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SEWER SYNDICALISM: WORKER SELF- MANAGEMENT in PUBLIC SERVICES Eric M
\\jciprod01\productn\N\NVJ\14-2\NVJ208.txt unknown Seq: 1 30-APR-14 10:47 SEWER SYNDICALISM: WORKER SELF- MANAGEMENT IN PUBLIC SERVICES Eric M. Fink* Staat ist ein Verh¨altnis, ist eine Beziehung zwischen den Menschen, ist eine Art, wie die Menschen sich zu einander verhalten; und man zerst¨ort ihn, indem man andere Beziehungen eingeht, indem man sich anders zu einander verh¨alt.1 I. INTRODUCTION In the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, municipal govern- ments in various US cities assumed responsibility for utilities and other ser- vices that previously had been privately operated. In the late twentieth century, prompted by fiscal crisis and encouraged by neo-liberal ideology, governments embraced the concept of “privatization,” shifting management and control over public services2 to private entities. Despite disagreements over the merits of privatization, both proponents and opponents accept the premise of a fundamental distinction between the “public” and “private” sectors, and between “state” and “market” institutions. A more skeptical view questions the analytical soundness and practical signifi- cance of these dichotomies. In this view, “privatization” is best understood as a rhetorical strategy, part of a broader neo-liberal ideology that relies on putative antinomies of “public” v. “private” and “state” v. “market” to obscure and rein- force social and economic power relations. While “privatization” may be an ideological definition of the situation, for public service workers the difference between employment in the “public” and “private” sectors can be real in its consequences3 for job security, compensa- * Associate Professor of Law, Elon University School of Law, Greensboro, North Carolina. -
Walloomsack Reviewvolume5.Indd
Reviewspring2011.indd, Spread 14 of 28 - Pages (14, 43) 4/28/2011 10:04 AM deceased’s soul from the material world, or the world as we know it, to the spiritual realms of heaven.26 In this sense, the imagery works beautifully with the inscription Fifty years ago, the first Democrat directly below it, describing Dewey’s own transition from his worldly profession to in a century was elected statewide; “the Sublime Employment of Immortality”: today the Green Mountains are solid blue In Memory of the Revd. Mr, JEDIDIAH DEWEY, First Pastor of the Tyler Resch Church in Bennington; Who after a Laborious Life in the Gospel he election of 1958, more than fifty years ago now, signaled the start of Ministry Resign’d his Office in TVermont’s nearly 180-degree political transformation. Vermont was a solid God’s Temple for the Sublime one-party Republican state for more than a century, and today is the bluest of the Employment of Immortality. blue, with arguably the most progressive delegation in Washington, composed of two liberal Democrats and an Independent socialist. And no Republican. Other carved elements that make up the stone’s complex iconographic program The election of 2010 gave Vermont a Democratic governor, Peter Shumlin, and include a decorative vine-like border, curling leafage centered by a heart, two trees, that party held onto solid control of both the House and Senate. and a pair of birds flanking a butterfly. Standard design elements such as these were Back in 1936 Vermont’s reputation for Republicanism was enhanced when it often imbued with symbolic meanings by their original audience, which are lost on was one of only two states that stood with Alf Landon while the rest of the nation us today. -
Labour and the Left in America a Review Essay Bruno Ramirez
Document généré le 2 oct. 2021 20:10 Labour/Le Travailleur Labour and the Left in America A Review Essay Bruno Ramirez Volume 7, 1981 URI : https://id.erudit.org/iderudit/llt7re03 Aller au sommaire du numéro Éditeur(s) Canadian Committee on Labour History ISSN 0700-3862 (imprimé) 1911-4842 (numérique) Découvrir la revue Citer ce compte rendu Ramirez, B. (1981). Compte rendu de [Labour and the Left in America: A Review Essay]. Labour/Le Travailleur, 7, 165–173. All rights reserved © Canadian Committee on Labour History, 1981 Ce document est protégé par la loi sur le droit d’auteur. L’utilisation des services d’Érudit (y compris la reproduction) est assujettie à sa politique d’utilisation que vous pouvez consulter en ligne. https://apropos.erudit.org/fr/usagers/politique-dutilisation/ Cet article est diffusé et préservé par Érudit. Érudit est un consortium interuniversitaire sans but lucratif composé de l’Université de Montréal, l’Université Laval et l’Université du Québec à Montréal. Il a pour mission la promotion et la valorisation de la recherche. https://www.erudit.org/fr/ Labour and the Left in America: A Review Essay Bruno Ramirez Milton Cantor, The Divided Left: American Radicalism, 1900-1975 (New York: Hill and Wang 1978). Glen Sere tan, Daniel De Leon: The Odyssey of an American Marxist (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press 1979). Bernard J. Brommel, Eugene V. Debs, Spokesman for Labor and Socialism (Chicago: Charles H. Kerr 1978). Norma Fain Pratt, Morris Hillquit: A Political History of an American Jewish Socialist (Westport, Ct.: Greenwood Press 1979). Carl and Ann Barton Reeve, James Connolly and the United States (Atlantic Highlands, N.J.: Humanities Press 1978). -
