DOCSLIB.ORG

The African Worker in South Africa

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
The African Worker in South Africa THE AFRICAN WORKER IN SOUTH AFRICA A Study of Trade Unionism ★ ALEX HEPPLE, M.P. TH E AFRICA BUREAU 65 DENISON HOUSE VAUXHALL BRIDGE ROAD LONDON S.W.l Price: Two Shillings ALEX HEPPLE, M.P. the author of this important pamphlet on the South African trade union movement, is the leader of the Labour Party in the South African Parliament, and is recognised as the authority on trade union affairs. In the past seven years he has established for himself a reputation as one of the half-dozen outstanding Members in the South African Parliament. Even his opponents have paid tribute to the vigour of his championship of the democratic rights of South Africans of all races: he played the leading role in opposing the recently enacted Industrial Conciliation Act. He has represented Labour interests in the Transvaal Provincial Council and in Parliament for nearly 15 years. Some years ago he gave up his position as'managing director of a flourishing industrial firm to devote himself entirely to his public duties. ERRATA P. 5 footnote line 3, for 31j-000j000 read 21s000,000 P. 25 line 15 for 720 read 72 CONTENTS INTRODUCTION......................................................................... 2 1. AFRICANS—THE WORKING CLASS MAJORITY ... 3 2. LABOUR ORGANISATION .................................................. 6 I. The Story of Trade Union Apartheid ......................... 6 II. White Opposition to African Trade Unions ............. 11 III. Barriers Against Union Organisation ... < .............. 15 (i) No Right to M e e t.................................................. 16 (ii) No Place to M e e t...................................................... 17 (iii) The Threat of Suppression .......................... 18 (iv) The Banning of L eaders .......................................... 19 (v) The Banning of Meetings.......................................... 20 3. LABOUR L A W S......................................................................... 21 I. The Industrial Conciliation A c t .................................... 21 II. The Native Labour (Settlement of Disputes) Act ... 23 III. The Wage Act ............................................................. 26 IV. The Native Labour Regulation Act .......................... 28 V. The Native Building Workers Act ......................... 29 VI. The Master and Servants L a w s .................................... 31 4. THE TRADE UNION ROAD TO DEMOCRACY ... 31 APPENDIX—Workers Employed in S.A. Industry .............. 36 1 INTRODUCTION This is a brief review of labour organisation amongst African workers in the Union of South Africa and of some of the laws and practices which hamper its progress. African trade unions suffer many handicaps. Greatest of these is official hostility. The Nationalist Government of the country, which looks like being in power for a long time to come, treats African trade unions as a threat to White civilisation; it is therefore determined to prevent African workers from organising. The official Parliamentary Opposition, the United Party, is also opposed to statutory recognition of African trade unions. In the circumstances, there is little likelihood of any South African government encouraging or approving the development of trade unionism among African workers. This is a disturbing thought in these days, when we hear so much about the virtues of “White” civilisation. Trade unionism has become an essential part of civilised society; if the doors to trade unionism are closed to African workers, the consequences will be dangerous. In opposing African trade unionism, the so-called defenders of “White” civilisation are in fact preparing for their own destruction. Rather than foster the advancement of the African people intelligently and sympathetically, new laws and regulations are conceived to fetter them to inferiority and to preserve White domination. Amongst White trade unionists also, there is considerable confusion on the question of African trade unions. Even those who favour legal recognition, hesitate to associate openly with African organisations and find it difficult to regard Africans as fellow workers. I believe the question of organising African workers to be of maJor importance. It would be a tragedy if the Africans could find no support amongst the Whites in their efforts to build their unions. I hope that the facts I have assembled here will stimulate interest in this important subject and induce more White South Africans to adopt a realistic and more enlightened attitude. 2 CHAPTER ONE AFRICANS—THE WORKING CLASS MAJORITY In South Africa, workers are not only classified according to their occupations and skills. They are also identified by their race. One speaks of European (or White) workers, Coloured workers, Indian workers and Native (or African) workers. The Whites perform most of the skilled work. They also occupy many of the semi-skilled occupations. Those who are unskilled are employed by the State-owned railways or by Government Departments and Provincial authorities. *%., The Coloured workers, who are mainly concentrated in the Cape Province, are craftsmen in the building, furniture and printing industries and operatives in such industries as clothing, footwear and canning. Most of them, however, are labourers and semi-skilled workers, for their opportunities in the higher grades of employment are limited. This also applies to the Indian workers, almost all of whom are confined to the Province of Natal. Their employment follows a similar pattern to that of , the Coloureds in the Cape. The African workers, with whom we are