European Social Democracy – in Need of Renewal Nine Country Cases & Seven Policy Proposals

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

European Social Democracy – in Need of Renewal Nine Country Cases & Seven Policy Proposals Internationale Politikanalyse International Policy Analysis Alfred Pfaller European Social Democracy – In Need of Renewal Nine country cases & Seven policy proposals Social Democratic parties throughout the more affluent, economically highly developed part of Europe have experienced a dramatic decline in electoral support over the last few years. This text presents the cases of nine countries in Western, Northern and Southern Europe, all members of the European Union before Eastern En- largement. It looks at the challenges, posed by socio-economic and socio- political evolution, at the political discourse that has defined and structured political issues, and at the responses Social Democrats as well as their com- petitors have offered to these challenges. It is argued that fundamental changes in the way the world economy works have made it difficult for Social Democracy to deliver on its core promises. If it does not come up with ways to secure social inclusion under today’s conditions of globalisation and the post-industrial knowledge econ- omy, Social Democracy risks becoming obsolete. European Social Democracy must come up with an encompassing project of renewal, a project that is able to meet today’s challenges and that appeals to a heterogeneous majority of the population. It must forge a new coalition to »tame« capitalism and once again put its productive and creative forces at the service of human fulfilment. This paper makes seven policy proposals for the renewal of Social Democracy in Europe. DECEMBER 2009 Ausgewählte Veröffentlichungen des Referats „InternationaleInternationale Politikanalyse“ Politikanalyse International Policy Analysis Unit Arbeitskreis Europa Thorsten Benner, Stefanie Flechtner (Hrsg.) Chancen für eine nachhaltige Energiepolitik Demokratien und Terrorismus – Erfahrungen mit = mçäáíáâJfåÑçI=^éêáä=OMMT= der Bewältigung und Bekämpfung von Terroran- = schlägen. Fallstudien USA, Spanien, Niederlande AG Europäische Integration und Großbritannien. Plädoyer für ein europäisches Sozialmodell = cêáÉÇÉå=ìåÇ=páÅÜÉêÜÉáí, g~åì~ê=OMMT= = bìêçé®áëÅÜÉ=mçäáíáâI=^éêáä=OMMT= = = Sven Biscop Michael Sommer The International Security Engagement of the Eu- Ein soziales Europa braucht Arbeitnehmer- ropean Union - Courage and Capabilities for a mitbestimmung [also available in English] “More Active” EU. Report from the 1st mçäáíáâJfåÑçI=^éêáä=OMMT= European Strategic Forum, Warsaw 2006. = cêáÉÇÉå=ìåÇ=páÅÜÉêÜÉáíI=g~åì~ê=OMMT Bert Hoffmann Kuba in der Nach-Fidel-Ära Stefanie Flechtner cbpJi®åÇÉê~å~äóëÉI=j®êò=OMMT Demokratie ist die beste Antwort im Kampf = gegen den Terrorismus James K. Galbraith = mçäáíáâJfåÑçI=aÉòÉãÄÉê=OMMS= Maastricht 2042 and the Fate of Europe. Toward Convergence and Full Employment Michael Dauderstädt, Barbara Lippert, = bìêçé®áëÅÜÉ=mçäáíáâI=j®êò=OMMT= Andreas Maurer Die deutsche EU-Ratspräsidentschaft 2007: Daniela Schwarzer Hohe Erwartungen bei engen Spielräumen Spannungen im Club der 13 – Reformbedarf = bìêçé®áëÅÜÉ=mçäáíáâI=kçîÉãÄÉê=OMMS= der Eurozone. bìêçé®áëÅÜÉ=mçäáíáâI=j®êò=OMMT= Jana Zitzler Plädoyer für eine europäische Mindestlohnpolitik Arbeitskreis Europa [also available in English] Gefahr für die nationale Daseinsvorsorge im = mçäáíáâJfåÑçI=kçîÉãÄÉê=OMMS= EU-Binnenmarkt? = mçäáíáâJfåÑçI=j®êò=OMMT= Jo Leinen Die Kosten der Nicht-Verfassung Jonathan Wadsworth = mçäáíáâJfåÑçI=kçîÉãÄÉê=OMMS= Mit flexiblen Arbeitsmärkten aus der Beschäfti- gungskrise? Ein Blick auf britische Erfahrungen = mçäáíáâJfåÑçI=j®êò=OMMT Diese und weitere Texte Svenja Blanke Mexikos junge Demokratie zwischen Stagnation sind online verfügbar: und Krise http://www.fes.de/internationalepolitik = cbpJi®åÇÉê~å~äóëÉI=j®êò=OMMT= Jürgen Kahl Bestellungen bitte an: Die Mongolei im Reformtief – Dauerkrise oder Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung „zweiter Aufbruch“? Internationale Politikanalyse cbpJi®åÇÉê~å~äóëÉI=g~åì~ê=OMMT z.Hd. Ursula Müller D – 53170 Bonn E-Mail: [email protected] Tel.: +49 (228) 883-212 Fax: +49 (228) 883-625 International Policy Analysis 1 Content Introduction . 2 The Decline of Social Democracy in Europe: A Common European Pattern? . 2 British New Labour: the Historic »Third Way« Comes to an End . 