Is It Unity They Want, Or Capitulation? by Steve Bakke December 18, 2020
If you don’t regularly receive my reports, request a free subscription at [email protected] ! Follow me on Twitter at http://twitter.com/@BakkeSteve and receive links to my posts and more! Visit my website at http://www.myslantonthings.com ! Is it unity they want, or capitulation? By Steve Bakke December 18, 2020 “It’s time to put the anger and harsh rhetoric behind us and come together as a nation……I pledge to be a president who seeks not to divide but unify……to unite us here at home.” That’s Joe Biden proclaiming unity soon after election day. I’ll again express my concern that this was probably more of a warning than a peace offering. Before I conclude on that speculation let’s look at what others of his flock have been saying lately. Are they friendly and inviting? Do they feel warm and fuzzy? Most quotes are from after election day. Hold on to your seat! • ‘We don’t do things like those chumps out there with the microphones, those Trump guys.” – Joe Biden himself speaking at a small gathering of supporters. • “Hang your head in shame.” – CNN’s Don Lemon addressing republican legislators who supported Trump’s efforts to get the Supreme Court to review constitutional issues regarding the election. • “It’s not enough to just send Donald Trump packing, or even just to repair the damage he’s done. We’ve got to unrig and rebuild the systems that made his rise possible…” – Elizabeth Warren. • ‘I used to wonder how could the people of Germany allow Hitler to exist. -
The Socialists of Reading, Pennsylvania and World War I-A Question of Loyaltl
THE SOCIALISTS OF READING, PENNSYLVANIA AND WORLD WAR I-A QUESTION OF LOYALTL By KENNETH E. HENDRICKSON, JR.* O NE of the most controversial issues among students of Amer- ican radicalism is that of the impact of World War I cm the Socialist Party. On the one hand Professor Daniel Bell argues that the party by opposing the war in 1917, embraced a "policy of adventurism" and thereby isolated itself from the mainstream of American political life.' On the other hand James Weinstein attempts to convince us that the anti-war posture of the SPA was relatively popular and that it was not until 1918 that the party buckled under the twin pressures of internal discord and repression.2 There is impressive evidence to be cited in behalf of the Wein- stein thesis. Most significant is the fact that the party was as strong-if not stronger-by the end of 1917 as it had been at the beginning of the year.' During that year-a time of anti- social raids and repression as well as unofficial persecution-party membership declined only slightly while in many areas of such states as Illinois, Indiana, Ohio, New Jersey, Maryland, New York and Pennsylvania, the Socialist vote actually increased. This would hardly bear out the Bell thesis that the party was in a state of collapse. One measure of Socialist strength early in the war may be found in a study of the municipal elections of 1917. In many im- portant industrial cities such as Dayton, Buffalo, Baltimore, Cleve- land, Cincinnati, and Rochester, the Socialists made astonishing *The author is an Associate Professor of History at Shippensburg State College. -
The Formation of the Communist Party, 1912–21
chapter 1 The Formation of the Communist Party, 1912–21 The Bolsheviks envisioned the October Revolution as the first in a series of pro- letarian revolutions. The Communist or Third International was to be a new, revolutionary international born from the wreckage of the social-democratic Second International. They sought to forge this international with what they saw as the best elements of the international working-class movement, those that had not betrayed socialism by supporting the war. The Comintern was to be a complete and definite break with the social-democratic politics of the Second International. In the face of the support of World War I by many labour and social-democratic leaders, significant sections of the workers’ movement rallied to the Bolsheviks.1 This was most pronounced in Italy and France, but in the United States as well the first Bolshevik supporters came from the left wing of the labour movement. In much of Europe, the social-democratic leaders either openly supported the militarism and imperialism of their ‘own’ ruling classes (such as when the German Social Democratic representatives voted for war credits on 4 August 1914) or (in the case of Karl Kautsky) provided ‘left’ cover to open social-chauvinists. In the United States, which entered the war late in the day, the party leadership as a whole opposed the war. However, the American socialist movement was still infected with electoral reformism, and a signifi- cant number of influential Socialists downplayed the party’s official opposi- tion to the war. This chapter examines how the American Communist movement devel- oped out of these antecedents. -