concerned here, have always been the labouring class, the hewers of wood and the drawers of water. t But this is changing. Africans are steadily rising above the old menial I status and taking over many occupations that were once the preserve J of the White man. During the war, thousands of Africans were brought into the nation’s factories to aid the war effort, and the demand for their labour increased t rapidly in the vast industrial expansion which followed the war. The a elevation of Africans into the field of higher skills was inevitable. The ^ increasing reluctance of Whites to do “dirty” work has compelled employers to make greater use of Africans in occupations that were once considered beyond their ability. At one time, the Whites held a superior attitude only towards what was called “Kaffirs’ work”, the rough, un­ pleasant labouring Jobs. In a land where Colour Bars impose the stigma of inferiority, manual labour holds no appeal. Pride of craft has had to give way to pride of skin. It is no wonder that the Whites are gradually spurning all kinds of factory work and even skilled trades. The sons of families with a long artisan tradition refuse to learn father’s trade. They prefer white-collar Jobs, particularly as such work is much better paid than apprenticeship. They are encouraged in this preference because of the increasing threat to the security of the artisan from mechanisation and mass production. This industrial progress, which 3 brings fears of insecurity to the White artisan, provides great opportunities for the African. Nearly all new industries are planned on the basis of mass production, using easily trained operatives, performing specialised tasks. For this repetitive work, Africans have proved eminently suitable. In older industries, such as engineering and building, many crafts that were once part of the skilled artisan’s trade, have been transformed by new techniques. They have been broken down into a few simple operations, performed as a manufacturing process by semi-skilled Africans. In this way, work that was once the preserve of the White man, has been taken over by Non-Whites. This has happened in spite of all legal and conventional colour bars. Even the present Government, with all its talk of segregation and all its control measures, has been unable to check the influx of African workers into industry. Official statistics show that the ratio of Black workers to White is increasing remarkably. It can be seen from the Table in the Appendix (p. 36) that between the years 1937 and 1951, while the percentage of African employees in industry rose from 44% to 53%, the percentage of Europeans dropped from 42% to 30%. The continuing demand by industry for African workers is establishing large “Black” populations in the urban or “White” areas. There are now nearly three million Africans in the main urban and peri-urban areas of the Union, and the number is steadily increasing. African labour has a special appeal to employers. It is cheap, docile, defenceless and disciplined by special laws. In the mines, where upwards of 300,000 Africans are employed, special precautions are taken to isolate them from the influences of urban life, especially trade unionism. Employers of African labour are always at an advantage, for they have the full weight of the law on their side. The Government is determined to prevent the growth of a Black proletariat. Its efforts to preserve feudal lordship of White over Non- White are constantly frustrated by economic pressures created by great industrial expansion. This conflict compels the Government to conceive new laws, impose greater restrictions and apply special measures of repression to urban Africans. Older laws, like the Pass Laws, the Master and Servant Laws, the Native Labour Regulation Act and the Natives (Urban Areas) Act were specially designed to ensure the proper behaviour of African workers towards their masters. These still operate, being often
Load more

Recommended publications
  • The Role and Application of the Union Defence Force in the Suppression of Internal Unrest, 1912 - 1945
    THE ROLE AND APPLICATION OF THE UNION DEFENCE FORCE IN THE SUPPRESSION OF INTERNAL UNREST, 1912 - 1945 Andries Marius Fokkens Thesis presented in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Military Science (Military History) at the Military Academy, Saldanha, Faculty of Military Science, Stellenbosch University. Supervisor: Lieutenant Colonel (Prof.) G.E. Visser Co-supervisor: Dr. W.P. Visser Date of Submission: September 2006 ii Declaration I, the undersigned, hereby declare that the work contained in this thesis is my own original work and that I have not previously submitted it, in its entirety or in part, to any university for a degree. Signature:…………………….. Date:………………………….. iii ABSTRACT The use of military force to suppress internal unrest has been an integral part of South African history. The European colonisation of South Africa from 1652 was facilitated by the use of force. Boer commandos and British military regiments and volunteer units enforced the peace in outlying areas and fought against the indigenous population as did other colonial powers such as France in North Africa and Germany in German South West Africa, to name but a few. The period 1912 to 1945 is no exception, but with the difference that military force was used to suppress uprisings of white citizens as well. White industrial workers experienced this military suppression in 1907, 1913, 1914 and 1922 when they went on strike. Job insecurity and wages were the main causes of the strikes and militant actions from the strikers forced the government to use military force when the police failed to maintain law and order.
