Deconstructing a Pendant: Crafting Meaning of an Early Minoan Ornament

Home , Gournia, Mochlos, Palaikastro, Phaistos

A Master’s Thesis

Presented to

The Faculty of the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences Brandeis University

Department of Ancient Greek and Roman Studies

Dr. Alexandra Ratzlaff, Advisor

In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Master of Arts

Jennifer Marks

May 2020

Jennifer Marks

ABSTRACT

Deconstructing a Pendant: Crafting Meaning of an Early Minoan Ornament

A thesis presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences of Brandeis University Waltham, Massachusetts

By Jennifer Marks

In 1914 the Greek archaeologist Stephanos Xanthoudídes began salvage excavations at the tholos tombs in Plátanos, located in the Mesará region of south-central Crete. It was here that according to Xanthoudídes, they found “a finely wrought chain with what seems to have been intended for a pendant flower.” The Plátanos pendant on a chain appears to be unique, a rare find.

It is extraordinarily realistic in its three-dimensional design. Why did Minoan craftspeople choose to create this new floral motif for a pendant? What influenced their decision-making process in the design? Ultimately, a piece of jewelry is not only the reflection of the crafter’s handiwork and skill, but it is also a representation of that culture’s customs, beliefs, and values molded and imbued into a tangible material object designed to adorn. In order to craft meaning one has to first deconstruct the parts that make up the pendant in its entirety. An in-depth analysis, including that of metallurgy, comparanda, flora, form, function, and burial practices, helps craft meaning of this ornament. The pendant’s design is a new style in the Minoan jewelry repertoire, a reflection of regional production that coexisted with its use in mortuary ritual. The current gap in the literature of this particular pendant type in Early Minoan gold jewelry leaves the door open for a thorough analysis and proposed interpretations of this exceptional Minoan object.

iii

Table of Contents Abstract …………………………………………………………………………………………. iv Table of Contents ………………………………………………………………………………… v List of Tables ……………………………………………………………………………………. vi List of Illustrations/Figures ……………………………………………………………………... vii Introduction ……………………………………………………………………………………… 1 Chapter One: Deconstructing a Pendant ………………………………………………………... 14 Context and Assemblage …………………………………………………………………… 14 Physical Description of the Pendant ………………………………………………………… 16 Gold Used in the Pendant’s Fabrication ……………………………………………………. 18 Manufacturing Process of the Pendant ……………………………………………………... 21 The Origins of Metallurgy on Crete ………………………………………………………… 24 Craftspeople and Workshops ……………………………………………………………….. 27 Chapter Two: Comparanda ……………………………………………………………………... 36 Minoan Pre-palatial Ornaments ……………………………………………………………. 37 The Cyclades and Cyprus …………………………………………………………………... 49 The Near East ………………………………………………………………………………. 51 Other Material Culture ……………………………………………………………………... 56 Late Bronze Age Burials …………………………………………………………………… 60 An Analysis of the Comparanda …………………………………………………………… 62 Chapter Three: Crafting Meaning ………………………………………………………………. 70 Motif: The Pendant as a Flower …………………………………………………………… 71 Form and Iconography …………………………………………………………………...... 75 Function …………………………………………………………………………………… 84 Constructing Meaning ……………………………………………………...... 98 Conclusion …………………………………………………………………………………….. 104 Bibliography …………………………………………………………………………………... 118

List of Tables

Table 1 Approximate Relative Chronology of Bronze Age Crete (Hamilakis, 2013) ……….. 5, 13

Table 2 Plátanos Pendant Catalogue Information (Hickman, 2008) ……………………….. 16, 35

List of Illustrations/Figures

Figure 1 Map of Crete with Minoan Archaeological Sites (Levine, 2017) ...………………… 1, 11

Figure 2 Final Neolithic and Early Minoan Ceramicware (Mentesana, 2014) …………...... 5, 11

Figure 3 Tholos A, Plátanos (Xanthoudídes, 1924) …………………………………………. 8, 12

Figure 4 Cemetery, Plátanos, MM IA Period (Herrero, 2011) ……………………...………. 14,

Figure 5 Plátanos Gold Pendant Illustration (Xanthoudides, 1924) ……………………….. 16, 31

Figure 6 Plátanos Pendant, Herakleion Archaeological Museum (Marks, 2019) ………….. 16, 32

Figure 7 Plátanos Pendant Displayed with Other EM Objects (Marks, 2019) …………….. 17, 32

Figure 8 Crafting Process of the Plátanos Pendant (Hickman, 2008) ……………………… 22, 33

Figure 9 Metallurgical Material Remains (Nerantzis and Papadopoulos, 2013) …………… 25, 34

Figure 10 Chrysokamino Metallurgical Site (van Leuveren, 2019) ………………………… 25, 34

Figure 11 Mochlos Early Minoan Cone-Shaped Pendants (Hickman, 2008) ……………… 38, 65

Figure 12 MET Early Minoan Gold Pendant (Marks, 2019) ……………………………… 40, 65

Figure 13 Gold Diadem with Pendants, Troy (Pushkin State Museum of Fine Arts) ……… 52, 66

Figure 14 Queen Puabi’s Gold Wreath Headdress, Ur (PennMuseum) …………………… 54, 66

Figure 15 Bracelets with Floral Beads, Thebes …………………………………………… 55, 66

Figure 16 Distribution Map of Pre-palatial Tombs in Crete (Costello, 2012) ……………... 41, 67

Figure 17 Blue Bird Fresco, Knossos (Herakleion Archaeological Museum) ……………… 58, 68

Figure 18 Kamares Style Bowl, Phaistos (Herakleion Archaeological Museum) ………….. 59, 68

Figure 19 Agia Triada Sarcophagus (Herakleion Archaeological Museum) ……………….. 60, 68

Figure 20 Late Bronze Age Burial, Sissi …………………………………………………… 61, 69

Figure 21 Griffin Warrior Grave, Pylos ……………………………………………………. 61, 69

Figure 22 Early Minoan Gold Crocus Pin, Mochlos (Hickman, 2008) ……………………. 72, 102

Figure 23 Cretan Crocus …………………………………………………………………... 73, 102

Figure 24 Kamares Cup with Crocus Decoration, Knossos (Dewan, 2015) ……………… 73, 102

Figure 25 Conical Rhyton Decorated with Crocus, Palaikastro (Dewan, 2015) ….……….. 73, 102

Figure 26 Saffron Gatherers Fresco, Akrotiri (Dewan, 2015) …………………………….. 73, 103

Figure 27 Faience Dress Models with Crocus Flowers, Knossos (Dewan, 2015) …….…… 73, 103

Figure 28 Underside of Plátanos Pendant with Void (Marks, 2019) ………….………..… 109, 117

Figure 29 Comparison of Gold Pendants (Hickman, 2008) ……………………………… 115, 117

vii

Introduction

Crete is the fifth largest island in the Mediterranean Sea and it is the southernmost land mass of the entire European continent. Often referred to as the “Megalonissos” (Big Island) by modern day Greeks, the large island covers an extensive area of approximately 8,200 sq. km, about 250 km west to east and 57 km north to south at its widest point in the center (Wilson

2008: 77). Crete’s terrain is rugged, predominantly mountainous with limestone caves, gorges, and cliffs, defining features of the landscape. The interior snow-capped peaks give way to hilly land covered with olive trees, to plains which eventually lead to subtropical shores meeting the

Aegean Sea (Fitton 2002: 15). One of the most fertile areas of Crete is the Mesará Plain in south- central Crete. The largest Early Minoan (EM) settlements and later palatial centers of Phaistos and Agia Triada are located at the west end of the plain. Kommos, a nearby coastal site, may have been a primary seaport for this region (Wilson 2008: 78). The natural landscape of Crete significantly influenced Minoan material culture from the very early stages. See Figure 1 for map of Crete with Minoan sites.

The Minoan civilization (3100 - 1200 BCE) on Crete was the first major Mediterranean civilization on the island; characterized as a wealthy, literate, city-based culture with a pronounced artistic form. The Minoans were most likely descended from migrants who arrived from Anatolia. Definable aspects of Minoan culture include the creation of a distinctive style of art, religious cults, economic life, and social organization (Abulafia 2011: 22). Crete’s insular geographic location in the Aegean created isolation, yet its proximity and strategic position to the

Near East, notably Anatolia and Egypt, allowed for and promoted not only contact and trade, but also the exchange of knowledge and skills. The island became a crossroads for several cultures.

Metalworking, for example, was a craft skill introduced by Near Eastern civilizations to the

Minoans during the EM Period. Metal crafting techniques were learned through contacts and cultural exchanges with the Near East. Such contacts indicate that the Minoans were active participants in this cultural milieu from an early stage in their cultural development (Preziosi and

Hitchcock 1999: 61). The Minoans were open to many cultures, and for this reason, they had artistic freedoms in the creation of their material culture, which unlike Egypt was bound by traditions of style and technique (Abulafia 2011: 23).

Little is known about the Minoan culture, and what is known is heavily based on Neo- palatial architecture. The name ‘Minoan’ was given by the archaeologist Sir Arthur Evans, the first excavator of the palace of Knossos, after King Minos, the legendary ruler of Knossos and one of the mythical Greek brothers born to the god Zeus (Preziosi and Hitchcock 1999: 2).

Although many archaeologists have excavated at sites throughout Crete since Arthur Evans’s time, there are still significant gaps in our basic knowledge and understanding of the Minoan civilization, as Driessen comments, “Despite 100 years of excavation, Minoan society remains as mysterious for us as it was for Arthur Evans.” Only fairly recently have archaeologists become more critical in their evaluation of Minoan material culture, an important and necessary step needed to better understand the Minoans and the evolution of their culture.

Crete was occupied for at least some four millennia before the Bronze Age (Wilson 2008:

79). The earliest confirmed evidence of a settlement on Crete comes from Stratum X at Knossos.

The Pre-Pottery Neolithic (PPN) horizon indicates that the arrival of the first people here had occurred around 7000 BCE. Some suggest the arrival occurred more recently, however, based on lithic material, that Crete’s first inhabitants were present much earlier than the Mesolithic/PPN period (Nowicki 2014: 43). To better construct a more accurate chronology of the region, we need additional confirmed evidence for human activity on the Cyclades and Crete since the

2 crucial question for understanding the process of colonization of Crete is still unanswered

(Nowicki 2014: 55). It is indisputable, however, that the island’s rich array of natural resources drew different groups of people to Crete for long-term occupation over many millennia. Not only did a naturally rich environment promote deep-rooted cultural sustainability for those living on the island, but also this biodiverse environment prompted continual human interactions with the natural world. These interactions are reflected in, they become part of, the material culture on

Crete during the beginning of the Minoan Period.

It is in the Late Neolithic (LN) period on Crete that more and larger settlements begin appearing, especially in southeastern Crete in the Mesará plain region, confirming an obvious, sudden increase in the population. This growth is attributable to the favorable environmental conditions which were conducive to promoting more settlement stability and supporting a large community. A possible explanation may be that these LN people created numerous open-air settlements located in the lower valley of the Mesará, occupying this area from the Early Pottery

Neolithic (c. 6500/6000 BCE) until the foundation of Phaistos (the first half of the fourth millennium BCE). During the Final Neolithic (FN) it is estimated that the settlement of Phaistos was as large as the contemporary settlement at Knossos (Nowicki 2014: 56). Where did the inhabitants of FN Phaistos come from? Perhaps the newly developed settlement at Phaistos was a relocation from another settlement in the vicinity, a concentration of a new population from elsewhere on Crete, or a combination of both. Settlement development in the FN Crete suggests that the island’s inhabitants had low-level contacts with the outer world which had little to no bearing on the direct influx of foreign population (Nowicki 2014: 57).

Village communities began emerging throughout Crete starting in the FN II (c.

3400/3300 - 3100/3000 BCE), but large territorial units were not formed until the end of the FN

II and the beginning of the EM I period (c. 3100 - 2900 BCE) (Nowicki 2014: 59). It is likely that external factors were responsible for these changes, however, the dating of settlement transformations that occurred during this period remains murky. The problem of transition between the Neolithic and the Bronze Age Crete, the southeastern Aegean in general, is the result of an inadequate and unclear chronological terminology, combined with the lack of reliable absolute dates (Nowicki 2014: 61). Since Evans’ misinterpretation of the stratigraphy of the Knossian tell, on which he based his chronology, the uncertainty in FN and EM chronology remains (Nowicki 2014: 65). New excavations and studies of the recovered materials will help expedite the creation of a more accurate chronological table. Additional information from these sites is not only critical, but indeed necessary to better understand Minoan occupation during this very important transitional period. A clearer chronology must be put forth to fill in the research gaps so that in the future, reliable archaeological work can be carried out on this lesser-known, intriguing period of the beginning of the Minoan civilization. This is particularly important for our understanding of the origins of EM material culture, especially that of ornamentation. Our knowledge of the evolution of jewelry bridging these two periods is severely lacking. A more precise chronology, therefore, would aid in the construction of an ornamentation timeline.

The Neolithic to EM I transition is viewed as the birth of the Minoan culture, ignited by a significant migration of people from the east (Tomkins and Schoep 2012:66). The beginning of the Bronze Age in Crete, the transition between the FN and EBA, is defined by numerous changes that occurred in the material culture. Interpretation of these changes is based on the length of time in which they occurred and whether they were indigenous changes or from and outside influence. Pottery has been the primary artifact used to piece together the relative chronology of the Bronze Age in Crete, through the comparisons of different ceramic ware

4 typologies (Wilson 2008: 82). See Figure 2 of FN and EM ceramicware. The study of pottery from these phases also highlights the dynamics of technological and social change. Pottery designs as early as the EM II begin noticeably diverging from those in neighboring lands. Increasingly distinguishable features are present in design elements like graceful swirls and meanders, which are particularly different from the pottery styles of contemporary Anatolia

(Abulafia 2011: 23).