2 The German SPD: Antagonising the Workers without Convincing the Middle Class . 3 The French Socialists: Progressive Ambitions, Pragmatic Policies, Internal Conflicts, Shrinking Constituency . 5 The Dutch Labour Party: Competing in a Crowded and Shrinking Centre while Losing the Left . 6 The Austrian SPÖ: Riding the Horse of Success Away from Those Who Feed It . 7 Italy: Reconstituting the Centre-Left within an Unsustainable Social Model . 8 The Spanish Socialist Labour Party: Still the Force of Progress in a Catching-up Society . 10 The Danish Social Democrats: in Danger of Losing Their Profile in a Social Democratic Country . 11 SAP: the Guardian of the Highly Popular »Swedish model« but without a Political Monopoly . 12 The social democratic Malaise and its Causes . 14 The End of Social Democratic Progress . 14 A Socio-cultural Divide . 15 Where Is the Enemy? . 15 Towards a Project of social democratic Renewal . 16 Seven Policy Proposals for a Renewal of Social Democracy . 16 Promoting the Project of Renewal . 20 2 Alfred Pfaller European Social Democracy – In Need of Renewal Introduction Based on this analysis the final chapter presents a project of social democratic renewal and its main In much of Europe, Social Democratic parties have areas of focus. Seven policies are proposed as a start- seen their share of the vote declining in recent years. ing point for such a project. They are neither all- In a number of cases the decline set in a decade ago. embracing nor complete, but they might provide an On the basis of nine country case studies, this paper* impetus for further discussions on how to secure the shows why Social Democracy has been losing elec- future of European Social Democracy and how to toral support in most of Europe and what must be advance the social democratic cause. done to reverse this development. The first part of the paper analyses the situation of Social Democracy in the United Kingdom, Germany, The Decline of Social Democracy in France, the Netherlands, Austria, Italy, Spain, Den- Europe: A Common European Pattern? mark and Sweden. It looks at the challenges posed by socio-economic and socio-political evolution, at the The fact that voters in polities as diverse as Britain, political discourse that has defined and structured the France, Austria, Germany and Denmark have all related political issues and at the responses Social turned away from Social Democracy suggests that Democrats as well as their competitors have offered there are more than country-specific factors at work. to these challenges. We will not pay much attention Hypotheses are readily available, but in trying to ar- to factors without lasting strategic significance, such rive at an explanation it seems advisable to take into as personalities, internal rivalries, coalition tactics, account the diversity of the various countries and not campaigning slogans, scandals etc., which often to be over-hasty in concocting a stylized pan-Euro- dominate the political discourse for some time. pean story of Social Democratic decline. This decline Even though we consider the development of So- is likely to be a complex phenomenon, exhibiting cial Democracy in the post-communist European more than one pattern of cause and effect. At the countries as very important for Social Democracy in same time, for explanatory hypotheses to be valid Europe as a whole, we leave these countries out of they must be applicable across the whole spectrum of our survey. The situation there and the challenges it countries. poses for Social Democracy are different from those in the more affluent countries of the West. The ana- lytical focus here is insufficient to provide valid rec- British New Labour: the Historic »Third Way« ommendations for post-communist Europe. Comes to an End In the second part we generalise some findings from the case studies in order to explain the general New Labour was able in the 1990s to present a pro- causes of Social Democratic malaise in Europe. Of grammatic message that appealed simultaneously to course, our analysis of what has gone wrong consti- the lower income strata and to significant parts of the tutes a simplification, or reduction to essentials of a middle class. The message was very appropriately rather diverse reality. One respect in which the nine dubbed the »Third Way«, because it distinguished countries differ is the extent to which