Unit FRU , an intelligence vehicle for the British army. Nelson was sentenced to 10 years in prison, but was released after four years. The contacts he made paid off when hundreds of rifles, handguns and grenades were smuggled into Northern Ireland and distributed to the loyalist groups in The UVF and UDA then used those weapons in attacks, including the murder of five men at a betting shop in a Catholic area of Belfast in , and another murder of six men in a rural pub in RUC Special Branch, which took the lead in the intelligence war, ran hundreds of informers in the loyalist groups well into the s. Defenders of the security forces argued that it was sometimes necessary to turn a blind eye to criminal activity by informers if the intelligence they supplied helped prevent attacks. But that argument collapses if the true role of informers like Nelson was to strengthen the groups they had infiltrated. The intertwined lives of Brian Nelson and Pat Finucane symbolise a wider picture of collusion, not only because they are intrinsically important, but because they led to a series of inquiries that made public much damning evidence. This battle over historical memory has become a story in its own right. Some details would seem implausible in a novel. The RUC recovered the rifle used in the betting shop murders of Faced with such revelations, the British state and its defenders have fallen back on the claim that collusion was a bottom-up phenomenon, driven by rogue members of the RUC and UDR who passed on intelligence files to the loyalist paramilitaries, or turned a blind eye at crucial moments. This is the third scholarly book in recent times that shows how successive British governments abandoned morality and law in dealing with conflict in Northern Ireland. After fifteen years of research, Anne Cadwallader published in her Lethal allies: British collusion in Ireland —a frightening portrayal of collusion. Yet London still refuses to comment, admit, acknowledge, accept or apologise. Now comes the third ground-breaking book, A state in denial: British collaboration with loyalist paramilitaries by Margaret Urwin. Where Lethal allies explored the extent of collusion during a specific time in a specific area, A state in denial peeps behind the doors of Whitehall and Stormont in the s and s. The picture that emerges is one of toleration and even de facto encouragement of loyalist paramilitaries. Tactics such as curfew and internment were imposed almost exclusively on the nationalist population of Northern Ireland. Based on research by the Pat Finucane Centre and Justice for the Forgotten, and using official British and Irish declassified documents from the s and early s, this book explores the tangled web of relationships between British government ministers, senior civil servants, leading police and military officers, and UDA and UVF paramilitaries. The documents provide evidence of more than a decade of official toleration, and at times encouragement, of loyalist paramilitaries, leading to horrifying results and prolonging the conflict in Northern Ireland. Yet the authorities in London continue to deny such links. Britain truly is a state in denial. After the Dublin and Monaghan bombings, Margaret Urwin and companions worked hard to uncover the truth about who was responsible, putting pressure on both the British and Irish governments. She worked with Justice for the Forgotten, the organisation representing the families and survivors of the Dublin and Monaghan bombings, since , and for more than a decade with the families of victims of other cross-Border bombings. This is a thoroughly researched book, not only utilising previous research, as the bibliography indicates, but also especially analysing the declassified documents from the s and s and the evidence of various witnesses. It captures the atmosphere of each year and phase of the gruesome conflict. What does she offer in her book? By using the lens of official British and Irish declassified documents from the s and early s, it will also put into context the loyalist intimidation and sectarian campaigns that occurred in Northern Ireland throughout this period. One wonders what other documents lie hidden in state archives. Will this book encourage others to bring pressure on the British government to reveal them? Year after year, families who suffered state violence were represented by skilled legal teams and organisations like the Pat Finucane Centre and Relatives for Justice, the Committee for the Administration of Justice, British—Irish Rights Watch and Amnesty International, who pressurised the British government to disclose information regarding state violence. History Ireland

There is never an acceptance from government that their own members were responsible for unlawful killings in the policies they pursued. The world knew that attributing their murders to a false paramilitary force called the UFF Ulster Freedom Fighters was a sham. The UDA murders, the British Army murders, and the involvement of some UDR and RUC members in murders point, as this book testifies in its deep research, to the collaboration of successive British governments with loyalists and a one-sided military campaign against republicans, and also in a wider degree against the Catholic population. So much still rings true today, as brought out in the three books highlighted in this review:. British governments and security chiefs must be made judicially responsible for extra-judicial killings if it is found in public inquiries that they were complicit in such crimes. Human rights standards were needed most at a time of conflict and that is where successive British governments failed. It is important now to promote public confidence in security services. This will only happen when the British state opens up the sources it has locked up over the years of a long-running conflict. The revelation of the truth would in fact hasten the pace of healing and reconciliation and brighten the vision of peace in a new Ireland. Justice must be seen to be done for the sake of law, morality and democracy. After years of campaigning, corruption and gross injustice were incontrovertibly exposed in the cases of the Guildford Four and the Birmingham Six. So often injustice was a consequence. The state allowed its covert army to operate with immunity. When their operations were probed, it was prepared to go to incredible lengths to defend them. The Right to Life and the duty imposed on states to protect this right is a fundamental principle in domestic, European and international law. The UK government may have been guilty of a flagrant breach by formulating policies that put its citizens at risk and thus constituted misfeasance in public office on a hitherto unimaginable scale. I congratulate the author on her painstaking study of released documents and on her balanced judgement. It is fitting also to congratulate the Pat Finucane Centre for its cooperation with Margaret Urwin and also to thank Mercier Press for a splendid publication. Getty Images. Login Subscribe To renew a subscription please login first. Previously classified documents show a clear pattern of official denial, at the highest levels of government, of the extent and impact of the loyalist assassination campaign. Goodreads helps you keep track of books you want to read. Want to Read saving…. Want to Read Currently Reading Read. Other editions. Enlarge cover. Error rating book. Refresh and try again. Open Preview See a Problem? Details if other :. Thanks for telling us about the problem. Return to Book Page. Get A Copy. Kindle Edition , pages. More Details Other Editions 1. Friend Reviews. Click here for more details Telegraph bookshop. Add to Basket. Shop Home Books eBooks.