The Pre-palatial Period in Crete, with origins dating approximately to 3100 BCE, begins with the Early Minoan Period. See Table 1 for an approximate relative chronology of Bronze

Age Crete. The EM Period is divided into three distinct phases, EM I, II, and III, based on new forms in burial architecture and the evolutionary stylistic changes in material culture. It is during this time that the Pre-palatial round domed free-standing tombs or tholoi of the Mesará Valley in southern Crete begin appearing, their use continuing into the Proto-palatial Period. Tholos tombs are specific to the region. In northeastern Crete during this period, small square or rectangular tombs in the shape of houses were constructed at Gournia, and house tombs at Mochlos were built against the side of a cliff (Preziosi and Hitchcock 1999: 59). Regardless of the type of mortuary context, many EM burials contained elaborate grave goods. These high-status goods include prestige pottery ware; stone vases; stone, ivory, and bone seals; obsidian blades; copper/bronze metal daggers; and silver and gold jewelry (Wilson 2008: 93).

Out of all material culture recovered from Minoan Crete, far less is understood about jewelry, which in general, this category of small finds presents a unique challenge in archaeology. If jewelry is recovered during an archaeological excavation, it is often from a burial setting. At this point, jewelry’s ‘context of original intention’ is lost since it has been removed from time, place, maker, and intended wearer. Jewelry found in a burial context leads to

5 uncertainty, curtailing the interpretive potential of that very jewelry. Despite the lack of context and original intent, jewelry is an extremely useful type of material culture. It is the end product, a tangible physical manifestation, of the intangible ideas, influences, thought processes, and knowledge that went into the crafting and manufacturing of that object. Jewelry is the embodiment of cultural attributes. Symbols and meaning are held inherently within the jewelry, as societal norms and values are conveyed to the audience, transmitted through the jewelry.

Minoan material culture is described as “organic” and the Minoans themselves are often depicted as flower-loving, peace-bearing individuals. There is legitimacy in this observation, as much of the iconography in Minoan material culture is reflective of the natural world. Ceramic vessels from Crete during the Bronze Age commonly depict realistic renderings of sea-life forms such as octopuses and fish. Wall paintings and seals depict nature scenes inclusive of various fauna and flora. Flowers, in particular, were a common motif in Minoan material culture.

Jewelry from the EM period incorporates flowers as a main design element, inspired by the natural world. The Early Bronze Age (EBA) is marked by the first wave of jewelry exhibiting a discernible variety of types (Laffineur 2012: 443). This differentiation in jewelry types, such as necklaces, rings, bracelets, etc., mirrors the divergence in ceramic vessel types that occurred during the EM II. It is clear that there was a collective emergence of new design styles specific to the EM I and II Periods in various material culture forms. Internal forces, the respect for and admiration of, the natural world within Crete, combined with external influences, specifically new crafting and manufacturing techniques imported to Crete, came together, initiating this new design repertoire.

The Minoan tholos tombs of the Mesará contained multitudes of varied material culture, of which included many objects that were representative of this new design repertoire. The

6 contents of these tombs have only come to light in the last century. Beginning in 1904 people from the small village of Koumása, located in the Mesará region of south-central Crete about ten kilometers from Gortyna, began bringing in objects to their local museum at Candia. The early recognition of these objects, which included seals, necklace beads, and pieces of a bronze dagger, as Early Minoan sepulchral gear prompted immediate exploration of the area. Out of fear that looting would begin at the tholos tombs once the villagers realized the value of these objects, the Archaeological Service immediately visited the tombs investigating and documenting the discoveries. Dr. Stéphanos Xanthoudídes, then the Ephor General of Cretan Antiquities and later the Keeper of the Museum at Candia, was appointed lead archaeologist of the numerous rescue excavations that ensued (Xanthoudídes 1971: 1).

Between the years of 1904 - 1917, many more tholos tombs were found in the region, yielding important Minoan finds. Since Xanthoudídes’s work in the Mesará region, 70 tholoi from approximately 40 cemetery sites have been identified. Only three sites, Plátanos, Koumása, and Lebena, however, yielded gold ornaments from secure EM contexts, in which the results are published. Unlike in north-central and east Crete, all pre-palatial gold or silver jewelry from the

Mesará region came from one tomb type, the tholos tomb. These circular freestanding domed tombs were first constructed in the EM I period close to settlements. Much is still uncertain regarding who used the tholoi, both in burials and visitations. These tombs seem to have been communal, used by families, clans, or entire villages (Hickman 2008: 25).

The early Cretan circular communal tombs of the Mesará type, all now destroyed, were basically built in flat ground above ground, sunk slightly, as if cutting into the ground (Hood

1960: 170). It is uncertain how the chambers of the early Cretan tombs were roofed. Of the partially surviving early tholos tombs, the remaining walls stand only a meter or two high.

Smaller circular tombs may have been vaulted in stone. Those who constructed the tombs built thick walls, 2 meters thick, which were most likely designed to support the weight and thrust of a vault or dome. Marinatos concluded that larger tholos tombs probably had vaults of mud or mud brick strengthened with a wooden beam framework (Hood 1960: 171). On Crete no earlier circular dwellings can compare with the tholos tombs found there. Even during the Neolithic period, the houses seemed to have had rectangular room(s) with flat roofs (Hood 1960: 172).

Excavators noted traces of large fires within the tholos tombs. Some scholars propose that fires were deliberately made in the tombs for ritual purification or covering the stench of decaying corpses by burning aromatic substances (Hood 1960: 171).

The Mesará tholoi, containing collective tombs of bodies and grave goods, were in use from c. 2800 - 1800 BCE. During this millennia of occupation, the tholoi contexts were constantly disturbed as new burials were placed within the tombs. These internments disrupted the skeletal remains and objects previously buried together, resulting in the inability for archaeologists to properly associate grave goods with skeletal remains and accurately date many of the excavated objects (Hickman 2008: 26). Moreover, in EM burials, human bones are rarely found articulated. They are commonly found mixed with pottery and other objects that were buried with or alongside the dead. Additionally, the early Minoans probably removed grave goods from the tholoi as part of regular ritual practices (Xanthoudídes 1971: 110). Since gold is a valuable metal and could be easily repurposed, it may have been collected from the tombs to be recirculated and used or melted down and reused. Looting of objects in antiquity and modern times also resulted in missing or skewed contextual information of these tombs.

In 1914 Xanthoudídes began salvage excavations at the tholos tombs in Plátanos, located in the Mesará region of south-central Crete. See Figure 3 for Plátanos, Tholos A. Only a few

8 gold objects were excavated from the lower stratum (EM II) of Tholos A. It was here that according to Xanthoudídes, they found “a finely wrought chain with what seems to have been intended for a pendant flower.” The Plátanos pendant on a chain appears to be unique, a rare find. Other Minoan gold jewelry excavated from Tholos A takes the shape of cylindrical or almond shaped beads, gold bands (diadems), and heart-shaped ornaments. Even elsewhere on

Crete, gold jewelry crafted in floral forms during this period are two-dimensional in design. The

Plátanos pendant appears extraordinarily realistic in its three-dimensional design. Upon closer analysis, the pendant’s design was original in nature. It was organically conceived within the

Minoan culture/society, independent of Egyptian and Near Eastern influences. The pendant’s design is a new style in the Minoan jewelry repertoire. Why did Minoan craftspeople choose and create this new floral motif for a pendant? What influenced their decision-making process in the design?

In order to craft meaning one has to first deconstruct the parts that make up the pendant in its entirety. The pendant’s organic floral design is steeped heavily in the Minoans admiration for, and appreciation of, the natural world with its intentional design to represent a closed wildflower. Throughout history, flowers have been used by various cultures to symbolize fertility, the advent of spring signaling rebirth and renewal, as well as beauty and youth.

Furthermore, in antiquity, flowers were often used for medicinal purposes and in culinary creations, or even holding a special place in Minoan religion and ritual practices. Ultimately, a piece of jewelry is not only the reflection of the crafter’s handiwork and skill, but it is also a representation of that culture’s customs, beliefs, and values molded and imbued into a tangible material object designed to adorn. In addition to the wealth, gender, marital status, and religious beliefs, jewelry also communicates, as in modern times, the “taste” of the owner. Since

Xanthoudídes took a greater interest in the material culture retrieved from the neighboring

Koumása tholos, little of the EM II material from Plátanos has been published. To date, hardly any research has been conducted or published on the Plátanos pendant.

Illustrations/Figures

Fig. 1 Map of Minoan Archaeological Sites (Daniel Levine, 2017)

Fig. 2 (a) Burnished ware (FNIII); (b) Red slipped and burnished ware (FN IV); (c) Brown Slipped and Polished ware (EM IA); (d) Dark-on-light painted ware (EMIB). Not in scale. Pictures courtesy of S. Todaro and of the Italian School of Archaeology in Athens. (Mentesana, 2014)

Fig. 3 Plátanos, Tholos A. S. Xanthoudídes, The Vaulted Tombs of Mesara (1924), pl. XLVIb

Tables

Table 1 Approximate Relative Chronology of Bronze Age Crete (Hamilakis, 2013)

Chapter 1

Context and Assemblage

In the autumn of 1914 local villagers discovered the Plátanos cemetery, about four kilometers south-west from ancient Gortyna. In their pursuit to build a new church and cemetery, the villagers accidentally discovered a site called Stavrós, the ‘Cross,’ just west of the village.

They began digging in an attempt to find a church but instead found thick circular walls, copper dagger blades, gold ornaments, and a variety of other objects. Soon after the villagers halted digging and informed the archaeological authorities of their major find. Excavations, headed by

Xanthoudídes, began immediately and resumed in the summer of 1915. During these excavations, archaeologists discovered tholos tombs and smaller interments that formed the cemetery of a sizable Early and Middle Minoan site (Xanthoudídes 1971: 88). See Figure 4 for site plan of Plátanos cemetery.

The largest of the tholoi, A and B, contained an array of important objects, especially the types and quality of gold jewelry, on par with the grave goods from burial tombs at Mochlos.

Both tholoi had been partially plundered prior to Xanthoudídes’ excavations, probably beginning in antiquity and continuing through modern times. The village elders mention that around 1875 the Turkish inhabitants of Plátanos removed many stones from the site of Tholos A and repurposed them for building projects. Then again, not long before 1924, the inhabitants came upon the burial stratum of Tholos A while digging a drainage trench, not surprisingly finding many ancient objects. Xanthoudídes remarks that it was during this time that nearly half the circuit of Tholos A on the east side was destroyed. Xanthoudídes also mentions that many of the tomb’s contents disappeared during this time. Since tholos A was larger and yielded a greater

14 wealth of objects, it had been plundered to a greater extent/more thoroughly than Tholos B

(Xanthoudídes 1971: 88).

The architecture and construction of the tholos tombs were simplistic in design and execution. The early Cretan circular communal tombs of the Mesará type, all now ruined, were basically built in flat ground above ground, sunk slightly, as if cutting into the ground. It is uncertain how the chambers of the early Cretan tombs were roofed. Of the remaining early tholos tombs, the surviving walls stand only a meter or two high (Hood 1960: 170). For Tholos

A at Plátanos, the inner diameter of the chamber measures 13.10 m (Xanthoudídes 1971: 88), compared to an average diameter of 5 meters from smaller chambers of early, contemporary circular tombs (Hood 1960: 170). The thickness of the wall ranges from 2.35 m to 2.45 m. The total diameter of Tholos A, inclusive of the walls, is 18 m, the largest found during Xanthoudídes time and still the largest found to date (Xanthoudídes 1971: 88). At the south of the tomb, the greatest wall height preserved is .75 m. Although the door on the east is missing, as it had been destroyed by the inhabitants digging a drainage trench in that area, Xanthoudídes surmises that the spot must have been the great lintel, or one of the monolithic door-jambs. He also conjectures that the vestibule or ante-room was destroyed by the villagers digging a path over the tholoi which resulted in passing right through both tholoi (Xanthoudídes1971: 89).

Inside of the EM tholoi, archaeologists found traces of large fires, most likely the result of ritual purification, or covering for the stench of decaying corpses by burning aromatic substances. Smaller circular tombs may have been vaulted in stone. The tholoi were built with thick walls, about 2 m, which were constructed to support the weight and thrust of the tomb’s vault or dome. Marinatos concludes that larger tholos tombs probably had vaults of mud or mud brick strengthened with a wooden beam framework (Hood 1960: 171). No earlier circular

15 dwellings comparable to the tholos tombs have been found on Crete. Even during the Neolithic

Period, the houses seemed to have had rectangular room(s) with flat roofs (Hood 1960: 172).

Both Tholos A and B contained a wealth of assorted objects. Tholos A, however, the oldest and largest of the tholoi, with the exception of one plain gold bead found in the soil over

Tholos B, held all of the gold jewelry and ornaments. Only a few gold objects, three large gold beads and a pendant, were excavated from the lower stratum (EM II) of Tholos A, separated from the level above by white earth (Hickman 2008: 27). It was here that according to

Xanthoudídes, “a finely wrought chain with what seems to have been intended for a pendant flower” was found. See Figure 5 of rendered illustration of pendant. Tholos B contained many metal artifacts including copper/bronze daggers, copper knives, miniature copper hatchets or cutters, depilatory tweezers, three copper hair-pins which were found outside of the tholoi, and possibly other miscellaneous metal objects but their provenance within the cemetery is unknown since they were not marked by Xanthoudídes (Xanthoudídes 1971: 106 - 110).

Physical Description of the Pendant

The Plátanos pendant (Museum number: HM 484) is owned by and housed in the

Heraklion Archaeological Museum in Crete. See Table 2 for catalogue information. It is currently on display, exhibited in the first hall on the main ground floor in Showcase 12 of

Gallery One. Upon seeing the pendant in person, one is immediately drawn to the realistic nature of the pendant, crafted finely into a perfectly recognizable, delicate closed flower. See Figure 6 for image of pendant. The pendant is displayed flat, lying down horizontally in the glass case with numerous other Minoan pieces of jewelry from both Plátanos and Krasi, including gold diadems, bracelets, and beads, all which surround the pendant. A simple label, placed far from

16 the pendant reads “Plátanos”. See Figure 7 for pendant displayed. Unfortunately, additional information regarding the pendant is not given. The pendant is light gold, similar to white gold in color with a silvery hue. The difference in color is noticeable, particularly in contrast to the darker, more yellow gold objects that share the case with the pendant. Upon observation of this pendant, Xanthoudídes noted “A similar small proportion of silver is probably to be found in the gold of the extinguisher-like pendant attached to a fine chain...” (Xanthoudídes 1971: 111). The pendant, even after 5,000 years, retains its shiny, metallic luster. It is in excellent physical condition, with no obvious signs or indications of degradation or corrosion that would be noticeably present to the eye alone.