and the way itself clearly from two extremes that constituted the the economic transformations of recent decades politically relevant alternatives at the time and that have affected social inclusion and hence the kind of had both outlived their socio-economic relevance and challenge this poses for Social Democracy. They also appeal. One of these was the radical, socially polaris- differ in the political cleavage structures they have ing neo-liberalism of the Conservative government, inherited from the past. We will take into account which even in the eyes of its erstwhile supporters had these differences and qualify our statements accord- long since accomplished its »historic mission« of ingly where we find it appropriate. revitalising the British economy. The other was old Labour’s focus on the rights of employed labour, on Alfred Pfaller is soci- ologist and economist. income equality and on Keynesian macroeconomics. He was Editor of the * This study was compiled by Alfred Pfaller,
Recommended publications
  • Gradualism": the Labour Party and Industry, 1918-1931
    ORE Open Research Exeter TITLE The industrial meaning of "gradualism": the Labour party and industry, 1918-1931 AUTHORS Thorpe, Andrew JOURNAL Journal of British Studies DEPOSITED IN ORE 03 March 2008 This version available at http://hdl.handle.net/10036/19512 COPYRIGHT AND REUSE Open Research Exeter makes this work available in accordance with publisher policies. A NOTE ON VERSIONS The version presented here may differ from the published version. If citing, you are advised to consult the published version for pagination, volume/issue and date of publication The Industrial Meaning of "Gradualism": The Labour Party and Industry, 1918-1931 Andrew Thorpe The Journal of British Studies, Vol. 35, No. 1. (Jan., 1996), pp. 84-113. Stable URL: http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0021-9371%28199601%2935%3A1%3C84%3ATIMO%22T%3E2.0.CO%3B2-4 The Journal of British Studies is currently published by The University of Chicago Press. Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/about/terms.html. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at http://www.jstor.org/journals/ucpress.html. Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission.
    [Show full text]
  • DSA's Options and the Socialist International DSA Internationalism
    DSA’s Options and the Socialist International DSA Internationalism Committee April 2017 At the last national convention DSA committed itself to holding an organizational discussion on its relationship to the Socialist International leading up to the 2017 convention. The structure of this mandatory discussion was left to DSA’s internationalism committee. The following sheet contains information on the Socialist International, DSA’s involvement with it, the options facing DSA, and arguments in favor of downgrading to observer status and withdrawing completely. A. History of the Socialist International and DSA The Socialist International (SI) has its political and intellectual origins in the nineteenth century socialist movement. Its predecessors were the First International (1864-1876), of ​ ​ which Karl Marx was a leader, and the Second International (1889-1916). In the period of ​ the Second International, the great socialist parties of Europe (particularly the British Labour Party, German Social Democratic Party, and the French Section of the Workers International) formed and became major electoral forces in their countries, advancing ideologies heavily influenced by Marx and political programs calling for the abolition of capitalism and the creation of new systems of worker democracy. The Second International collapsed when nearly all of its member parties, breaking their promise not to go to war against other working people, rallied to their respective governments in the First World War. The Socialist Party of America (SPA)—DSA’s predecessor—was one of the very few member parties to oppose the war. Many of the factions that opposed the war and supported the Bolshevik Revolution came together to form the Communist International in 1919, which over the course of the 1920s became dominated by Moscow and by the 1930s had become a tool of Soviet foreign policy and a purveyor of Stalinist orthodoxy.
    [Show full text]
  • ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
    APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions.