    [Show full text]
  • The African Patriots, the Story of the African National Congress of South Africa
    The African patriots, the story of the African National Congress of South Africa http://www.aluka.org/action/showMetadata?doi=10.5555/AL.SFF.DOCUMENT.crp3b10002 Use of the Aluka digital library is subject to Aluka’s Terms and Conditions, available at http://www.aluka.org/page/about/termsConditions.jsp. By using Aluka, you agree that you have read and will abide by the Terms and Conditions. Among other things, the Terms and Conditions provide that the content in the Aluka digital library is only for personal, non-commercial use by authorized users of Aluka in connection with research, scholarship, and education. The content in the Aluka digital library is subject to copyright, with the exception of certain governmental works and very old materials that may be in the public domain under applicable law. Permission must be sought from Aluka and/or the applicable copyright holder in connection with any duplication or distribution of these materials where required by applicable law. Aluka is a not-for-profit initiative dedicated to creating and preserving a digital archive of materials about and from the developing world. For more information about Aluka, please see http://www.aluka.org The African patriots, the story of the African National Congress of South Africa Author/Creator Benson, Mary Publisher Faber and Faber (London) Date 1963 Resource type Books Language English Subject Coverage (spatial) South Africa Source Northwestern University Libraries, Melville J. Herskovits Library of African Studies, 968 B474a Description This book is a history of the African National Congress and many of the battles it experienced.
    [Show full text]
  • Politics Under Conditions of War: the Effect of the War Measures Acts on Political Struggles Within the South African Mine Workers’ Union, 1939-1947 Wessel Visser 
    209 Scientia Militaria vol 44, no 1, 2016, pp 209-223. doi:10.5787/44-1-1168 Politics Under Conditions of War: the effect of the War Measures Acts on Political Struggles within the South African Mine Workers’ Union, 1939-1947 Wessel Visser Abstract The South African Mine Workers’ Union, or MWU, was one of the most prominent white trade unions of 20th-century South Africa and active in one of the country’s key industries, namely gold mining. In the aftermath of the violent 1922 strike, the union’s executive was bureaucratised, which left the MWU vulnerable to corruption and maladministration. This gave rise to a protracted struggle for control of the union’s executive. In the 1930s and 1940s the strife within MWU ranks became entangled with the national struggle for political hegemony between the National Party and the United Party, as well as Afrikaner nationalism. At the outbreak of World War II the Smuts cabinet armed the state under War Measures’ Acts, which entitled it to a range of arbitrary powers, including powers to control strategic minerals, such as gold, and to curb industrial unrest. Naturally, the War Measures’ Acts had a significant effect on the doings of the MWU – in particular the struggle for political control of its executive. The struggle involved three official commissions of inquiry into the affairs of the MWU, two mining strikes and numerous court actions between the two competing factions within its ranks. As a result of the stipulations of the War Measures’ Acts pertaining to the mining industry, as well as those of the MWU constitution, a political impasse to solve the issue of democratic elections in the union arose.
    [Show full text]
  • A South African Pacifist Movement, 1914-1915 Jonathan Hyslop 
    22 Scientia Militaria vol 44, no 1, 2016, pp 22-34. doi: 10.5787/44-1-1160 The War on War League: A South African Pacifist Movement, 1914-1915 Jonathan Hyslop Abstract The outbreak of the First World War divided the South African Labour Party, a movement representing the country’s white working class. The party’s parliamentary delegation supported South African government’s participation in the war effort, but many leadership figures within the party and the trade unions disagreed with this stance. The dissidents formed an organization called the War on War League. In mid-1915, the anti-war activists left the party and formed the International Socialist League, a predecessor of the Communist Party of South Africa. The War on War League has conventionally been regarded as important only for its role in the eventual formation of the Communist Party. This article however contends that it needs to be understood in its own terms, as a pacifist movement, reflecting a political moment of resistance to the plunge into global war. Keywords: War on War League, South Africa, Pacifism, Anti-War Movement, First World War, Syndicalism, Internationalism, Witwatersrand 1. Introduction Shortly after the outbreak of the First World War, a group of mainly British immigrant socialists and pacifists in the Johannesburg area formed a movement called the War on War League (WoWL), to oppose South African participation in the conflict.1 Small as it was, the League was to have surprisingly important effects on subsequent South African history. This article seeks to explain what the League was and why it mattered.