The Plátanos pendant1 dates to the EM II Period and consists of two parts. The fluted pendant hangs on a loop-in-loop chain. The attachment piece at the end of the chain, the jump ring, is missing. Hickman notes that because the chain ends abruptly, it is indicative of a missing or removed jump ring. Both the pendant and chain together measure 11.75 cm in length. The pendant measures 3.35 cm in length, 0.95 cm in width at the bottom of the pendant, and the circumference is 2.80 cm. The 36 link chain measures roughly 8.40 cm in length. The pendant was fabricated from a triangular single piece of sheet metal that was hammered and rolled to form a cone. Dot repoussé decorates the perimeter around the bottom edge of the pendant

(Hickman 2008: 27 and 121).

Gold Used in the Pendant’s Fabrication

Gold is a deceptively abundant element and occurs in various natural materials, though in tiny amounts. One can find traces of gold in common rocks such as limestone and it is even

1 Platanos pendant reference/catalogue numbers: Xanthoudídes 484, Branigan 2348, Hickman PL 4.

17 present in seawater. Other metals like nickel, silver, lead, copper, mercury, and tellurium often accompany gold. In terms of exploitable quantities of gold, however, there are primary and secondary types of gold ore deposits. Primary ore deposits in Turkey, for example, are commonly associated with quartz deposits or quartz veins. Sometimes the reserves of ores from this type of deposit are insufficient enough for modern exploitation or it is not unusual that silver occurs with gold in the deposit (De Jesus 1980: 82). Secondary ore deposits in contrast form by the action of weathering and water currents. As a result of this natural process gold accumulates, collecting in pockets, in the form of concentrations of sediments in the middle of a riverbed. This occurrence is referred to as “alluvial” or “placer” gold. The gold itself is in the form of nuggets or flakes. Again, in Turkey, the grades of these deposits do not meet the standards for modern exploitation (De Jesus 1980: 83).

Gold is classified as a native metal, one where the deposits of the raw metal occur naturally in a pure state and can be used as is. Since gold is inert and does not readily combine with other chemicals under natural conditions, except when alloyed with other metals, it does not tarnish over the years. Gold’s unique properties make it easy to exploit. Being an especially ductile metal, gold can be hammered into a desired shape and any impurities can be squeezed out by hammering (Hurcomble 2007: 194).

Environmental Sources of Gold

The island of Crete lacks the availability of metals that were necessary for the increase in use, demand, and sustainability of the fabrication/production of metal objects during the EM

Period. Despite the unavailability of immediate resources, the Minoans managed to find metal sources. The Minoans may have exploited copper ores in one place in west Crete and another in

18 the area of the Asterousia Mountains for the production of bronze. There is evidence of EBA contacts with the Cycladic island of Kynthos from where copper came. More recently, an EM copper-smelting site has been discovered at Chrysokamino in eastern Crete (Fitton 2002: 23).

Unfortunately, the sources from which the Minoan goldsmiths obtained their gold are unknown. Since most gold occurs in the native state, primarily as surface deposits, one cannot accurately pinpoint its origin. Gold could have been obtained from the Cretan landscape where it existed naturally. However, even if local sources of gold existed on Crete during the EM Period, one cannot be certain whether a local source has been found, exploited, or exhausted. Branigan states there is no convincing evidence yet for gold’s occurrence in Crete, despite the appearance of many finely crafted gold objects in the EBA and MBA. Faure, on-the-other-hand, suggests that particular Cretan place-names might be indicative of ancient gold sources (Branigan 1974:

63).

Geographical Sources of Gold

The Minoans must have participated in the trade of precious metals due to Crete’s limited source of gold resources and non-existent source of silver. Gold sources are known in Macedonia and in Bulgaria, and even in Euboea. Scholars attribute the abundant goldwork of EBA Troy to the exploitation of Anatolian sources. Since there was contact between the Troad and other parts of the Aegean in the EBA, it is without reservation that Crete obtained some of its gold via Troy.

The lack of contact between Crete and Egypt during the 3rd millennium BCE suggests that

Minoans were unlikely to obtain their gold from Egypt until the end of the MBA, unless as

Branigan proposes, the acquisition of gold was via the coastal cities of the Levant or Cyprus. If significant Minoan contacts with Cyprus and Syria did not begin until the end of the third

19 millennium BCE, the gold jewelry of EM II from the sites of Mochlos and Plátanos were unlikely made with gold from the Near East. Branigan concludes, therefore, that Macedonia and north-west Anatolia are the most plausible sources for gold used by the Minoans in the Aegean

EBA (Branigan 1974: 63).

Both the elemental composition and the source of gold for the Plátanos pendant is unknown. To date, curators at the Iraklion Museum have not conducted an analysis on the pendant, despite the availability and success of the use of modern technologies on metal artifacts.

Often museums are reluctant to allow gold artifacts to be analyzed for trace elements due to their extreme value and fragility of these gold objects. XRF and FORS have the capability to detect elemental composition of metal artifacts. Knowing a metal’s elemental make-up is important not only for determining potential alloys, but also for locating the possible source of the metal, its origins. Ogden notes the presence of platinum in gold is indicative of an alluvial source, hence

“native gold” (De Jesus 1980: 85). Additionally, the aforementioned technologies can be used to analyze metal objects for identifying fabrication techniques that were employed by the metalworker.

Silver commonly occurs in native gold (De Jesus 1980: 87). In antiquity, pure gold may not have been desired in every case. The deliberate alloying of gold with copper in Sumer, referenced in 2nd millennium BCE texts, was carried out presumably to make it more resistant to wear. Intentionally debasing gold with a less noble metal could be done to change its color or for strengthening. Additional evidence for this practice comes from Ur where analyses conducted on gold objects concluded that the alloying of gold with silver and/or copper was common (De

Jesus 1980: 88). Alloys from the EBA include not only tin and arsenic, but also lead and perhaps silver (Branigan 1974: 96). Other metallurgical processes, like refining, were used in antiquity.

Since gold occurs only as a native metal, it cannot be smelted because the gold does not undergo a chemical change. However, when gold occurs in association with lead or copper ores it may be recovered in smelting the lead or copper minerals. The above description is called “free-milling,” where by native gold can be obtained from ores by crushing, sorting, and melting the small pieces together (De Jesus 1980: 86). It is evident from existing EBA material culture that metalworkers experimented with and employed new technologies in the production of jewelry and other metal objects. The Plátanos pendant, along with two large beads found near it, are unique in that they are manufactured from gold with a silvery hue. This observation warrants further investigation in to the source of gold used for the crafting of the pendant, as well as potential metallurgical technologies employed in the altering of the gold used. Furthermore, if the gold was intentionally altered, for what purpose was it carried out?

Manufacturing Process of the Pendant

Fabrication is the treatment of non-molten metal, whether cold or hot, involving the direct shaping of metal. Fabrication techniques vary and may include: shaping and hammering and annealing to manufacture metal sheets, vessels, and other objects; cutting, cold and hot joining; and decorative finishing methods such as polishing, engraving, and inlay (Miller 2007:

162). The Early Minoans may have panned for gold nuggets and flakes from riverbeds and then melted the gold pieces together. It is also possible that through trade networks, the Minoans obtained gold ingots. Either way a local craftsperson or goldsmith formed sheet metal by setting an ingot on an anvil and hammering it. After repeated hammering, the sheet metal eventually becomes hard and brittle. The craftsperson anneals the metal by raising it to heat from a fire and then quenches it with water. This process causes the crystals that were distorted by hammering to

21 rearrange themselves so that the metal is again soft and malleable enough to be continuously worked (Higgins 1980: 8).

Gold sheet metal can be hammered extremely thin into gold foil used as plating or as gold leaf used for gilding. It is also ideal for repoussé and other specialized decorative methods because it is thin enough to be worked easily but sturdy enough to withstand wear and tear without denting. Repoussé is used for ornamental work, notably jewelry, produced on sheet metal with a hammer and punches. The goldsmith makes a pattern in relief by hammering punches into a piece of metal which lies on material that gives, like wood or lead for very shallow relief. Often a softer substance is required such as a bowl of warm pitch (Higgins 1980:

9). Repoussé design, the most basic, common, and widespread decorative technique, consists of a row or rows of dots punched with any pointed tool from the rear. In some more rare cases, particularly amongst Aegean EBA and MBA jewelry, chased decoration was employed. In this technique, a groove or series of grooves were pushed into the surface of the sheet metal from the front with a tracer. Branigan notes that some of the gold beads from the Mesará tholoi, and some of the diadem attachments from Mochlos, may have been decorated by chasing. Hair-pendant plates from Troy and bangles from the Cyclades also contain chasing decoration (Branigan 1974:

93).

The creation of the Plátanos pendant entailed a multi-step metalworking process, or

‘chaîne opératoire’. Hickman thoroughly details the pendant’s fabrication process step-by-step in

Gold Before the Palaces: Crafting Jewelry and Social Identity in Minoan Crete. See Figure 8 for crafting process. The first step in the manufacturing process was to hammer the ideal thickness of sheet metal for the pendant and for the wire that would be used to make the chain links. The goldsmith would then cut a triangular piece of sheet metal to form the rolled cone pendant with

22 an extension at the top to form the hoop for attachment to the chain. Hickman proposes that the metal cuts may have been freehand as the edges of the metal are not perfectly straight. While the sheet metal was still flat the goldsmith added a dot repoussé border with a punch or a needle along the bottom edge of the pendant.

Next, the goldsmith shaped the pendant by hand by bending/folding the malleable metal around a wooden form the size of a pencil to create a cone. Hickman observes that the metal overlapped by 1.1 cm at the bottom, which prohibited an open seam, permitting the pendant to retain its shape. Upon closer inspection one notices the metal was pinched at three equal intervals, perhaps with tweezers covered with leather or another tool that would not leave behind marks. These creases were necessary to bring the metal together to cover the gap at the top of the pendant and to form its triangular shape. Hickman also reports that at the bottom of the pendant, right below the dot repousse border, the metal was slightly turned in to create a smooth edge with a finished look. After the cone shape was formed, the goldsmith worked the projection at the top of the pendant by hammering it into a long extension of tapering thin wire, presumably on a wooden or stone block covered in protective material. The wire was smooth and round, most likely rolled between two flat surfaces (Hickman 2008: 121-122).

Next, the fabrication of the loop-in-loop chain started with the production of wire. The goldsmith cut, hammered, and rolled thin strips of sheet metal to form a wire of circular section.

Hickman observes diagonal seams visible on some links indicating that the wire was strip- twisted during manufacture. It took over 43 cm of wire to create the 36 loop-in-loop links of uniform size. The goldsmith then cut the wire into equal lengths of around 1.2 cm, which

Hickman proposes may have been done by wrapping the wire around a rod and cutting straight down the formed coil to produce small open hoops. These open hoops were then bent into a U-

23 shape, placed one through the other, and fused together to form the chain (Hickman 2008: 122-

123).

The final part in the chaîne opératoire was attaching the pendant to the chain. The goldsmith threaded the straight wire at the top of the pendant through the last link on the chain. It was looped around in a circular fashion, perhaps with the aid of a round tool such as an awl, and twisted around the top of the pendant which Hickman likens to a ‘twisting vine.’ The fabrication in its entirety should have been a quick process if the goldsmith was experienced and had prepared hammered sheet metal at his/her disposal (Hickman 2008: 123). The completed pendant is reminiscent of a flower motif, a closed wildflower, probably one that dotted the Cretan landscape during the EBA. In addition to gold’s desirable properties of durability, luster, and smoothness, the gold sheet metal allowed for a naturalistic rendering of a wildflower. The function of the technology, the hammering of the metal, led to and really enhanced the pendant’s naturalistic form.

The Origins of Metallurgy on Crete: The Evidence

To date, archaeologists have recovered minimal material remains that would support metallurgical activity on Crete during the EM period. The evidence in the archaeological record is severely lacking. Additionally, there are too few studies of the actual practice of metallurgy, which limits our understanding of the organization of production at the local level (Doonan, Day, and Dimopoulou-Rethemiotaki 2007: 99). This does not indicate, however, that metallurgy was non-existent or not important in Minoan Crete. Crete is a large island and many parts of the island have not been surveyed for potential EM sites. Minoan metallurgical workshop sites on the island have not yet been identified and further investigated. Evidence for early mining during

24 the Aegean Bronze Age in general is scant, and sources of some metals, particularly gold, are elusive. Locating ancient mines is challenging, as they either have been destroyed by modern activities, or in the rare case if they do survive, they are very difficult to date. Often pottery, the main archaeological dating tool, is scarce or even absent from mines and smelting sites.

Furthermore, the absence of fuel and its sources complicate matters (Bassiakos and Philaniotou

2007: 20). Archaeologists, therefore, must focus on evidence of paraphernalia associated with metal mining, where applicable, and material used in the refining of ores and the production of metal objects. See Figure 9 for metallurgical material remains.

The site of Chrysokamino, on the northeastern coast of Crete near the modern village of

Kavousi, has been known to archaeologists since the end of the nineteenth century. See Figure

10 for remains of site. The area has several archaeological locations, one of which is a site with metallurgical activity, approximately 600 m away from the domestic complex (Betancourt 2007:

58). The metallurgical site was occupied as early as the FN Period where both smelting and the re-melting of copper occurred (Betancourt 2007: 65). In addition to metallurgical activity, the site has even been considered a lime kiln. Other than furnace chimney fragments and pieces of slag, which numbered in the hundreds of thousands, very little material was recovered from the site (Betancourt 2007: 59). Pottery remains include a small amount of pottery dating to the FN

Period, a small number of sherds from the EM I - II periods, and a large quantity of pottery dating to the EM III - MM IA. Other finds in the workshop include other ceramic material, including pot bellows and furnace chimney fragments, as well as stone tools, pieces of copper ore and slag. The slag at the site, containing small prills of copper, is a large deposit that covers the entire trough that makes up the site. Of special interest is a small apsidal building, with pottery sherds dating to the EM III - MM IA, that most likely functioned as a kitchen.

Betancourt proposes that if the metallurgists worked in the autumn when the meltemi blows, then a shelter would be necessary to keep a cooking fire. The small hut could have held three people and a fire for preparing meals. Animal bones and marine shells were found near the structure, indicating that food was cooked and consumed in this location (Betancourt 2007: 61).