Russia by Robert W
Russia by Robert W. Orttung Capital: Moscow Population: 142.0 million GNI/capita: US$15,460 Source: The data above was provided by The World Bank, World Bank Indicators 2010. Nations in Transit Ratings and Averaged Scores 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 Electoral Process 4.25 4.50 4.75 5.50 6.00 6.25 6.50 6.75 6.75 6.75 Civil Society 4.00 4.00 4.25 4.50 4.75 5.00 5.25 5.50 5.75 5.75 Independent Media 5.25 5.50 5.50 5.75 6.00 6.00 6.25 6.25 6.25 6.25 Governance* 5.00 5.25 5.00 5.25 n/a n/a n/a n/a n/a n/a National Democratic Governance n/a n/a n/a n/a 5.75 6.00 6.00 6.25 6.50 6.50 Local Democratic Governance n/a n/a n/a n/a 5.75 5.75 5.75 5.75 5.75 5.75 Judicial Framework and Independence 4.50 4.75 4.50 4.75 5.25 5.25 5.25 5.25 5.50 5.50 Corruption 6.25 6.00 5.75 5.75 5.75 6.00 6.00 6.00 6.25 6.50 Democracy Score 4.88 5.00 4.96 5.25 5.61 5.75 5.86 5.96 6.11 6.14 * Starting with the 2005 edition, Freedom House introduced separate analysis and ratings for national democratic governance and local democratic governance to provide readers with more detailed and nuanced analysis of these two important subjects. -
Minority Governments and Party Politics: the Political and Institutional Background to the “Danish Miracle”
Minority Governments and Party Politics: The Political and Institutional Background to the “Danish Miracle” Christoffer Green-Pedersen 01/1 Max-Planck-Institut für Gesellschaftsforschung Paulstrasse 3 50676 Köln Germany Telephone 02 21/27 67 - 0 Fax 0221/2767-555 MPIfG Discussion Paper 01/1 E-Mail [email protected] ISSN 0944–2073 Home Page http://www.mpi-fg-koeln.mpg.de March 2001 Green-Pedersen: Political and Institutional Background to the “Danish Miracle” 2 Abstract The performance of the Danish economy in the 1990s has been successful to the extent that scholars are talking about a “Danish miracle”. The importance of gov- ernment policies to Denmark’s economic success is taken as a point of departure in investigating why Danish governments have been able to govern the economy successfully in the 1990s. The paper argues that two factors have been important. First, the functioning of Danish parliamentarianism has been reshaped to strengthen the bargaining position of minority governments, which became the rule in Danish politics after the landslide election in 1973. Today, Danish minor- ity governments can enter agreements with changing coalitions in the Danish parliament. The paper thus challenges the conventional wisdom about minority governments as weak in terms of governing capacity. Second, the changed socio- economic strategy of the Social Democrats after returning to power in 1993 has been important because it has created a political consensus around a number of controversial reforms. Zusammenfassung Der Erfolg der dänischen Wirtschaft in den 90er Jahren lässt Fachleute von einem „dänischen Wunder“ sprechen. Die große Bedeutung der Regierungspolitik für den wirtschaftlichen Erfolg Dänemarks dient als Ausgangspunkt für eine Unter- suchung der Bestimmungsfaktoren der erfolgreichen Wirtschaftspolitik däni- scher Regierungen in den 90er Jahren. -
Labor, Democrats and the Third Way
LABOR RESEARCH REVIEW #22 Labor, Democrats and the Third Way • Ellen David Friedman This past winter the Massachusetts AFL-CIO made a striking gesture. Still smarting from the battle over the North American Free Trade Agreement, the state federation decided to withhold routine PAC con tributions from Congressional members who had voted for NAFTA. The decision stood in stark contrast to the many decades in which orga nized labor offered fairly unconditional, uncritical support to the Demo cratic Party and its candidates, even when Democrats failed to behave as allies. And while the Massachusetts example is singular and perhaps not an example of broader currents, it should be seen in light of other phenomena: the dissolution of rank-and-file unionists as a predictable Democratic voting block; the assertive distancing by the Democratic Party from its traditional constituencies (for example, acceding to the popular image that minorities, women, and workers are "special inter ests"); the emergence of H. Ross Perot and his surprising appeal to some sectors of unionized voters; and the growing interest among local labor leadership in Labor Party Advocates, a pre-labor party organization. This is a moment in which old certainties about organized labor and the Democrats are becoming less certain; it is a circumstance that progressives within the labor movement should welcome and work with. • Ellen David Friedman is an organizer with the Vermont National Education Association. \ 76 Labor Research Review #22 The possibilities for shaping a different relationship between the two seem to be increasing—whether the goal is to compel the Democratic Party towards greater respect for labor's agenda, or to build a new party founded on labor's agenda. -