    [Show full text]
  • A3299-C4-2-002-Jpeg.Pdf
    sub-factions of -factions as accusations and counter-accusations of 'revision­ ism', 'Bukharinism' and 'Trotskyism' were bandied about in a search for ideological purity. MaJority factions had expelled minorities only to be expelled themselves in due course. Internecine doctrinal strife had displaced public political activity, $nd ultimately the Central Committee had moved from Johannesburg to Cape Town -fJai■. survwat. In Johannesburg, the Party had withered. Its debts were unpaid, its offices repossessed by landlords, its printing press sequestrated and its formal Journal 'Umsebenzi' defunct. All that remained was a semi-secret sect. My application for membership was accepted and I was placed 'on probation' for several months. I would be required to pay regular subscriptions, attend regular members' meetings, and 'carry out all tasks assigned to me'. The conditions - like most serious Party talk - were couched in a Party jargon which was new to me, heavy with references to 'aggregate meetings', 'functionaries', 'democratic centralism' and 'factionalism'. I began to learn the jargon. 'Aggregate' which I only knew in its building industry the main ingredient in a concrete mix^meant what w o root -of TMe wui III1 c u IIj * 'general meeting’. The Jargon, I discovered, was not peculiarly South African but a species of international Communist-speak derived from the Bolsheviks and the Comintern. In its most impenetrable form we knew it as 'Inprecorr' language as invariably used in the columns of the Comintern Journal: International Press Correspondence (Inprecorr.). The Communist Party not only had 'aggregate meetings'. It also had 'functionaries' rather than officials or office-bearers, a 'Political Bureau' (or PB) rather than an executive committee, and 'secretariats' in addition to secretaries.
    [Show full text]
  • Race and Class in the Post-War World: the Southern African Labour
    Duncan Money Final version Race and Class in the Post-War World: The Southern African Labour Congress Duncan Money1 Text version of my article that was published in International Labor and Working-Class History, 94 (2018), pp. 133-55. https://doi.org/10.1017/S014754791800011X Introduction Participants in the Southern Africa Labour Congress in 1943 regarded the gathering together of white trade unionists and labour MPs from across South Africa, Southern Rhodesia, Northern Rhodesia and Belgian Congo as a historic occasion. During three successive annual Congresses, delegates sought to secure their place in the post-war world and ensure that the white labour movement would have its say in what this world would look like. Collectively, they developed, articulated and then disseminated internationally a racialized understanding of class intended to be acceptable for the post-war period. Although white workers comprised only a small proportion of the working-class in the region, white labour representatives considered white workers to be the legitimate working-class, an assumption based on hierarchical notions of work that were not peculiar to them. Historically, some types of work have been considered more valuable than others, and the labour of some has been judged as more valuable than labour performed by others. In Southern Africa, the white labour movement regarded skilled work performed by white men as the defining characteristic of who was, and who was not, working-class, a definition that had some circularity as work 1 Duncan Money Final version performed by white men was often defined in law as skilled. On this basis, organisations of the white labour movement were authentic representatives of the working-class.
    [Show full text]
  • A Ghost from the Past: the South African Developmental State of the 1940S
    A Ghost from the Past: The South African Developmental State of the 1940s Bill Freund, University of KwaZulu-Natal, Economic History and Development Studies Programme (professor emeritus) The Developmental State In recent years, with eyes alerted to the so-called Asian industrialisation model, there has emerged an important literature on the developmental state with Johnson, Amsden and Chang amongst the most frequently cited studies (Johnson, 1982; Amsden, 1989; Chang, 1994). Meredith Woo-Cumings provides a collection which stretches the subject to consider, for instance, dirigiste France and which also gives convenient definitional strength to the concept.(Woo-Cumings,1999) ‘The common thread linking these arguments is that a developmental state is not an imperious element lording it over society but a partner with the business sector in an historical compact of industrial transformation’. (Ibid.:4) A key defining element in the developmental state seems to be agency: the existence of a state formation that transcends or overrules the usual bureaucratic processes. Such agencies are capable of directing capital and defying the logic of market forces which may constrain structural transformations. While the state may tolerate large-scale corruption, favourites are channelled in such a way as to ensure economic results, not simply indulge in private rent- seeking activities. Capitalists and top government officials, perhaps in the military, come together to form an elite, probably moulded through social associations, common educational background and personal ties. With reference to Brazil, Peter Evans proposes that members of such an elite ‘are embedded in a concrete set of social ties that binds the state to society and provides institutionalised channels for the continued negotiation and renegotiations of goals and policies.’ (Evans, 1995:12) They thus fulfil the requirement suggested by Coase’s much discussed theory: costs are reduced to a minimum where economic interactions are embedded in social forms.