At the Pre-palatial settlement of Poros-Katsambas on the north coast of Crete, only 6 km north of Knossos, EM I - IIA metallurgical evidence is present. Poros-Katsambas was the harbor town of Minoan Knossos, as Arthur Evans first suggested (Dimopoulou-Rethemiotaki, Wilson, and Day 2007: 84). It held a strategic position on the north coast of Crete from the beginning of the Early Minoan, serving as a reception and distribution point for goods and a production center for a variety of materials. Poros-Katsambas was the key access point for central Crete; many materials, both organic and inorganic, made their way from the Aegean islands to the port of

Poros. During the EM period, the primary activities at this settlement included the working of obsidian from Melos and the casting of copper artefacts (Dimopoulou-Rethemiotaki, Wilson, and

Day 2007: 86). The Sanoudakis house plot at Poros-Katsambas contained domestic shaped pottery, Cycladic imports, and Cycladic style pottery. Moreover, at this plot there is presence of substantial evidence for metal working in the EM I-IIA levels, including a variety of crucibles, a tuyere, vitrified hearth material, an ingot fragment, and numerous mold fragments for the manufacture of different tools and weapons. This wealth of artefactual evidence indicates that

Poros-Katsambas was a major location for the importation of metal raw materials and a center of craft production (Dimopoulou-Rethemiotaki, Wilson, and Day 2007: 91).

Despite the minimal evidence for metallurgical activity on Crete as a whole, there is sufficient evidence from the Cyclades during the EBA to support metallurgical activity in the

Aegean. The western Cycladic islands of Kea, Kythnos, Seriphos, and Siphnos are known

26 sources of iron, lead, silver, and copper. Surface surveys on both Seriphos and Kythnos revealed the presence of early copper smelting installations. Fieldwork and laboratory analysis confirm that copper mining and smelting occurred on Kythnos from the early stages of the Bronze Age, with seven sites being identified. There is also evidence for the smelting of Attic and Cycladic minerals at Chrysokamino at end of EM period, as well as evidence for ‘Cycladic style’ mid- ribbed daggers cast in Crete for the earlier EMI phase (Bassiakos and Philaniotou 2007: 47).

As evidence comes to light, or the lack thereof, many archaeologists agree that during the

EBA the metallurgical process was highly segmented (Doonan and Day 2007: 7). The lacunae at

Chrysokamino, for example, are interesting for what is not present. The lack of material culture at this site and others may point to a multi-step process that took place in different locations and was carried out by different craftspeople. Mining, beneficiation, smelting, refining, alloying, casting, and final working were undertaken at varied locations in time and space (Doonan and

Day 2007: 8). Finally, there is an undeniable relationship between ceramic and metallurgical production. It is apparent, therefore, to analyze metallurgical innovations, especially for arsenic alloying, within the context of ceramic practice (Doonan and Day 2007: 12).

Craftspeople and Workshops

As mentioned previously, archaeological evidence of metalworking in Crete is scarce, particularly during the EM period. There is no physical evidence of EM goldsmith workshops on the island. Typical material remains for jewelry-crafting that would be attributed to a metalsmith’s workshop might include objects like finished pieces, raw materials, waste products, clay crucibles, molds, and tools. A metalsmith’s toolkit may have consisted of bellows and blowpipes, and more traditional tools like chisels and punches. Only two crucibles have been

27 found on Crete, both in 2004 by Davaras and Betancourt at Aghia Photia. Molds dated to the EM period are also lacking, since casting was not a common metalworking technique during the early periods. Although many bronze and copper tools have been recovered from Pre-palatial contexts, they cannot be identified specifically with jewelry fabrication. If wooden tools were used, they would have decomposed long ago. The gold nuggets and ingots themselves simply do not survive because of their intrinsic value, as they would have been too valuable not to use or to leave behind, and any leftover metal or scraps would have been recycled into new objects

(Hickman 2008: 124). Locating and identifying a metallurgical workshop by archaeological survey, therefore, is a challenging task. Material culture remains related to metallurgy in prehistory are often scarce, if not non-existent in the archaeological record.

The craftsperson in charge of making the Plátanos pendant could have been directly employed by a community in the Mesará region. Perhaps the goldsmiths were part of traveling groups along with the merchants, who went from town to town crafting their metal goods and exchanging them. If Crete was devoid of gold resources during the EM period, the goldsmiths had to rely on imports (Ogden 1982: 175). Independent Minoan merchants most likely carried out trade with other groups in the Aegean, acquiring the gold they were requested to bring back home. In some cases, the metalworkers may have been working with their capital, or supply of gold. In other cases, the patron could have also provided the materials (Ogden 1982: 176).

It remains unknown where the Minoan goldsmiths manufactured their jewelry and other metal objects. In the MM, ceramic workshops are found at the palaces, such as Phaistos, and the craft workshops of Agia Triada saw many skilled artisans producing their wares/goods and exchanging them. Goldsmith workshops were likely located within or near the settlements. It makes sense that the goldsmith would establish his shop where demand would be highest, in a

28 busy part of the settlement, such as a marketplace (Ogden 1982: 177). It is also probable that in addition to localized workshops, traveling metalworkers were allowed to craft their pieces alongside the already established shops. Evidence of this practice comes to us by way of western

Asiatic craftsmen who travelled to Egyptian centers, Byblos, and Troy, and by Phoenician goldsmiths who settled in Greece, Etruria, and Spain (Ogden 1982: 178). This practice may have been adopted in Crete as well during the EBA.

The lack of evidence for an EM goldsmith’s workshop means we do not know who crafted these fine pieces of gold jewelry. With such knowledge and skill of metal working, goldsmiths must have achieved some level of importance and social standing. The names of jewelers are sometimes mentioned in texts and other written records from antiquity. For example, two Egyptian goldsmiths are recorded as Apuia was the chief goldsmith to Amenophis

III, and Neferronpet a ‘chief of the makers of things gold.’ Goldsmiths are also referred to by name in surviving written transaction records from Sumeria and later in western Asia and

Greece. Abban was a goldsmith at Alalakh in the mid-2nd millennium BCE and Mycenaean tablets from Pylos mention a Hephaiston and give the family names of craft communities.

Finally, drawing from later societies in the Aegean and beyond, one may infer that guilds and apprenticeship training was probably part of the Minoan goldsmithing tradition. According to Ogden, craftsmen of similar professions often congregated in particular areas of a city, noting that communities of jewelers resided in such towns as Alexandria, Palmyra, Rome, and Smyrna.

These guilds or clans may have served as trade-unions, protecting both the craftworkers and the consumers. Furthermore, apprenticeship training was part of the guild association. Apprentices would train in the craft gaining and refining the knowledge and skills necessary required of the trade. Since goldsmiths work with valuable materials, the apprentices' work must have been

29 remelted and reused, or other materials might have been used for practice. No extant gold pieces are known to be apprentice work but possible evidence of apprentice works has been found on other crafted materials. A Minoan engraved agate bead reveals the work of two hands. Since the stone has a crack, lowering its value, it may have been used as a trial piece. Fragments of clay from a jeweler’s workshop at Knossos might have been the trial pieces of gem-engravers (Ogden

1982: 180).

The adoption and growth of metallurgy during the EM period in Crete was a remarkable event in history. Surprisingly, metal objects constitute an understudied category of material culture from this period. Not only is the evidence of metallurgy indicative of societal changes in

Pre-palatial Crete, but also it has wider implications for the growth of craft activity, trade, exchange, contacts, material procurement, use, and distribution. The fabrication of the Plátanos pendant was a multi-step process that most likely included the work of many hands, from the sourcing of gold to the creation of the final object. The production of this pendant in its entirety was a collective effort that most likely took place in different locations at different times.

Continued archaeological survey and excavations of EM sites on Crete will hopefully shed light on some of these more unknown aspects of metallurgy and its impact on and shaping of Minoan culture during the Aegean Bronze Age.

Illustrations/Figures

Fig. 4 Plátanos Cemetery during the MM IA Period (Herrero, 2011; after Branigan 1970)

Fig. 5 Plátanos, illustration of gold pendant (right) and other small finds S. Xanthoudides, The Vaulted Tombs of Mesara (1924), pl. XVb

Fig. 6 Plátanos Pendant on Exhibit at the Herakleion Archaeological Museum (Marks, 2019)

Fig. 7 Plátanos Pendant Displayed with Other EM Objects (Marks, 2019)

A B C

D E

Fig. 8 Crafting of the pendant. (a) dot repoussé border on hammered sheet metal; (b) folding of metal into cone shape, note the seam; (c) loop-in-loop chain; (d) attaching pendant to chain; (e) fabrication of pendant complete (Hickman, 2008)

Fig. 9 Typical material remains from a metalworker’s shop Potos, Thassos, Greece (Nerantzis and Papadopoulos, 2013)

Fig. 10 Copper metallurgy workshop, Chrysokamino, Kavousi, Crete c. 4500 – 3500 BCE (van Leuveren, 2019)

Tables

PL 4: Fluted pendant on chain, Pls. 4A, 5A-B. Material: Gold Museum number: HM 484 Date: EM II Context: Tholos A, lower level Excavator: Xanthoudídes Dimensions: L. 11.75 cm (pendant and chain); L. 3.35 cm (pendant only); Diam. .95 cm (bottom of pendant); Circumference 2.8 cm (bottom of pendant). Description: Fluted pendant on loop-in -loop chain. The pendant is manufactured from a triangular piece of sheet metal that was rolled and creased to create a cone. Dot repoussé decorates the bottom edge. The chain consists of 36 links made from circular- section wire. Xanthoudídes (1924: 110-111) states that the pendant is of paler gold, indicating silver content. See Chapter 5 for a detailed description of the crafting of this object. Preservation: Complete, but with no jump ring or obvious means of attachment. Comparanda: Mochlos Tomb 2 (Seager 1912: 32, figs. 10.II.30, 11.II.30). Bibliography: Xanthoudídes 1924: 111, pls. 15.484, 57.484; Branigan 1970: 71-73, 166-169, fig. 15; Branigan 1974: 185, pl. 21.2348; Vasilakis 1996: 158, pl. 74 β.

Table 2 Plátanos Pendant Catalogue Information (Hickman, 2008)

Chapter Two

In order to better understand the Plátanos pendant and its place in the jewelry repertoire of the EM period, we need to thoroughly review the material culture. Chapter Two is a comprehensive overview, a study of the comparanda best suited to highlight both the similarities and differences in the crafting technique and design of the pendant, focusing on the influence of the natural world in design. This chapter also focuses on EM burial sites, including tholos tombs, caves, shaft, and box graves. It is imperative to place the Plátanos pendant in the wider context of

Minoan ornamentation, paying close attention to not only the jewelry recovered from other EM burial contexts, but also the burial assemblages. Methodology for this chapter is based on the following criteria: Branigan’s classification system for pendants, comparanda that includes similar pendant types (design and style) and the material (gold) from which the pendant was crafted, and different burial find-spots (contexts) in Crete and the Near East. Material culture other than jewelry and ornaments, with the exception of some mention regarding specific pottery objects and wall-paintings, is not included in this chapter. This is a matter of practicality as the material culture for ornamentation during the EM Period and EBA Period is extensive.

The chapter is divided into six major sections with a brief analysis of the comparanda at the end of each section. First, a review of Minoan Pre-palatial ornaments, those objects most similar to the Plátanos pendant in design and shape. This section also includes mention of Pre- palatial gold ornaments, although not shaped like the pendant, include naturalistic elements. The

MET pendant is also part of this section. Despite its uncertain provenance, in terms of physical characteristics, this particular pendant is most similar in shape and design to the Plátanos pendant. Mesará metal ornaments, those found at Koumása and Porti, are mentioned because of the tholoi burial of which they come from and their exact locale, neighboring Plátanos in south

36 central Crete. Finally, in this section, both the metal and non-mental ornaments from three other

EM sites in Crete, the Livari Skiadi cemetery, the Petras cemetery, and the Hagios Charalambos cave, are discussed to bring attention to other ornamentation and burial types contemporary to/with the Plátanos pendant.

The remaining portion of this chapter is a review of ornamentation earlier and later than the Plátanos pendant, in addition to jewelry recovered from areas outside of Crete, and those found in different burial contexts. Two short sections follow, one on Neolithic jewelry, important for using ornaments from this period as a baseline which to compare the Plátanos pendant, the second reviewing the limited EBA gold ornaments recovered from the Cyclades and Cyprus.

Next, attention is drawn to Near Eastern ornaments from the EBA, specifically that of Priam’s

Treasure from the Troad, and gold jewelry from Ur and two sites in Ancient Egypt. The ‘Other

Material Culture’ section addresses Minoan wall-paintings and a sarcophagus with scenes representing jewelry being worn, and a fresco and a ceramic vessel that incorporates floral motifs. Finally, the last section focuses on LBA burials from Crete and mainland Greece to showcase ideal type site burials, those graves that have been recently excavated fully intact with gold jewelry amongst the finds.

Minoan Pre-palatial Ornaments

Ornamentation from the Pre-palatial Period (EM I-III, c. 3100 - 2000 BCE) in Crete varied in material and design. In addition to the Plátanos pendant, other unique pendants recovered from Pre-palatial contexts include the golden frog pendant from Koumasa, the silver anchor from Krasi, and the silver quadruped with curved horns from Hagia Photia (Hickman

2008: 149). Only two metal pendants, the frog pendant from Koumása and the wildflower

37 pendant from Plátanos, have been found in the Mesará, south-central Crete. Nature inspired motifs, such as flowers and leaves, are a common theme in EM jewelry, particularly as represented in both ornaments from Plátanos and Mochlos.

Keith Branigan, a British archaeologist who has researched and published extensively on the prehistory of the Aegean, created a typological study for Aegean metalwork objects from the

EBA and MBA. The classification system, both functional and visual, includes more than 6,000 artefacts, ranging from daggers to vessels to numerous jewelry pieces, put into recognizable and valid typological groups. The catalogue of pendants includes those numbered 2281-2411 A-C, recovered from archaeological contexts primarily from find-spots on Crete, but also Troy and the

Troad. Branigan further classifies the pendants by ‘type.’ The pendant types are numbered as follows: I, II, III, IV, IVa, V, Va, VI, VIa, VII, VIIa, VIII, IX, IXa, X, and Xa. The Platanos pendant has been entered as such: Cat. no. 2348, Type VIIa, Metal Au, Provenance Platanos A,

I, Context, EM II, Lth. 11.0, MxW. 0.9, Reference VTM Pl. LVII, 484 (Branigan 1974: 185-186).