    [Show full text]
  • The Role of Ultra-Orthodox Political Parties in Israeli Democracy
    Luke Howson University of Liverpool The Role of Ultra-Orthodox Political Parties in Israeli Democracy Thesis submitted in accordance with the requirements of the University of Liverpool for the degree of Doctor in Philosophy By Luke Howson July 2014 Committee: Clive Jones, BA (Hons) MA, PhD Prof Jon Tonge, PhD 1 Luke Howson University of Liverpool © 2014 Luke Howson All Rights Reserved 2 Luke Howson University of Liverpool Abstract This thesis focuses on the role of ultra-orthodox party Shas within the Israeli state as a means to explore wider themes and divisions in Israeli society. Without underestimating the significance of security and conflict within the structure of the Israeli state, in this thesis the Arab–Jewish relationship is viewed as just one important cleavage within the Israeli state. Instead of focusing on this single cleavage, this thesis explores the complex structure of cleavages at the heart of the Israeli political system. It introduces the concept of a ‘cleavage pyramid’, whereby divisions are of different saliency to different groups. At the top of the pyramid is division between Arabs and Jews, but one rung down from this are the intra-Jewish divisions, be they religious, ethnic or political in nature. In the case of Shas, the religious and ethnic elements are the most salient. The secular–religious divide is a key fault line in Israel and one in which ultra-orthodox parties like Shas are at the forefront. They and their politically secular counterparts form a key division in Israel, and an exploration of Shas is an insightful means of exploring this division further, its history and causes, and how these groups interact politically.
    [Show full text]
  • THE PLO and the PALESTINIAN ARMED STRUGGLE by Professor Yezid Sayigh, Department of War Studies, King's College London
    THE PLO AND THE PALESTINIAN ARMED STRUGGLE by Professor Yezid Sayigh, Department of War Studies, King's College London The emergence of a durable Palestinian nationalism was one of the more remarkable developments in the history of the modern Middle East in the second half of the 20th century. This was largely due to a generation of young activists who proved particularly adept at capturing the public imagination, and at seizing opportunities to develop autonomous political institutions and to promote their cause regionally and internationally. Their principal vehicle was the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), while armed struggle, both as practice and as doctrine, was their primary means of mobilizing their constituency and asserting a distinct national identity. By the end of the 1970s a majority of countries – starting with Arab countries, then extending through the Third World and the Soviet bloc and other socialist countries, and ending with a growing number of West European countries – had recognized the PLO as the legitimate representative of the Palestinian people. The United Nations General Assembly meanwhile confirmed the right of the stateless Palestinians to national self- determination, a position adopted subsequently by the European Union and eventually echoed, in the form of support for Palestinian statehood, by the United States and Israel from 2001 onwards. None of this was a foregone conclusion, however. Britain had promised to establish a Jewish ‘national home’ in Palestine when it seized the country from the Ottoman Empire in 1917, without making a similar commitment to the indigenous Palestinian Arab inhabitants. In 1929 it offered them the opportunity to establish a self-governing agency and to participate in an elected assembly, but their community leaders refused the offer because it was conditional on accepting continued British rule and the establishment of the Jewish ‘national home’ in what they considered their own homeland.
    [Show full text]
  • Partisan Influence on Immigration: the Case of Norway
    ISSN 0080–6757 Doi: 10.1111/j.1467-9477.2010.00250.x © 2010 The Author(s) Journal compilation © 2010 Nordic Political Science Association Partisan Influence on Immigration: The Case of Norwayscps_250 248..270 Frøy Gudbrandsen* Do governments decide the size of immigration? This article analyses partisan impact on refugee immigration to Norway.The first part maps party positions on refugee immigration and demonstrates that the views of Norwegian parties are far from consensual. The second part tests whether the number of refugees admitted has been affected by changes of government by way of a panel analysis covering the period 1985–2005 and 143 sending countries. Controlling for other determinants of immigration both in receiving and sending countries, the analysis suggests that that the number of refugees admitted to Norway has been significantly lower during Conservative rule. Among parties with government experience, the Conservative Party also has adopted the most restrictive stand in its manifestoes. No significant differences between Labour Party and centre governments were found, even though the centre parties express more liberal preferences. The partisan influence on immigration remains uncertain. Scholars come to diverging conclusions, both on the validity of the partisan theory in general (see, e.g., Blais et al. 1993; Imbeau et al. 2001) and on states’ capacity to control immigration (see, e.g., Sassen, 1996, 2000; Guiraudon & Lahav 2000). Although some studies reject a partisan effect on national economic indicators, many find strong empirical support for the hypoth- esis (e.g., Huber & Stephens 2000; Cusack 1997; Reed 2006; Pettersson- Lidbom 2004). Yet what about immigration? Do governments control it, or is it determined entirely by external determinants? Not only scholars, but politicians, too, disagree on their influence on immigration.