    [Show full text]
  • THE FOUNDATIONS of ANTISEMITISM in SOUTH AFRICA IMAGES of the JEW C.1870-1930
    THE FOUNDATIONS OF ANTISEMITISM IN SOUTH AFRICA IMAGES OF THE JEW c.1870-1930 by MILTON SHAIN M.A.(S.A.); S.T.D. (U.C.T.); M.A.(LEEDS) A thesis in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the UniversityDepartment of Cape of History Town University of Cape Town February 1990 The copyright of this thesis vests in the author. No quotation from it or information derived from it is to be published without full acknowledgement of the source. The thesis is to be used for private study or non- commercial research purposes only. Published by the University of Cape Town (UCT) in terms of the non-exclusive license granted to UCT by the author. University of Cape Town To take only the subject of the Jews, it would be difficult to find a form of bad reasoning about them which has not been heard in conversation or been admitted to the dignity of print. - George Eliot 1 CONTENTS PAGE ASTRACT i PREFACE AND ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS iv CHAPTER ONE: Introduction 1 CHAPTER TWO: Gentlemen and Knaves The Ambivalent Image 19 CHAPTER THREE: "Where the Carcass is, there shal 1 the Eagles be Gathered Together" : Pedlars, Peruvians and Plutocrats 45 CHAPTER FOUR: From Pariah to Parvenu : The Making of a Stereotype 117 CHAPTER FIVE: Shirkers and Subversives Embellishing the Jewish Stereotype 186 CHAPTER SIX: The Rand Rebellion : Consolidating the Jewish Stereotype 22L CHAPTER SEVEN: "The Jews are Everywhere Climbing to the Top of the Trees Where the Plums are to be Found" : Ou ts iders and Intruders 271 CHAPTER EIGHT: Conclusions : Reappraising Anti- semitism in the Nineteen Thirties and Early Forties 332 APPENDIX I 352 APPENDIX II 363 BIBLIOGRAPHY 366 ii ABSTRACT Historians of South African Jewry have depicted antisemitism in the 1930s and early 1940s as essentially an alien phenomenon, a product of Nazi propaganda at a time of great social and economic trauma.
    [Show full text]
  • Alex Hepple: South African Socialist South African History Online Lives of Courage Series
    South African History Online lives of courage series Alex Hepple: South African Socialist A Memoir by Bob Hepple South African History Online lives of courage series Published in 20 in South Africa by South African History Online, 266 Lower Main Road, Observatory, Cape Town, 7925 © South African History Online All rights are reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in retrieval systems or transmitted in any form or by any means without prior written permission of the publishers. ISBN: 978-0-620-50965-7 Design and Layout: Deidre Mackenna Cover design: Omar Badsha and Deidre Mackenna Cover Photograph: Cartoon by Ashton in Saamtrek, ‘Met die Vlag Omhoog’, after the ascent of Everest in 953, portraying Labour as holding the flag of the freedom of the worker against economic exploitation and interference with human rights. Printed and bound in South Africa by Mega Digital (Pty) Ltd In Memory of My Parents Say not the struggle naught availeth, The labour and the wounds are vain, The enemy faints not, nor faileth, And as things have been they remain. If hopes were dupes, fears may be liars; It may be, in your smoke conceal’d, Your comrades chase e’en now the fliers, And, but for you, possess the field. For while the tired waves, vainly breaking, Seem here no painful inch to gain, Far back, through creeks and inlets making, Comes silent, flooding in the main. And not by eastern windows only, When daylight comes, comes in the light; In front, the sun climbs slow, how slowly! But westward, look, the land is bright! (Arthur Hugh Clough) Photo: Eli Weinberg Acknowledgments I am grateful to my friend Norman Levy for suggesting many years ago that I should write this book, and to Omar Badsha for his encouragement and support in publishing it as part of his enterprising venture to awaken the interest of the ‘born free’ generation of South Africans in their history.