1. Mochlos Bell-shaped Pendants with Clappers/Leaf Pendants

Thirty-eight pendants have been recovered from Pre-palatial Crete, including thirty-two gold pendants, one broken gold chain, and five silver pendants. Eighty-two percent of these pendants come from Mochlos in east Crete (Hickman 2008: 150). Many pendants were formed in the shape of leaves, either single leaves on chains (MO 44 Hickman) or multiple leaves attached at intervals to a chain (MO 21 Hickman). Pendants were also shaped like cones (MO 22

Hickman; 2320 and 2321 Branigan, pendant type VII) and closed wildflowers, such as the

Plátanos pendant (PL 4 Hickman; 2348 Branigan). The two cone shaped pendants from Mochlos that are most similar to the Plátanos pendant come from an EM II-III context. See Figure 11 for

Mochlos pendants. One small bell-shaped pendant (MO 20 Hickman; 2347 Branigan, pendant type VIIa) incised near the rim contains a clapper, which when shaken produces a sound. Only two pendants, including the Plátanos pendant, were decorated with dot repoussé borders (PL 4,

MO 44 Hickman). Both the Plátanos pendant (PL 4) and the bell-shaped Mochlos pendant were manufactured with the same joining technique, one where the chain is drawn through the link that was crafted at the top of the pendant (Hickman 2008: 151).

The Mochlos pendants, like the Plátanos pendant, were recovered from burial contexts.

The Mochlos pendants, although not exactly the same shape or same color of gold as the

Plátanos pendant, are very similar in shape and include nearly identical loop-in-loop chains. The craftsperson who produced the Mochlos pendants was skilled in and employed the same metalworking techniques used in the creation of the Plátanos pendant. Since the Mochlos and

Plátanos pendants are so similar, it seems apparent that these pendant styles are the result of interregional trade on the island, or the transfer and acquisition of metallurgy skills and knowledge that occurred at or near both sites within the same timeframe. There is a definite dynamic between northeastern Crete and southcentral Crete during the EM period. This relationship warrants further research and study.

2. Mochlos and Plátanos Flower Pins/Hair Ornaments

EM flower pins deserve a closer look and a brief discussion for both contrasting their shape to the Plátanos pendant, and for comparing the sites where these pins have been found.

Flower pins have only been recovered from the sites of Plátanos and Mochlos. A gold pin or attachment from Plátanos in the shape of a lily or crocus (or stylized leaf) (PL 19 Hickman) on a short stem includes repoussé lines and dots (Hickman 2008: 147). Eight gold flower pins have

39 been found in tombs at Mochlos. These include a pair of crocus pins (MO 16A-B Hickman), a pair of plain daisy pins (MO 83A-B Hickman), and four intricate daisy pins (MO 84, MO86

Hickman) were all constructed out of sheet metal (Hickman 2008: 148). Again, these similarities in finds reinforce the connection between Plátanos and Mochlos during the EM period.

Furthermore, the chosen floral motif in pin/hair ornament design emphasizes the Minoan appreciation for natural elements in the crafting of personal possessions.

3. The MET Pendant

The gold pendant with a chain (accession number 26.31.419) is owned by the

Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York. See Figure 12 for MET pendant. It is currently on display as part of a permanent exhibit in the Robert and Renée Belfer Court of the Greek and

Roman galleries. The pendant shares a case with an assortment of Minoan gold ornaments from

Crete. The piece has been tentatively dated to the EM II-III, c. 2300-2100 BCE. According to

Sean Hemmingway, Curator of Greek and Roman Art at the MET, the pendant is part of the

Seager bequest and presumably comes from eastern Crete. In the early 1900’s, the American archaeologist Richard Seager worked in eastern Crete excavating the earliest periods of Minoan culture. Seager investigated the EM settlement of Vasilike and carried out excavations at the nearby islands of Pseira and Mochlos. He famously recovered the finely crafted gold jewelry from house tombs on Mochlos. Seager also collected antiquities during his travels. When he died in 1925, Seager left most of his collection to the Metropolitan Museum (MET Art Bulletin

2012: 13-14). He presumably acquired this piece and the other examples of Early Minoan goldwork while he was living in eastern Crete. The MET does not have additional information

40 about the history of this pendant with a chain beyond that it comes from the Seager bequest

(Michael Baran, email correspondence to author, September 13, 2019).

The MET pendant is the most similar known/surviving pendant in shape and design to the

Plátanos pendant. There are, however, obvious differences in appearance. This MET pendant is darker gold in color, made from possibly a purer source of the metal, indicating that the raw material was obtained elsewhere from that of the Plátanos pendant. The MET pendant measures

3.5 in. (8.9 cm), slightly shorter than the Plátanos pendant. The upper half of the pendant, near the chain, seems to have been slightly flattened and appears more brittle and fragile than the

Plátanos pendant. The chain is in good condition and the jump ring, unlike the Plátanos pendant, is still attached. Although the MET pendant does not physically appear to look like a forgery, it is difficult and unethical to presume it is authentic since it has an unknown provenance.

4. Mesará and Other Metal Ornaments

EM jewelry recovered from the Mesará tholoi are few but exquisite. Although metal objects constitute many of the finds recovered from the tholoi, most of these artifacts were copper daggers. Other common metal finds from Mesará tholoi include knife blades, small cutters, tweezers, pins, bracelets, and beads. Xanthoudídes led excavations in the Mesará at various tholoi throughout the region, including Koumása, Portí, Christós, Saláme, Kalathianá, and of course Plátanos. See Figure 16 for a distribution map of Pre-palatial tombs in Crete, specifically those in the Mesará Plain.

Koumása - The Minoan tombs of Koumása (EM I - MM II), including three

circular tombs and one square tomb, contained a variety of metal objects. Twenty-three

41 copper triangular and long daggers from Tholos B make up the majority of objects in this class (Xanthoudídes 1971: 26). Additional copper finds include two miniature cutters or hatchets, three depilatory tweezers, a pin (hairpin), three small tools, and a saw

(Xanthoudídes 1971: 28). Gold finds recovered were smaller in quantity, including the well-known toad pendant with warts crafted by granulation, a gold bead from a necklace shaped like the seed capsule of the lilac, a few bands of gold sheeting, two small narrow elongated necklace beads and two small pierced discs (Xanthoudídes 1971: 29). Tombs A and E produced eleven copper triangular and long daggers. The square tomb contained two copper knives and three long silver daggers. The only gold objects come from Tholos

A, and are refined gold. The first is a bangle of thick solid gold wire bent into a circle, perhaps a bracelet for a small child. The second is a bandeau of gold leaf formed in a triangular shape with a double row of repoussé dots with an extra V of dots on the central tongue. There are holes on each corner of this piece for the fastening cord (Xanthoudídes

1971: 47). Xanthoudídes proposes that their weight is sufficient for us to think of them as actual ornaments worn in life, not mere gifts for the dead (Xanthoudídes 1971: 48).

The three tholoi and square tomb of Koumása were rich in metal objects, primarily copper daggers, but also silver daggers which are rather rare to find from the

Minoan period on Crete. Daggers are commonly found in EM burial (tholoi) contexts in the Mesará, and the house tombs of the north-central and eastern regions of the island.

They are indicative of elite social status and ritualistic uses. Gold ornaments from

Koumása, though limited in number, are diverse in object type. The gold toad pendant is an exceptionally realistic rendering of a toad. The necklace beads and two small discs

42 with holes, with the perforations meant for attachment to textile clothing, highlight the use of gold adornment for the deceased.

Portí - The site of Portí, dating to the EM Period, lies about four kilometers to the northwest of Koumása. Compared to other tholoi in the Mesará, very little metal was found here, likely the result of many centuries of plundering. The only tholos on site contained copper objects including two daggers of the middle type, a tongue-shaped dagger blade, a dagger blade of the long type, a knife blade, and a small cutter

(Xanthoudídes 1971: 66). A plain silver pin was also found in the tholos. Three gold objects recovered include a thin gold band with a line of repoussé dots along the edge and small string holes at the ends, a thin gold band with a faint pattern of fine lines, a small ring of fine gold wire, and a few bands and strips of gold leaf (Xanthoudídes 1971: 67).

Despite centuries of looting of objects from the Portí tholos, archaeologists still recovered gold objects from undisturbed contexts. The ornaments from this tholos, such as the use of gold wire and gold leaf, are similar to other EM gold objects found in tholoi throughout the region. For example, the gold leaf with repoussé dots from Portí is a design element present on the Plátanos pendant, a common EM metalworking feature.

Christós and Saláme - The site of Christós lies an hour to the southwest of

Koumása. Only one tholos was found here with very few objects within the structure.

Metal objects recovered include a small copper cutter and a small one-bladed hatchet or cutter (Xanthoudídes 1971: 71). The tholos of Saláme, dating early as the EM II Period, lies to the west of Koumása. Due to the scarcity of finds, the tholos was most likely

43 looted in antiquity. The only metal objects excavated were a small pair of two-edged copper dagger blades of the long type (Xanthoudídes 1971: 73). The assemblages from both sites are not inclusive of gold objects, most likely the result of plundering. The presence of metal objects, however, shows the widespread desire for and acquisition of this material further southwest on the island.

Kalathianá - Kalathianá lies about one hour to the northwest of Gortyna. The site consists of a large tholos tomb, which was heavily plundered by villagers before the great earthquake in Crete in 1856. The copper objects found in Tholos K included five dagger blades of the triangular type, one and a half daggers of the long type, two small cutters or hatchets with one edge, and one arm of a pair of depilatory tweezers. The gold objects were comprised of a circular armlet or hair-band of hard wire, a piece of gold wire, a cylindrical necklace bead with an appliqué spiral ornament of thin wire, a square hollow bead, the gold coating of a convex stud-head, an open-work ornament formed of plaited strips of gold leaf, fragments of thin gold leaf with a design of repoussé dots and engraved lines, and some round beads of very thin gold leaf (Xanthoudídes 1971: 82).

Xanthoudídes concluded that despite all the objects the looters had taken at Kalathianá, that in gold objects this tomb must have been the wealthiest of the tholoi yet known in

Mesará (Xanthoudídes 1971: 83).

This particular assemblage reflects an array of metal objects. Elaborate gold barrel or lentoid shaped beads with repoussé, appliqué, or granulated decoration, make up part of this burial assemblage, very similar to those beads found at Plátanos, Koumása, and

Kalathianá (Branigan 1970: 71). Finally, from Kalathianá, comes a bronze amulet which

44 takes the form of a pendant in the shape of a toilet scraper. Since it is so thin, Branigan concludes that it could never have fulfilled a normal function, but instead must have possessed amuletic values. Only four of these scraper amulets have been found in the

Mesará tholoi, at Kalathianá, Christos, and two from Plátanos (Branigan 1970: 70).

Cemetery of Livari Skiadi

In 2008 at the Minoan cemetery of Livari Skiadi in Lefki, southeastern Crete, archaeologists unearthed 24 EM pendants at both the tholos tomb and burial rock shelter on site. The pendants come in a variety of shapes and styles, and were crafted from a variety of materials, including two copper, six silver, twelve stone, three bone, and one shell pendant. The tholos tomb contained ten of these pendants and the rock shelter held fourteen pendants, all dating from the EM I through the EM III period. Archaeologists did not recover any gold objects at Livari Skiadi. Three pendants found were of copper- silver alloy, however, all dating to the EM I-IIA period (Papadatos 2015: 101-103). The circular tholos structure, suggestive of the Pre-palatial tomb of the Mesará type, contained large quantities of eroded sherds and fragments of human skeletal remains scattered inside the tomb and surrounding area (Papadatos 2015: 7). Although the tholos is partially eroded, it appears that the remains were undisturbed before excavations took place. One can safely assume, therefore, that gold objects were not part of the burial assemblage at this site.

The relevance of this assemblage, in relation to the Plátanos pendant, is important.

The number of EM pendants recovered from this site, including both the tholos and rock shelter, is significant. Twenty-four pendants of various shapes, styles, and materials

45 accompanied the deceased. Of the eight metal pendants, copper, silver, and an alloy of these two metals, none of them were crafted of gold. Furthermore, because the tholos was likely undisturbed prior to excavations, this particular assemblage may be complete, highlighting the large quantity and importance of pendants used in burial practices during the EM period. One can only imagine how many pendants must have been buried at the other Mesará tholoi prior to being looted.

Cemetery of Petras

The gold jewelry artifacts from the cemetery of Petras include pendants, diadems, beads, and strips (Ferrance, Muhly, and Betancourt 1021: 133). Notable pieces are that of a gold pendant in the shape of a tree recovered from the Rock Shelter. The author concludes that the pendant, which was fabricated by the lost-wax cast method, was probably once the centerpiece of a necklace. Gold beads from the cemetery, once belonging to a bracelet or necklace, parallel those from Mochlos and Plátanos. A flower shaped gold bead contains lapis lazuli inlay (Ferrance, Muhly, and Betancourt 2012: 134) and a leaf-shaped sheet of gold from the area near House Tombs 3 and 5 had with part of a loop-in-loop chain attached to it (classified as pendant Type IXa in Branigan’s system).

The Petras leaf-shaped example is similar to two EM II pieces from Tombs II, IV, and VI at Mochlos and a similar variation from Plátanos Tholos A (Ferrance, Muhly, and

Betancourt 2012: 136).

The site of Petras contained a rich deposit of EM gold ornaments found in burial contexts. Gold beads similar to those from Plátanos and a gold leaf-shaped pendant with part of a loop-in-loop chain, like the Plátanos pendant, highlight the similarities in

46 jewelry crafted and used in two different regions on Crete, as Petras is located in the northeastern part of the island. Unlike Plátanos, these gold ornaments come from a cemetery and house tombs, not tholoi, but mortuary contexts none-the-less. Despite this difference, however, various gold ornaments and pendants were part of the burial assemblage. These types of objects were not confined to tholoi burials during the EM

Period.