YIDDISH SPEAKING SOCIALISTS of the LOWER EAST SIDE —Edward Sanders—
YIDDISH SPEAKING SOCIALISTS OF THE LOWER EAST SIDE —Edward Sanders— In di Gasn Tsu di Masn —into the streets! to the Masses! They came when the Czar banned the Yiddish theater in 1882 They came when the iron-tipped Cossack’s whip flicked in the face of their mother They came when their parents were cheated out of their farms in Vilna They came to escape the peasants at Easter, hacking with scythes and knives They came when the Revolution of 1905 was crushed They came when the soldiers broke up their socialist presses in Crakow They fled from Siberia, dungeons and work camps, for printing leaflets and fliers— pamphlets and poems and leaflets and fliers to spread in the workshops spread in the streets spread in the factories in the spirit the era had spawned the spirit the era had spawned “In di gasn tsu di masn Into the streets to the masses” They came to Antwerp and then to London and then to Ludlow Street to make a New World inside a New World at century’s turn— The Yiddish speaking socialists of the Lower East Side Some remembered with pangs and tears the beautiful rural life wrested away Mushroom hunting in the dampened woods Bundles of grain in the carts Market day in the shtetl Some strained their eyes for the gold-paved streets of the West just to be greeted by one of those “incomprehensible economic collapses” that New York gives to its poor The East Side had been slums since the overcrowdings after the War of 1812— but the tenement rents of 1903 were higher than nearby “better” places 2/3’s of them owned by speculators getting -
1 Exit Stage Left: Senator James M. Jeffords and The
EXIT STAGE LEFT: SENATOR JAMES M. JEFFORDS AND THE RHETORIC OF CONGRESSIONAL PARTY SWITCHERS by JUSTIN LEE KILLIAN (Under the Direction of John M. Murphy, PhD) ABSTRACT This project looks at the discourse surrounding Senator James M. Jeffords’ decision to leave the Republican Party. Although Jeffords was not an extremely powerful member of the US Senate, his interference with President George W. Bush’s legislative agenda was a landmark move in American politics. The thesis proceeds in three parts. Chapter One introduces the subject matter, provides a literature review from both political science and communication studies, and offers the critical perspective for the entire project. Chapter Two focuses on elements of American paideia and offers a critical analysis of Jeffords’ “Declaration of Independence,” and “First Anniversary,” speeches. Chapter Three shows how Jeffords engages in agonistic rhetorical practices through a critical look at his “Second Anniversary Speech.” Finally, Chapter Four provides some concluding thoughts on Jeffords, party switching rhetoric, and offers potential avenues of research for rhetorical scholars. INDEX WORDS: James M. Jeffords, Rhetoric, US Senate, Political Party, Agon, Paideia 1 EXIT STAGE LEFT: SENATOR JAMES M. JEFFORDS AND THE RHETORIC OF CONGRESSIONAL PARTY SWITCHERS by JUSTIN LEE KILLIAN BA, Wabash College, 2003 A Thesis Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of The University of Georgia in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree MASTER OF ARTS ATHENS, GEORGIA 2006 © 2006 Justin Lee Killian -
The Socialist Party
Social Democratic Herald: Indianapolis Convention Effects Unity [Aug. 17, 1901] 1 The Socialist Party: Indianapolis Convention Effects Union of All Parties Represented in Response to Call of the Social Democratic Party: State Autonomy Guaranteed: Immediate Demands Adopted After Prolonged Debate — Headquarters Located in St. Louis — The New Constitution. Unsigned report published in the Social Democratic Herald [Milwaukee], v. 4, no. 7, whole no. “159” (Aug. 17, 1901), pp. 2-3. † The Socialists of the United States in conven- This controlling passion of the assemblage was tion at Indianapolis added an important chapter to unmistakably evident as early as the first meeting of the history of the movement, and gave, as we firmly the Credentials Committee, when the members of that believe, a new impetus to Socialism in this country. In committee representing the Chicago wing tendered the response to the call adopted by the January [1901] records of National Secretary Theodore Debs to prove convention of the Social Democratic Party with head- the validity of the claimed representation under the quarters in Chicago, over 130 delegates representing provisions of the call. The Springfield wing had no the two main wings and four independent state and books; the [Chcago] delegates were willing to accept territorial organizations assembled in Masonic Temple, the word of the comrades on the other side without Indianapolis, at 10 o’clock in the morning of July 29, inspecting books and the representation they claimed and during their deliberations extending through 4 was allowed. days and 3 nights, disposed of the vexed question of unity. It was the largest national convention of Social- Called to Order.