    [Show full text]
  • Constitution
    LABOUR PARTY CONSTITUTION LABOUR PARTY CONSTITUTION As amended at Party Conference 21-23 April 2017, Wexford Part 1: Principles and Objects OUR OBJECTIVE is to build a society based on political, social and economic democracy. We seek to challenge and redistribute all inequalities of power and wealth in society through the empowerment of ordinary people. We strive for social and economic justice, where everyone has a guaranteed standard of security and well-being, and fair opportunity to develop their personal and social selves and to participate in the economic, social and cultural life of the nation in conditions of freedom, solidarity, justice, economic security and equality. OUR DETERMINATION is to change Irish society through the broadest possible engagement with and empowerment of all progressive social forces – Irish, European and international – and through contesting elections and pursuing policies in government that further progressive ends. OUR PARTY is a democratic socialist party and, through its membership of the Party of European Socialists and the Progressive Alliance, is part of the international socialist movement working for equality and to empower of citizens, consumers and workers in a world increasingly dominated by big business, greed and selfishness. IT WAS FOUNDED from the trade union movement by James Connolly, Jim Larkin, Tom Johnson and others as a means for working people to organise politically, to combat squalor, ignorance, want, idleness and disease. These aspirations remain valid today. Despite Ireland’s economic wealth, class divisions continue to exist and many of its citizens continue to experience, from childhood, major inequalities in wealth, health and life chances.
    [Show full text]
  • Challenger Party List
    Appendix List of Challenger Parties Operationalization of Challenger Parties A party is considered a challenger party if in any given year it has not been a member of a central government after 1930. A party is considered a dominant party if in any given year it has been part of a central government after 1930. Only parties with ministers in cabinet are considered to be members of a central government. A party ceases to be a challenger party once it enters central government (in the election immediately preceding entry into office, it is classified as a challenger party). Participation in a national war/crisis cabinets and national unity governments (e.g., Communists in France’s provisional government) does not in itself qualify a party as a dominant party. A dominant party will continue to be considered a dominant party after merging with a challenger party, but a party will be considered a challenger party if it splits from a dominant party. Using this definition, the following parties were challenger parties in Western Europe in the period under investigation (1950–2017). The parties that became dominant parties during the period are indicated with an asterisk. Last election in dataset Country Party Party name (as abbreviation challenger party) Austria ALÖ Alternative List Austria 1983 DU The Independents—Lugner’s List 1999 FPÖ Freedom Party of Austria 1983 * Fritz The Citizens’ Forum Austria 2008 Grüne The Greens—The Green Alternative 2017 LiF Liberal Forum 2008 Martin Hans-Peter Martin’s List 2006 Nein No—Citizens’ Initiative against
    [Show full text]
  • TRANSNATIONAL PARTY ACTIVITY and PORTUGAL's RELATIONS with the EUROPEAN COMMUNITY
    TRANSNATIONAL PARTY ACTIVITY and PORTUGAL'S RELATIONS WITH THE EUROPEAN COMMUNITY Juliet Antunes Sablosky Georgetown University Paper Prepared for Delivery at the Fourth Biennial International Conference of The European Community Studies Association May 11-14, 1995 Charleston, South Carolina This paper analyzes the interaction of the domestic and international systems during Portugal's transition to democracy in the 1970's. It focuses on the role which the European Community played in the process of democratization there, using transnational party activity as a prism through which to study the complex set of domestic and international variables at work in that process. The paper responds to the growing interest in the role of the European Community as a political actor, particularly in its efforts to support democratization in aspiring member states. The Portuguese case, one of the first in which the EC played such a role, offers new insights into how EC related party activity can affect policy-making at national and international levels. The case study centers on the Portuguese Socialist Party (PS) and its relationship with the socialist parties1 in EC member states, with the Confederation of the Socialist Parties of the European Community and the Socialist Group in the European Parliament. Its central thesis is that transnational party activity affected not only EC policy making in regard to Portugal, but had demonstrable effects on the domestic political system as well. Using both interdependence and linkages theory as its base, the paper builds on earlier work by Geoffrey Pridham (1990, 1991), Laurence Whitehead (1986, 1991) and others, on the EC's role in democratization in Southern Europe.