Hagios Charalambos Cave

The jewelry assemblage from the Hagios Charalambos cave in Crete is very important for comparative purposes. Although not in the Mesará region, or a tholos tomb, the objects discussed come from an EM burial context. The unnamed cave, at the modern-day village of Hagios Charalambos, lies on the Lasithi Plain in eastern Central

Crete. Here a natural underground chamber was used as an ossuary for the secondary deposit of human bones (Betancourt, Davaras, Stravopodi 2014: 3). Other than pottery, jewelry was the largest class of manufactured objects recovered from the cave. These personal ornaments, including beads, pendants, and other pierced objects, were crafted from metals, stone, bone, ivory, and presumably wood. The few pendants appear simple in design (Betancourt 2014: 85). Three pendants are made of hippopotamus ivory, the others from stone and bone. The ivory pendants, dated between the EM III and MM IA periods, are made of hippopotamus teeth. The original source of the raw material, an uncommon imported material for Crete, is unknown. A drop pendant (EM II - MM II), made from transparent quartz and a bone pendant or bead (EM - MM II) were also recovered. The figural objects are carved in the form of feet, a double axe, an ape, a

47 bull’s head, and human figures (Betancourt 2014: 86). The stone beads, mostly serpentinite but also quartz and agate, and carnelian, all date from the EM to the MM II periods (Betancourt 2014: 87-91). Of special interest are the carnelian agate beads, made both of banded agate and carnelian agate, neither material is local to Crete. The long double-conoid bead is regarded as one of the commonest bead types in Mesopotamia,

(Woolley 1934, 367, pl. 131, from the Royal Cemetery at Ur) as well as in Ancient Egypt

(Rigault 1999, 425). Similar beads have been found in other Cretan tombs (Xanthoudídes

1971).

Almost all of the metal objects from the Hagios Charalambos cave are jewelry pieces. Archaeologists have concluded that they were deposited in the burials as personal possessions, either worn by the deceased or intended as prestige items in the next life.

These finds indicate that the elite favored gold for personal adornment over other metals such as silver and copper alloys and lead. The Hagios Charalambos jewelry collection contains twice as many gold pieces as silver and lead combined. Muhly notes that despite all three metals having been imported to Crete during the EBA, the abundance of gold over silver in particular is a different pattern from what occurs in the Cyclades. He implies, therefore, that because gold artifacts (from the EBA) are rare in the Cyclades, access to gold and the trade routes that brought gold to Crete in EM III-MM II must have not come from the north (Muhly 2014: 57). Metal ornaments from the Hagios

Charalambos cave include a gold diadem fragment and two gold diadem strips (EM IIB-

MM II); a gold and copper broken ring or earring (MM I-II); a gold ring decorated with naturalistic marine elements (MM IIB); eight small, irregular pieces of gold foil, including some pieces with an unclear design in repoussé and a fragment of thin sheet

with decoration of herringbone design in repoussé (EM - MM II); a pair of two thin gold

circular caps complete with impressed dots on periphery that once covered a wooden or

other perishable object like a bead (EM IIB - MM II); and four complete gold beads,

including one cylindrical, one spherical, and two disc-shaped (EM II - MM II). Other

metal artifacts recovered from the cave include four small silver artifacts. A silver hair

ring or earring, a complete cylindrical bead, a sheet fragment, and five sheet fragments

that covered the end of a cylindrical object like a bead. All four silver artifacts are dated

between the EM and MM II periods. Finally, two almost complete lead spherical beads

were found, dating between the EM and MM II periods (Muhly 2014: 59).

A few things are noticeably apparent from the Hagios Charalambos cave burial

assemblage. The gold jewelry significantly outnumbers the copper, silver, and lead

ornaments, confirming that the Minoans had a preference for gold. Interestingly, though,

archaeologists did not find pendants crafted of gold, or of any other metal, in the cave.

Only three simple pendants of ivory, stone, and bone were recovered. Another significant

observation from this assemblage are the exotic, imported finds. Hippopotamus ivory and

carnelian agate beads are not local materials to Crete, indicating that Minoans had trade

contacts and networks with those a great distance outside of Crete.

The Cyclades and Cyprus

Since Crete is geographically close to many of the Cycladic islands, one would assume that Crete and the Cyclades had an influential and dynamic relationship during the EBA. This thought, however, is not substantiated by the archaeological evidence. Moreover, metallurgy and the use of metal is rather limited throughout the Cyclades during this period, at least compared to

Crete and Anatolia, for few metal objects have been recovered here. The first stage of the Bronze

Age (EC I) has yielded hardly any metal items, and from later Early Cycladic time, only 200 objects survive in various metals. Bronze metals make up the largest category, followed by lead, silver, and occasionally gold. The metal finds consist of weapons, tools, personal articles, vessels, and some figurines (Barber 1987: 100). Ornaments of personal adornment vary and were crafted in silver as well as bronze. Almost all of these metal ornaments have been found in graves. Silver bracelets and a few simply shaped and decorated diadems have been found. One diadem, however, has an intricate animal motif and dot repoussé. Some simple pendants exist and all are found in stone (Barber 1987: 105). The only gold object recovered from the EC

Period is that of a solitary bead of thin sheet metal from Naxos (Barber 1987: 106).

Like the Cyclades, Cyprus’ metallurgy industry emerged and evolved differently from that of Crete’s during the Bronze Age. Unlike the Cyclades, however, the production and use of metal objects was much more prominent. In her book chapter, Dressed to Impress: Metal Objects and Embodied Identities in Early and Middle Bronze Age Cyprus, Maria Mina discusses her analysis of 212 Early Cypriot (2400 - 2000 BCE) and Middle Cypriot (2000 - 1650 BCE) metal objects recovered from 16 sites across the island. The dress-related metal objects include pins and toggle-pins, and the jewelry includes items of ear-rings (spiral or hooped), hair-rings (tubes and spiral rings), beads, necklaces, armlets, bracelets, and finger-rings (Mina 2016: 1). Of the

212 personal metal objects, 1.5% have been recovered from habitational contexts, leaving the vast majority deposited in a mortuary context. Those objects recovered from habitational contexts suggest that some jewelry forms (finger-rings, earrings, pins) were worn in life prior to their final deposition in burials (Mina 2016: 3). Metal analysis of the objects from this study indicate that they were made of smelted copper and copper alloys, and less often of silver and

50 lead. The number of gold objects generally recovered from archaeological excavations from before the Late Cypriot Period is small. A gold clasp, or possibly hair ornament, from tomb

164B at Vounous, dating to the late EC I period in the late 3rd millennium BCE is the earliest example of gold ornamentation from Cyprus (Muhly 2015: 9).

By comparing the metal personal finds from both the Cyclades and Cyprus during the

EBA, particularly that of quantity, quality, and ornament type, to those found from EM contexts on Crete, one again is reminded of the importance and significance of gold’s use in Minoan ornamentation. Geographically, Cyprus and the Cycladic Islands are no further from Anatolia and the ancient Near East than Crete, though the course of metallurgical history varies incredibly amongst these islands. Although Cyprus is one of the closest of these islands to Anatolia, the

Cypriot inhabitants were far less interested in gold and more concerned with their own reserves of copper and its metallurgical use on the island. For the Cyclades, metallurgy does not appear to be widely practiced or distributed throughout the many small islands. The Cycladic inhabitants must not have held in high revere prestige metal like gold. Perhaps it was nonessential for or undesirable to the different peoples that populated the Cyclades, or gold simply was not supplied through the existing trade networks. Furthermore, as reflected in the archaeological record, both

Cyprus and the Cycladic Islands did not have ancestral ties, close kin relationships to Anatolia as

Crete did during the EBA. It is overwhelmingly apparent that gold ornamentation and ancestral geography are inextricably linked during the EM Period on Crete.

Near East

The emergence of wealth in the form of material goods, notably gold and other metal objects, becomes apparent and is a defining characteristic of the EBA. Priam’s Treasure and the

51 jewelry cache from Ur are two of the most well-known examples of the highly specialized metalworking industry that was flourishing at this time. Along with access to and use of metals, new styles in gold jewelry appear, specifically on Crete during the EM Period. The transition from the FN to the EM Period in jewelry types, materials, and styles is remarkable. Prior to the hoards from Troy and Alaca Huyuk, the use of gold in Anatolia was known but not impressive, suggesting precious metals were not used in Troad before the EB II period. Metal objects pre-

Troy in the EB include silver and arsenical bronzes from several Late Chalcolithic sites (Muhly

2015: 9). There is a sudden, complete shift in jewelry craft production during this transition not only in Anatolia, but also on Crete. There was a shift in jewelry craft production coming out of the FN Period in these regions because of more permanent settlements, as sedentary lifestyles allowed time for craft specializations, metallurgy among them. Furthermore, external contacts and influences, particularly on Crete, paved the way for the incorporation and working of new materials into the pre-existing jewelry repertoire.

Anatolia - Troy I (3000 - 2550 BCE) contains the earliest occurrence of gold in Anatolia, including a copper knife blade gilded with gold leaf. Gold objects, mostly jewelry, continue to appear at Troy in the succeeding phases but they are absent from other 4th millennium BCE sites in Anatolia. Troy’s gold ornaments include basket earrings with an elaborate chain, leaf pendants, diadems, beads, necklaces, and bracelets. See Figure 13 for Troy ornament. Many of these pieces demonstrate the advanced techniques and aptitude of the Trojan craftspeople. Such techniques employed in the manufacture of gold jewelry include appliqué, granulation, cloisonné, inlay, and hammered wire. With the exception of Alaca, these techniques were unknown elsewhere in Anatolia (De Jesus 1980: 88). The Royal Tombs of Alaca have yielded a

52 multitude of gold objects, most likely manufactured at the nearby gold-working industry in EB

II. The finds include gold beads, bracelets, rings, pins, intricate sheet metal diadems, and decorative figurines. Due to the sophistication of metallurgy at Alaca represented by the finds,

De Jesus concludes that the gold-working industry must have begun earlier than EB II, and what we have at the Royal Tombs is a final stage of metal-working in its long development (De Jesus

1980: 89).

During the EBA in Anatolia, gold was the chosen material to represent wealth, an indicator of status, not just in life, but in death. Gold ornaments seem to have been crafted to wear in life, not only as an offering or grave good to accompany the deceased. The gold working industry was well under way in parts of Anatolia by the EB II, by then a refined practice with highly skilled metalworkers. Of most significance and relevance to the Plátanos pendant, and in general to EM gold ornaments, is that both the burial assemblages from Troy and Alaca contained gold jewelry primarily manufactured of hammered sheet metal with the incorporation of repoussé, appliqué, and granulation design, in addition to the production of hammered wire.

Like EM ornaments from Crete, naturalistic floral styles dominate the jewelry repertoire from

Troy and Alaca. Also, the gold diadems recovered from these sites in Anatolia are very similar to those found at Mochlos and the Mesará.

Mesopotamia (The Royal Tombs of Ur: 2600 - 2300 BCE) - Leonard Woolley excavated the cemetery of the ancient Sumerian City of Ur in southern Iraq from 1922 to 1934. Woolley discovered nearly 2500 graves and a deep shaft containing a gold dagger, copper weapons, and toilet instruments amongst other finds. Further archaeological excavations revealed 16 burials of extreme wealth, including that of Queen Puabi. These Royal Tombs were constructed of sunken

53 stone chambers with vaulted roofs. Although most of the tombs were plundered prior to excavations, they still contained exceptional objects including many that were crafted of metal.

These grave goods included gold daggers; two gold and lapis lazuli goat statuettes; a lyre adorned with a golden bull’s head; gold and silver vessels; jewelry of precious metals and semi- precious stones; a diadem of golden leaves and rosettes; and helmets, weapons, and other war gear (Current World Archaeology, 2020). See Figure 14 for Puabi’s gold wreath. More specifically, popular items of personal adornment unearthed include metal garment pins, gold hair ribbons, gold finger rings and hair rings, and gold pendants, most of them used as attachments to gold diadems (PennMuseum, 2020).

The inhabitants or Ur lived in a complex and highly stratified society ruled by the wealthy and powerful elite. Other tombs revealed funerary rituals involving large-scale human sacrifice. The burial of the kings was accompanied by highly decorated human sacrifice. In one grave, located against the end of the tomb chamber, were nine women of the court with elaborate golden headdresses (Current World Archaeology, 2020).

The range of materials used to manufacture the objects from the Royal Tombs of Ur implies the existence of far-reaching trade networks and high levels of skill and artistry by the craftspeople themselves.2 The cache of metal objects found at Ur in burial contexts are similar to those artifacts recovered from many of the EM tholoi of the Mesará on Crete. These items include ceremonial daggers, cosmetic toiletry sets (scrapers, tweezers), and jewelry such as gold

2 There is evidence that Mesopotamia was familiar with gold-working before Anatolia. Gold beads occur at Tepe Gawra XII at the end of Ubaid Period (4000 BCE). Recovered from Tomb 109 at Tepe Gawra, an ancient Mesopotamian settlement in northwestern Iraq, are a collection of objects made from gold and electrum (Muhly 9). A piece of twisted gold wire, associated with Ubaid pottery, from Ur is the earliest known occurrence of any metal in southern Mesopotamia. Gold finds from Uruk-Warqa, located in modern day southern Iraq, included beads and pendants, which became more abundant in the Protoliterate Period (c. 4000-3100 BCE) (De Jesus 1980: 90). The earliest use of gold in Palestine comes from the Chalcolithic site of Azor. Several gold beads made from gold leaf were retrieved from excavations A. Ben Tor and dated to the later part of the 4th millennium BCE. Gold ornaments like these were not common in Palestine before the LBA (Muhly 2015: 9).

54 rings, gold diadems, and gold pendants. Although small in size, most of the gold pendants were attached to diadems. The naturalistic design elements of Ur gold ornaments, notably the floral motifs, parallel those from the Mesará. A hair pin from Ur in the shape of a triangle, almost resembles a cone-like closed wildflower, similar to the Plátanos pendant (Maxwell-Hyslop 1971:

4). Other examples include wreaths made of gold leaves on two strings of lapis lazuli carnelian beads and Queen Puabi’s intricate top wreath crafted of gold willow leaves tipped with lapis carnelian beads and gold flowers with lapis and paste.