    [Show full text]
  • The Origins of the South African Labour Party 1888-1910, Vol.2
    THE OciIGINS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN LABOUR PARTY 1888 1910 VOL. II Town Cape of A Thesis Submitted for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the University of Cape Town September 1973 University by D. Ticktin The copyright of this thesis vests in the author. No quotation from it or information derived from it is to be published without full acknowledgementTown of the source. The thesis is to be used for private study or non- commercial research purposes only. Cape Published by the University ofof Cape Town (UCT) in terms of the non-exclusive license granted to UCT by the author. University 397 CHAPTER IX FORMATION OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN LABOUR PARTY •.. it lies with the members to decide whether the South African Typographical Union shall degenerate into a spineless, moribund body, or enter into the arena of active Labour politics. To be, or not to be, that is the question - whether 'tis nobler in the mind to suffer the slings and arrows cast at us by the present political parties in power or take arms against a sea of troubles and endeavour to fight our way out to salvation. 1 South African Typographical Journal 1. Background to 1907 The labour movements in the South African colonies could not develop in total isolation from one another since several craft Unions ignored the colonial boundaries. For instance, the S. A. T. U.,Town to which printers' societies throughout the sub-continent affiliated, was founded in 1898. 2 Similarly, the various branches of the A.Cape S. E. in South Africa were controlled from the Rand after the Anglo-Boerof War, although in certain matters authority 3 had to be obtained from its headquarters in London.
    [Show full text]
  • Not for Citation
    Not for citation Social Justice or Grandiose Scheme? 'People come to us with a cough and we give them cough syrup. But if we listen, they tell us stories of poverty, injustice, exploitation. Is the cough syrup enough?' Ravi Naryan ­ People's Health Movement In June 2012 the SAHJ carried two 'revisionist' articles on the 1942­44 South African National Health Services Commission (the NHSC or Gluckman Commission, after its Chairman, Dr Henry Gluckman), the first by the eminent African economic historian, Bill Freund, the second, by the much­published medical historian, Anne Digby.1 The Commission’s specific remit was to report and advise upon 'the provision of an organized National Health Service, in conformity with the modern conception of "Health" for all [sic] sections of the people of the Union of South Africa'.2 After exhaustive enquiries across the Union and from all sections of the population it recommended the establishment of a National Health Service, with health centres as its foundation at the local level. As we all probably know, this did not happen: Smuts, then Prime Minister refused to take on the provinces which controlled regional hospitals and thought the entire venture far too expensive; the handful of health centres came under attack from members of the medical profession who feared they were taking away their patients, and were allowed to atrophy were by the Nationalist government. .As Freund and Digby point out, however, there has been relatively little detailed historical analysis of this Commission, despite a number of general accounts, mainly by its medical admirers.
    [Show full text]
  • Wartime Propaganda in the Union of South Africa, 1939 - 1945
    Wartime Propaganda In the Union of South Africa, 1939 - 1945 by Fankie Lucas Monama Dissertation presented for the degree of History in the Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences at Stellenbosch University Supervisor: Prof William R. Nasson April 2014 Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za Declaration By submitting this dissertation electronically, I declare that the entirety of the work contained therein is my own, original work, that I am the sole author thereof (save to the extent explicitly otherwise stated), that reproduction and publication thereof by Stellenbosch University will not infringe any third party rights and that I have not previously in its entirety or in part submitted it for obtaining any qualification. April 2014 Copyright © 2014 Stellenbosch University All rights reserved Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za iii ABSTRACT After the First World War (1914-1918) – the first “total war” in modern history, where whole populations, not just military forces, became participants in the war effort, the potential power of propaganda was realised, through the exploitation of mass communication media to manipulate public opinion. Alongside politico-diplomatic, economic and military manoeuvres, governments needed to mobilise the minds of their population to secure support, to mobilise them behind the war policy and to avoid discontent and dissension. This was particularly crucial to South Africa during the Second World War (1939-1945), especially as the country was threatened by deeply ingrained political tensions and internal divisions. The wartime Union, under General Jan Smuts, experienced an escalation of political extremism and militancy from radical sections of white Afrikaner nationalists who opposed the government’s war policy.
    [Show full text]