    [Show full text]
  • Different Paths Towards Autonomy
    Háskóli Íslands Hugvísindasvið Sagnfræði Different paths towards autonomy: A comparison of the political status of the Faroe Islands and th Iceland in the first half of the 19 century Ritgerð til B. A.- prófs Regin Winther Poulsen Kt.: 111094-3579 Leiðbeinandi: Anna Agnarsdóttir Janúar 2018 Abstract This dissertation is a comparison of the political status of Iceland and the Faroe Islands within the Danish kingdom during the first half of the 19th century. Though they share a common history, the two dependencies took a radically different path towards autonomy during this period. Today Iceland is a republic while the Faroes still are a part of the Danish kingdom. This study examines the difference between the agendas of the two Danish dependencies in the Rigsdagen, the first Danish legislature, when it met for the first time in 1848 to discuss the first Danish constitution, the so-called Junigrundloven. In order to explain why the political agendas of the dependencies were so different, it is necessary to study in detail the years before 1848. The administration, trade and culture of the two dependencies are examined in order to provide the background for the discussion of the quite different political status Iceland and the Faroes had within the Danish kingdom. Furthermore, the debates in the Danish state assemblies regarding the re-establishment of the Alþingi in 1843 are discussed in comparison to the debates in the same assemblies regarding the re-establishment of the Løgting in 1844 and 1846. Even though the state assemblies received similar petitions from both dependencies, Alþingi was re-established in 1843, while the same did not happen with the Løgting in the Faroes.
    [Show full text]
  • Right-Wing Populism in Europe: Politics and Discourse
    Marsdal, Magnus E. "Loud Values, Muffled Interests: Third Way Social Democracy and Right- Wing Populism." Right-Wing Populism in Europe: Politics and Discourse. Ed. Ruth Wodak, Majid KhosraviNik and Brigitte Mral. London: Bloomsbury Academic, 2013. 39–54. Bloomsbury Collections. Web. 3 Oct. 2021. <http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9781472544940.ch-003>. Downloaded from Bloomsbury Collections, www.bloomsburycollections.com, 3 October 2021, 01:58 UTC. Copyright © Ruth Wodak, Majid KhosraviNik and Brigitte Mral and the contributors 2013. You may share this work for non-commercial purposes only, provided you give attribution to the copyright holder and the publisher, and provide a link to the Creative Commons licence. 3 Loud Values, Muffled Interests: Third Way Social Democracy and Right-Wing Populism Magnus E. Marsdal The Progress Party (Frp), established in 1973, has become, at times, Norway’s leading opposition party, with support reaching as high as 37 per cent according to some polls in 2006. In the last two parliamentary elections, the Frp scored 22 per cent. It does exceptionally well among unskilled workers, especially the non-unionized, although it also attracts better-off people (private sector types without ‘old money’). The main focus of this chapter is the Frp; however, the results should be relevant to the analysis of right-wing populism in other countries as well. The most interesting aspect of the Frp’s rise to popularity is probably its ability to attract an impressive proportion of working-class votes. In a predominantly social-democratic country such as Norway, this is something of a paradox in view of the policies of the Frp in areas such as economic redistribution, workers’ rights and trade-union power.
    [Show full text]
  • Group of Eminent Persons It Is an Honour to Introduce the Members of the Group of Eminent Persons, GEM, Through This Booklet
    GEM Group of Eminent Persons It is an honour to introduce the members of the Group of Eminent Persons, GEM, through this booklet. GEM comprises a number of global leaders, senior political figures and high-ranking diplomats from States Signatories. The Group shall support ongoing efforts to achieve the early entry into force of the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty (CTBT). With their wide-ranging expertise and experience, members of GEM will bring fresh impetus to the ongoing dialogue with the eight countries whose ratification is required for the CTBT’s entry into force, namely: China, the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK), Egypt, India, Iran, Israel, Pakistan and the United States. I would like to take this opportunity, on behalf of the Preparatory Commission for the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty Organization (CTBTO), to thank each member for his/her commitment to the noble goals of the Treaty. I am certain that through our collective efforts, we will put an end to nuclear explosions once and for all. Lassina Zerbo Executive Secretary, CTBTO NOBUYASU ABE Nobuyasu Abe served as the United Nations Under- Secretary-General for Disarmament Affairs from 2003 to 2006. He was the Ambassador of Japan to the International Atomic Energy Agency and other international organizations in Vienna from 1999 to 2001, and Director-General for Arms Control and Science at the Japanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs from 1997 to 1999. He currently holds the position of Director of the Center for the Promotion of Disarmament and Non-Proliferation at the Japan Institute of International Affairs.
    [Show full text]