Ancient Egypt - It is well-known that the ancient Egyptians were highly skilled gold workers, as evident by the abundant and varied refined jewelry. Surprisingly, however, there is no known gold ornamentation or other material culture from ancient Egypt that one can use to make parallels to the Plátanos pendant. Egyptian gold jewelry from later periods should be mentioned for comparative purposes, specifically to highlight the influence of Minoan jewelry design and style on Egyptian ornamentation. Pendant flowers are part of the design in two different types of Egyptian jewelry pieces. Gold earrings from the Gold Tomb (no. 56), Valley of the Kings, 19th Dynasty (Sety II, c. 1200-1194 BCE), are crafted into the shape of an eight- petalled flower worked in repoussé with cartouches of Sety II off of which hanging trapezoidal ornaments incised with his cartouches are attached cornflower pendants (Andrews 1991:113).

Another example of pendants in the shape of flowers is the pair of tubular gold hinged bracelets from the mummy of the High Priest Pinedjem II, Deir el-Bahri cache, 21st Dynasty (c. 970

BCE). See Figure 15 for bracelets. The outer surface of the bracelets is inlaid with carnelian and lapis lazuli in a feathered pattern. Three of the gold chains attached to each bracelet are made of lapis lazuli and carnelian beads ending in gold flower-heads (Andrews 1991: 151). Although

55 both the pair of earrings and the set of bracelets are quite different in overall style and materials, the incorporation of flower pendants was an appealing style to the craftsperson and/or the owner/wearer. This specific design element, that of a pendant flower, in Egyptian jewelry provokes questions regarding the possibility of ancient Egypt’s adoption of this Minoan style post palatial.

Other Material Culture

1. Minoan Jewelry as Represented in Art

Beginning in the MM Period, jewelry begins to be represented on seals, in fresco, and on statues and statuettes of terracotta and bronze through the LM Period. Most of the people, both men and women, depicted in Minoan art wear jewelry. Yellow or gold painted jewelry was presumably made of gold (Younger 1992: 257). Ornate jewelry depicted in art seems to be the proper decoration worn by worshippers, devotés at a shrine, and those participating in a procession. Jewelry is not usually worn in battle or on the hunt (Younger 1992: 275). The

Minoans crafted and designed jewelry that was highly inclusive of floral motifs. Although the majority of Minoan jewelry recovered to date comes from the EM period, MM period wall- paintings best displays how this jewelry was worn and who wore it.

The most common type of earring represented in Minoan art is made of gold, large, and circular. Almost all are plain, lacking a design, with the exception of one earring with wheel-like spokes and several others decorated with granulation (Younger 1992: 260). Necklaces are also often depicted in Minoan art. The garland (hypothymis) is the most common type of necklace, worn by both men and women. These neck-rings appear on bull- leapers, boxers, male spectators, and other men with an unknown context. A few garlands are composed of a single

56 string of flowers, draped across the shoulders. The Necklace-Swinger from Xeste 3 at Akrotiri wears a loosely draped string of gold flowers, perhaps a gold necklace imitating a garland

(Younger 1992: 262). Women wear most of the necklaces, including chokers, torques, and strings of beads (Younger 1992: 264). Most men are depicted wearing arm-bands, however, few men also wear bracelets (Younger 1992: 270). Both men and women are represented wearing anklets and bracelets. Only one woman wears a hair pin, the Wounded Girl, from Xeste 3,

Akrotiri, c. 1600 BCE (Younger 1992: 274).

Dress beads were another type of gold ornamentation. Beads were frequently part of clothing as depicted in the frescoes of the Crocus Gatherer and the Necklace Swinger, and the

Isopata signet ring (Isopata tomb near Knossos, Crete, c. 1600-1400 BCE). These tied bunches of string with spherical or papyrus-shaped beads dangle from the warp ends of the gown sleeves.

Few men are depicted wearing dress-beads, and if so, they only hang from the hem of their skirt.

Later on, some women wear spindle whorls (conuli), such as the Mycenae woman in the fresco from room 31, that act as weights gathering the warp ends at the lower hem of a dress (Younger

1992: 273). Finally, diadems are depicted on female figures on wall paintings and on the Agia

Triada sarcophagus. Archaeologists have recovered a considerable number of highly-detailed and well-preserved Early and Middle Minoan gold diadems from Crete. The ancestral origin of

Minoan diadems has been linked to Mesopotamia. Two diadems from the Royal Tombs at Ur are similar to, bear close resemblance to the diadems from Mochlos in shape and the way in which they were tied around the head. Diadems of this general shape, however, are much more common and of finer quality in Early Minoan Crete (Davaras 1975: 109). Many of these recovered diadems are complete, others fragmentary. Some of the diadems contain small

57 puncture holes where attachments, like pendants, may have been suspended.3 Unlike most other

Minoan jewelry that was probably worn during one’s life, the wearing of diadems is less certain

(Davaras 1975: 108). To many, the diadems seem too fragile to have been worn in life.

Personal adornment with gold ornaments seems to have been common practice during the

MM Period. Ornamentation went beyond typical jewelry. It also included adornment worn in the hair and on the head, and even attached to clothing. Both women and men are depicted wearing necklaces, anklets, bracelets, and dress beads. Only women, however, are depicted wearing earrings, hairpins, and diadems, while arm-bands are only represented on men. None of the figures on wall paintings appear to wear pendants of any type. Were pendants, dangling from chains, limited to production and use during the EM Period? If so, the pendants must have had special significance and only worn by few. Finally, since pendants are not depicted in Minoan wall art, did they phase out over time, before the MM Period? One can safely presume that if pendants were produced and worn in the MM Period, they would have been represented in art.

2. Minoan Wall Art

Bluebird Fresco, Knossos, Crete (LBA, c. 1550 BCE); Permanent exhibition (Hall XVI),

Heraklion Archaeological Museum. See Figure 17. The bluebird fresco is one of the earliest paintings from the House of the Frescoes at Knossos. Although fragmentary, this colorful and lively naturalistic painting probably belonged to a large composition. A bluebird perched on a rock is surrounded by wild roses and irises (Odysseus Culture Greece, 2020). This fresco

3 Costis Davaras contests that pendants were not attached to diadems. His argument is based on observations that on at least one diadem, the tears or markings are not holes, as Seager originally presumed, but rather slots where gold hammered antennae were fastened to the diadem. Nearly all the other Mochlos diadems have holes along the upper edge. Davaras further argues that the placement of these holes is not ideal for the suspension of pendants. Had pendants on chains been suspended from the holes, they would have dangled in front of the wearer’s eyes and nose. For more information see Davaras, Costis. "Early Minoan Jewellery from Mochlos." The Annual of the British School at Athens 70 (1975): 101-14. Web. Pp. 110-111.

58 displays the flora that most likely dotted the Cretan landscape. Although we cannot be certain that these depictions of flowers are accurate renderings, we still get a sense of the important role the natural world, particularly flowers played in Minoan culture.

The original purpose of this fresco may have been botanical in nature. If not, however, the artist(s) may have had magico-religious, pharmacological, or decorative intentions in mind.

Evans identified the bird as the “roller (Coracias garrulous)”, the lily as the “pancratium lily, and the iris as the “Dwarf Cretan iris”. The rose only has been recently identified as the R. pulverulenta, and the remaining plant that was identified as “wild peas or vetches”, which now has been identified as “reed plants (S. fruticosa).”, more commonly known today as “Dalmatian sage”. The lily has been further identified as the Pancratium maritimum L., known as the sea- daffodil. All of the floral species, with the exception of the sea-daffodil, represented in the

Bluebird fresco have known medicinal qualities, which date back to ancient Egyptian, Greek, and Roman times (Tucker 2004: 733-735). The inclusion of flowers in art/material culture by the

Minoans is no coincidence. They intentionally and carefully crafted materials that were reflective and symbolic of their culture. This fresco is yet another example of the important role that nature played in everyday Minoan life.

3. Material Culture

Kamares Style Bowl, Phaistos, Crete (MBA, 1850 - 1750 BCE); Permanent

Exhibition (Hall III), Herakleion Archaeological Museum. See Figure 18. The clay bowl with relief flowers, daffodils or lilies, sprouting from the body and foot is one of the best examples of polychrome Kamares Style that developed in Crete in the Proto-palatial Period. This mixing vessel may have been used at banquets in the Phaistos palace (Odysseus Culture Greece, 2020).

The realistic, three-dimensional white flowers accompanying the vessel are representative of the

Minoans taste for floral motifs.

Agia Triada Sarcophagus, Agia Triada, Crete (LBA, c. 1400 BCE); Permanent

Exhibition (Hall XIV), Herakleion Archaeological Museum. See Figure 19. Although dated much later than the Plátanos pendant, this sarcophagus is the only painted limestone larnakes

(Aegean larnax) of its kind. The sarcophagus was found inside a finely built chamber tomb containing the body of a deceased person of some social standing at Agia Triada (Preziosi and

Hitchcock 1999: 180). The Mycenaean/Minoan burial chest depicts a funerary ritual scene that is rich in narrative. This colorful piece showcases a variety of male and female figures participating in processions and making offerings (Odysseus Culture Greece, 2020). Two female priestesses, one on side A and one on side B, w/ear elaborate headdresses referred to as a polos, a crown of the head or a head-dress worn by goddesses. This type of crown, however, may be more

Mycenaean than Minoan.

Late Bronze Age (LBA) Burials - Crete and Mainland Greece

The Plátanos pendant was separated from the individual, not the burial practice, which certainly contained some aspect of ritual inherent within the mortuary practice itself. For comparison purposes, the ideal type site burial is those of the Griffin Warrior burial in Pylos, and the post-Minoan era woman’s burial in Crete. Although these burials are not Minoan, they showcase what an ideal, undisturbed burial with human remains and grave goods would have looked like once uncovered. Unplundered tombs such as these are the most accurate representation of Mycenaean burials, which evolved from their Minoan predecessors.

Sissi Mycenaean Burial - During the 2019 excavation season, archaeologists affiliated with Université Catholique Louvain (UCL), under the direction of Jan Driessen, uncovered a post-Minoan era grave in Sissi, eastern Crete. See Figure 20. This Mycenaean box-shaped grave containing a women’s intact skeleton was found near a complex of monumental buildings. She was buried with a copper mirror with an ivory handle, copper dress pins, and a necklace constructed of 15 olive-shaped gold beads and smaller gold beads. This burial is unique since such graves are usually found on the north-central coast and western region of the island, at the

Minoan sites of Knossos and Archanes (Archaeology Magazine, 2020).

Pylos Griffin Warrior Tomb - In 2015, archaeologists Jack Davis and Sharon Stocker both from the University of Cincinnati, discovered a man’s grave filled with numerous artefacts near Nestor’s palace in Pylos, Greece. See Figure 21. The shaft grave (c. 1500 BCE), contained the remains of a 30 to 35-year-old man, along with bronze weapons, finely crafted gold jewelry, carved seal stones, ivory inlays, beads, and many other objects. The majority of the more than

1500 objects with which he was buried are of Minoan style or of Cretan manufacture. This burial is a rare undisturbed exception as most Mycenaean tholoi have been looted. The tomb showcases a great concentration of wealth in a single tomb that remained untouched for over 3500 years

(Griffin Warrior Tomb, 2020).

An Analysis of the Comparanda

The EM period, one could argue, was the pinnacle of fine jewelry craftsmanship during the entirety of the Minoan culture in Crete. It seems that during the transition between the EM and MM, the quantity, quality, and skill in jewelry gold working diminished. This is a rather odd occurrence as the Neo-palatial period in Crete is known for its extravagant wall art, pottery, figurines, and seal stones. Was jewelry suddenly less important, less significant? Did the source of imported gold as a raw material dry up? Did other crafts or industries take precedent? A sudden climate change event in late Pre-palatial Crete most likely had noticeable effects on

Minoan social life, as reflected in the absence of certain types of material culture in the archaeological record. Beginning c. 2275 BCE and continuing for approximately 250-350 years, intense aridification occurred in parts of the eastern Mediterranean and the Near East. Scholars have argued that this climate event contributed to dramatic population movements, site abandonments, revision of subsistence strategies, and sociopolitical collapse. L. Vance Waterous suggests that evidence of a substantive EM III phase in many areas of Crete collapses between data from EM II and MM IA, rendering EM III more of a void than an archaeological horizon.

Based on evidence from his own survey work in Crete, Waterous observes widespread site abandonment following EM IIB (date of the Plátanos pendant), which is concurrent with some multigenerational tombs cease in use. This observation is of critical importance since it addresses the lacunae of finely crafted jewelry in Crete during this timeframe (Anderson 2016: 15-16).

Despite all of the unknowns, what can be inferred is that there existed a dynamic relationship between north-central/eastern Crete and the Mesará regions during the EM period.

The Mochlos pendants are most similar to the Plátanos pendant in style and design, however, they are not identical. The creation of the Plátanos pendant, indigenous to the Mesará, resulted in

62 a new pendant type. It seems likely that the craftsperson had a working knowledge of metallurgy and skills set borrowed from either Mesopotamia or Anatolia. The Plátanos pendant’s design, however, was conceived and intentionally carried out by a Minoan gold worker who incorporated their personal, or owner’s, preferences for meaning and taste of aesthetics into the piece. Finally, the pendant does not appear to be an import as there are no other known pendants like the Plátanos pendant, or even Mochlos pendants, outside of Crete. The MET pendant is closest in shape and design to the Plátanos pendant, but due to its unsecure provenance, this object cannot be justifiably used for authentic comparative purposes.

The data gathered amounts to an extensive body of evidence. The Plátanos pendant is an anomaly. Numerous and varied comparanda demonstrate that such a pendant even within the

Mesará region has not been found. It is possible that there were other pendants like the Plátanos pendant but they simply have not survived. We cannot forget that looting was all too common in antiquity through modern times. The Plátanos pendant and its assemblage have a secure burial context, but many other EM ornaments from other Minoan sites do not because of looting, post- mortem interference, or the possibility of inaccurate recording of finds in the early days of archaeology. Additionally, not all Minoan sites on Crete have been identified or excavated, which in the future may yield another Plátanos type pendant. Furthermore, there is the likelihood of unpublished material of finds from previously excavated Minoan sites that may contain a pendant like the Plátanos piece.