Get A Copy. Kindle Edition , pages. More Details Other Editions 1. Friend Reviews. To see what your friends thought of this book, please sign up. To ask other readers questions about A State in Denial , please sign up. Lists with This Book. This book is not yet featured on Listopia. Community Reviews. Showing Average rating 4. Rating details. Sort order. Oct 15, Tom rated it liked it. Definitely goes into a level of detail I wasn't really expecting, lots of minutiae, but also a lot of really interesting facts; British collusion with loyalist death squads in Northern Ireland runs deep. The two go together like the Ulster Freedom Fighters and the Ulster Defense Association you'd get it if you read the book. Interesting analysis of collusion between the British state and loyalist paramilitaries during the Northern Ireland troubles. The failure to proscribe the UDA as a terrorist organisation for so long is particularly shocking. On the down side, the book does have quite a narrow focus with little discussion of the wider accusations of the RUC facilitating terrorism, and a lot of knowledge is assumed, with a lack of context for those who may not know a lot about the timeline of events in the 70s and Interesting analysis of collusion between the British state and loyalist paramilitaries during the Northern Ireland troubles. On the down side, the book does have quite a narrow focus with little discussion of the wider accusations of the RUC facilitating terrorism, and a lot of knowledge is assumed, with a lack of context for those who may not know a lot about the timeline of events in the 70s and 80s. Nov 07, Kevin Doyle rated it really liked it Shelves: highly-recommended-non-fiction. Excellent, disturbing book. I consider myself generally well- read and aware of current affairs and recent history - particularly where this involves Ireland - but I found myself re-evaluating this view on completion of A State In Denial. I guess it would be too much to ask that it would be put on the required reading list for students in the UK? Jul 29, Peggy rated it it was amazing. Since the s, however, a variety of different sources have produced hard evidence. There was no South African- style truth and reconciliation commission in Northern Ireland, and truth recovery has been a more fragmented process. But a series of official reports has made it impossible to deny the existence of widespread collusion between agents of the state and loyalist paramilitaries. The British government response has shifted from denial to minimisation. The pattern of loyalist violence fluctuated during the conflict. The first peak was between and , when loyalist groups killed people, most of them Catholic civilians. This was followed by a period of relative inactivity before the sectarian killings escalated sharply again. Between and , loyalists killed 50 people; between and , they killed The clearest sign that the British authorities applied a different standard to loyalist paramilitaries was the status of the UDA, which, extraordinarily, remained a legal organisation from its foundation until In the Irish government challenged its British counterpart in the European Court of Human Rights over the policy of internment without trial. During the hearings, British government officials acknowledged the double standard applied to republican and loyalist paramilitaries, and sought to justify it, claiming that the loyalist groups were not disciplined, structured organisations like the IRA. The British authorities already had ample evidence to contradict that view. Much of the research into collusion in the s has focused on the activity of the Glenanne Gang, a loyalist militia responsible for well over a hundred deaths: it was responsible for no-warning bombs that killed 33 people in Dublin and Monaghan in The HET is unable to rebut or allay these suspicions. Several RUC members were later implicated in a sectarian attack on a Catholic pub. Ballistic evidence linked their weapons to several killings by the Glenanne Gang, but they were only given suspended sentences by the court, except for a police officer who had already been convicted of murder. This meant greater reliance on locally recruited forces in the struggle against the IRA. If indisputable evidence of collusion had become public, it would have been much harder for the British government to justify a security policy that relied so heavily upon the RUC and the UDR. At the heart of the recharged loyalist campaign of the late s and early s was a UDA member called Brian Nelson, who worked as an agent for the secretive Force Research Unit FRU , an intelligence vehicle for the British army. Nelson was sentenced to 10 years in prison, but was released after four years. The contacts he made paid off when hundreds of rifles, handguns and grenades were smuggled into Northern Ireland and distributed to the loyalist groups in

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