The comparanda that I chose for this chapter illuminates the uniqueness of the Plátanos pendant for what we have, and for what we do not have in artefactual evidence. The lacunae in the archaeological record is just as important as the wealth of finds we possess. Despite many tholoi and other burial sites having been plundered in the past, the evidence we do have from

63 unlooted tholoi with undisturbed EM burial contexts on Crete is that they do not contain gold pendants. This, paired with current scholarship that is lacking in the subject area, sets the stage for a thorough investigation of the Plátanos pendant, paying particular attention to the significance this pendant may have had for its crafter(s), owner(s), and others who viewed and interacted with it.

Figures/Illustrations

Fig. 11 Mochlos EM pendants; bell-shaped with clapper (left) and cone-shaped pendant (right), Herakleion Archaeological Museum (Hickman, 2008)

Fig. 12 MET EM Pendant (accession number 26.31.419) The Metropolitan Museum of Art (Marks, 2019)

Fig. 13 Large diadem with idol shaped pendants. Gold. (2600 – 2300 BCE), Troy, (Pushkin State Museum of Fine Arts)

Fig. 14 Top wreath of Queen Puabi’s headdress. Shell, gold, lapis, carnelian. (2600 – 2450 BCE), Ur, (PennMuseum, object # B17711)

Fig. 15 Two bracelets with beads ending in flower heads. Gold, lapis lazuli, carnelian. From the mummy of the High Priest Pinedjem II, W. Thebes. 21st Dynasty (c. 970 BC)

Fig. 16 Distribution map of Prepalatial tombs in Crete; lower plan is Mesará Plain. Significantly documented sites are underlined (Costello, 2012)

Fig. 17 “The blue bird”, part of a fresco from Knossos (LBA c.1550 BCE) Herakleion Archaeological Museum

Fig. 18 Kamares Style Bowl from Phaistos (MBA c. 1850-1750 BCE) Herakleion Archaeological Museum

Fig. 19 The Agia Triada Sarcophagus (LBA c. 1400 BCE) Herakleion Archaeological Museum

Fig. 20 Box-shaped tomb holding a nearly intact Fig. 21 Shaft grave of the ‘Griffin female skeleton with grave goods including a Warrior’ whose skeleton was found beaded necklace made of gold, Sissi, Crete. intact with numerous finely crafted Late Minoan Period II. objects, including many gold objects, Pylos, Greece. (c. 1450 BCE).

Chapter 3

“However, while such riches elicit awe among museum-goers, archaeologists have been largely turning their attention instead to more mundane artefacts: cooking pots, storage jars, and middens. Although this archaeological focus does make perfect since in many ways, it studiously omits some of the most important finds for our understanding of Aegean Bronze Age societies”. - Carl Knappett (AIA lecture)

After an in-depth review of the comparanda in Chapter 2, the Plátanos pendant appears as an anomaly in the jewelry repertoire of the EM period. The metalworking skills and techniques employed in crafting the pendant mirrored those in contemporary Anatolia and Mesopotamia, but the choice of design, style, and shape of the pendant is unique. This home-grown EM pendant type is indigenous to Crete. What was the impetus for this new pendant type? Chapter 3 attempts to answer this question by exploring the most current scholarship in the field and presenting the material in a framework that lends meaning to the pendant. As a material object of culture, the Plátanos pendant is not only representative of what was happening in the EM Period on Crete, but also it is indicative of the expansive and connected world of the Aegean during the

EBA. The pendant’s creation speaks to the contacts and trade networks of the EBA

Mediterranean, which brought not only raw materials, like gold, but also the intangible exchange of ideas and skills between people living in culturally diverse regions. The connectivity of EBA societies, combined with the insular nature of an island environment such as Crete, set the stage for the EM inhabitants to craft a culture that was uniquely their own. That is their customs and rituals, reflected in the material culture, evolved independently from their contemporary counterparts. Isolation blended with a multitude of diverse external factors allowed for and prompted the picking and choosing of what was culturally significant. These values became cultural norms in EM society and found their way into everyday objects including those for the dead. The Plátanos pendant is such an object, one the early Minoans created and crafted to both display and communicate these cultural norms within their own community, and to those outside.

During the EM period on Crete, a metalworker(s) crafted the Plátanos pendant. They used inspiration from the natural world in its shape and design, intentionally creating it to look like a flower. Chapter 3 begins with a review of the Cretan wildflowers that potentially influenced the type/species of flower recreated in the (as the) pendant itself. Next, the chapter gives way to a thorough analysis of the pendant’s form and iconography, further illuminating the influence of nature, but also the role of color, material, and personal ‘taste’ in the chosen design of the pendant. The subsequent section focuses on the function of the pendant, including aspects of adornment, ritual, identity, gender, burial, and the senses. Finally, Chapter 3 closes with an attempt to craft meaning out of the deconstructed pendant by putting all of the pieces back together. What are the different components and how do they function together? It is only through this approach that we can better understand the meaning and significance of the Plátanos pendant to those who lived during its creation and use in the EM Period on Crete.

A.) Motif: The Pendant as a Flower

Wildflowers of Crete

Crete is well known for its flora, much of it rare, which certainly has been influential on past cultures since the Early Minoan (EM) Period. Out of Crete’s 2000 documented plants, approximately 210 are endemic species or subspecies that are not to be found anywhere else in the world (Sfikas 1992: 27). These endemic plants are mainly concentrated in certain regions like in the mountains of Siteia in eastern Crete and the fertile plains of Mesará in southern Crete.

With the exception of those plant species that have disappeared because of recent habitat destruction, the flora that flourished on Crete was nearly the same in antiquity during the Minoan period as it is today (Sfikas 1992: 9). In their book The Making of the Cretan Landscape,

Rackham and Moody conclude that the main types of wild vegetation in Crete today would be recognized by any Cretan from Late Minoan times onwards (Rackham and Moody 1996).

Upon unearthing the Plátanos pendant, Xanthoudídes described “a finely wrought chain with what seems to have been intended for a pendant flower”. The Minoans, from the EM period through the LM period, continually incorporated floral motifs in their material culture. As depicted in their art, the natural world was represented by numerous flowers and leaves. See

Figure 22 of EM crocus pin. Hickman, in her dissertation, concludes that the flowers represented in EM jewelry do not represent real flower species that grow in Crete today.4 This is certainly possible as much of the flora covering Crete during the Minoan period is now extinct. Her observation, however, is lacking in that it is not supported by substantial botanical evidence.

Hickman did not consult with a botanist, specifically one that is familiar with the flora of

Crete. It is very difficult to discern flora species from a guidebook, as it is best for a trained specialist to observe living flowers in their natural environment to make appropriate comparisons. Indeed, to identify the exact flower species the Plátanos pendant was crafted to represent is challenging. It is possible to get an idea, however, of the type of flower the

4 According to Hickman, “with the exception of the crocus pins (MO 16A-B, perhaps Crocus laevigatus or Crocus cartwrightianus), no flower appears to be a close imitation of an actual flower, at least one that grows in Crete today (determined after consulting botanical guides by Blamey and Grey-Wilson 1993; Fielding and Turland 2005; Sfikas 2002). Flowers may have been loosely represented, with the final design of each ornament due as much to the ease in cutting a simple shape out of sheet metal as to the original inspiration for the piece. 157 With that in mind, the most popular shape for pins was the daisy, with seven, eight, or 15 petals (e.g., MO 57, MO 86). Several perforated flower appliqués (MO 93), which were probably sewn onto clothing, had six petals. Four- or five-petal rosettes were depicted on a diadem (MO 3) and both sides of two drum beads (MO 38, MO 95). A pin-like ornament (PL 19) and a bead (MO 61) were created in the form of stylized lilies, while two fluted pendants (PL 4, MO 22) resembled closed morning glories. The daisies may have been the artisan’s representation of flowers like Blackstonia perfoliata (with seven petals), Anemone hortensis (eight petals) or Anemone coronaria (approximately 15-18 petals), while the drum bead rosette with five curving petals resembled Nerium oleander. The lily, perhaps also depicted in a later Minoan fresco from Amnissos (Fielding and Turland 2005: ix; Immerwahr 1990: 179-180), may be Lilium candidum; the three-part scalloped design on the pin and bead may be Lithodora hispidula. The fluted pendants are similar to the closed blossoms of Onosma erecta.” For more information see Hickman, Jane. Gold before the Palaces: Crafting Jewelry and Social Identity in Minoan Crete (2008): ProQuest Dissertations and Theses. Web.

72 metalworker used for the pendant’s inspiration. Crocuses, irises, and lilies were common floral species in Minoan art. There are six documented crocus species living on Crete today. All of them are endemic to Greece, with two being native to Crete specifically. There are six known species of irises living on Crete, only one being endemic to the island. Only one lily species has been documented in Crete, and it has disappeared in more recent times (Sfikas 1992: 278).

It seems possible that the craftsperson modeled the Plátanos pendant after a flower species like, or similar to the crocus. See Figure 23 of Cretan crocus. While iconography of various flora abounds in Minoan art, the crocus is particularly prevalent, as it is represented on ceramics, in wall-paintings, and on votive objects. See Figures 24, 25, 26, 27 of material culture decorated with crocuses. During the Palatial Period, the saffron spice, a product of the flower, was a valuable economic commodity, as evidenced by transactions recorded in Linear B texts. In the Minoan world, however, the crocus’ significance extended beyond commercial import. The flower and saffron represented an integral part of culture and identity for Minoan women, specifically in the spheres of industry (dyeing and perfuming), medicine and religion.

Saffron was a durable and potent dye for textiles. The yellow pigment is both water- soluble and resilient to light, coloring up to 100,000 times its volume when diluted. Furthermore, the archaeologist and art historian Joanna Day proposes that saffron as a dye may have had cosmetic uses. Her observations are based on Near Eastern cuneiform tablets that attest to the use of saffron, turmeric, and sumac as decorative stains for hands, in addition to the females depicted in the frescoes from Akrotiri whom are shown with red and orange-tinted body parts, suggesting the cosmetic or ritual application of a dye such as saffron or henna. Saffron was also an important ingredient in perfume manufacture. The spice emits a pleasant aroma when dried.

Aristophanes described it as a “sensuous smell” admired by the Greeks. The powerful pigment

73 from saffron would also have served as a natural coloring for the perfume. Linear B documents indicate that it was common practice in the Bronze Age Aegean for perfumes to have been enhanced with both color and scent. For example, the inclusion of po-ni-ki-jo, or alkanet, was used to dye perfume red.

The medicinal benefits of saffron are also well-known. In Assyria it was used as a treatment for various ailments and diseases, including stomach aches and urinary disorders. In

Egypt, saffron’s medicinal uses included treatment for infections and inflammation, a remedy for diarrhea, and as a contraceptive. In Classical Greece, writers noted the benefits of saffron, ranging from anti-aging treatments to aphrodisiacs. The spice’s most common ancient reference as a pain-reliever for menstrual cramps and childbirth. Saffron, also known as an emmenagogue, can act as an abortive in high doses, and may have functioned as a form of birth control. Many scholars have suggested that since women, rather than men, are shown in scenes with crocuses and saffron, that the Minoans were privy to the gynecological benefits of saffron, thus exploiting the plant’s medicinal properties. One obvious example is the ‘Adorants Fresco’, from the north wall of the ground floor lustral basin in Xeste 3 at Akrotiri. In this scene, crocuses and saffron stigmas decorate the colorful garments of women, including a blouse and bodice, a crocus stigmas garland, and an embroidered crocus belt. Some scholars have likened this symbolic scene to a maturation initiation, the transition from girlhood to womanhood.

Crocus and saffron iconography appears in Minoan religious (ritualistic) contexts, often decorating offering tables and altars at Akrotiri. A wall-painting in the West House at Akrotiri features a depiction of a woman priestess, indicated as such because of her ceremonial dress and the incense-burner or brazier she holds, in which it has been suggested by scholars that the substance she burns is saffron. Moreover, the priestess is dressed in a yellow robe and she has

74 dyed eyes, lips, and eyebrows. Finally, at the Temple Repositories at Knossos, Arthur Evans recovered numerous MM IIIB faience objects in a ritual context. The collection included faience crocuses and garments decorated with crocuses, all of which Evans interpreted as votive offerings (Dewan 2015: 42-51). It is evident that the Plátanos pendant’s shape and design is reflective of, or mimics, a specific flower that the early Minoans held in high regard, which very likely may have been the crocus.

Finally, we cannot overlook the flowering shrubs and trees of Minoan Crete as a possible inspiration for the pendant. The flowers from the Tilia tree, no longer native to Crete, were used in aromatic oils and perfumes during the Minoan Period. Today, many colorful and fragrant flowering shrubs and trees dot the Cretan landscape. It is not impossible to imagine that this type of flora also inspired the artistic decoration of Minoan material culture. Although we will never know for certain what flower species the Plátanos pendant represented, we can feel confident that it was modeled after a flower that was symbolic and functioned as such. Function, in the physical sense, is another aspect of the pendant that we can further think about. Due to the pendant’s formed conical shape, a void is present. Did the pendant once hold perfume or aromatic oils to anoint the dead, or living, during the burial ritual? Perhaps the pendant served a dual role as both a symbolic object of adornment and a functional object in terms of its physical use.

B.) Form and Iconography

The Chosen Design: Nature’s Influence

The landscape of Crete greatly influenced Minoan imagery. Nature made not just an occasional appearance, it predominated Minoan iconography and symbolism. The Plátanos pendant is material evidence that nature highly influenced early Minoan cultural expression.

Later on, during the Neo-palatial Period, in wall paintings and on seals it became common for

Minoan goddesses to be displayed in natural settings adorned with flowers. There was a deliberate selection of plants based on specific properties that vegetation was thought to possess.

For pure naturalism turns into symbolism (Marinatos 1993: 195). It could be thought that this naturalistic symbolism was part of a ritualistic idea or belief system of “cyclical transformation,” that is death is part of a cycle that leads to regeneration. The idea of flora tied to cyclical renewal in funerary symbolism possibly created a connection to the idea of regeneration after death.

Seasons succeed each other, a new lily will replace the decayed one (Marinatos 1993: 196). Is this pendant a new lily, or crocus, replacing the decayed one? Was this pendant buried with the deceased as a symbol of rebirth? So too will the deceased be reborn, for with death comes life.

In artistic representations of the Minoan goddess during the Neo-palatial Period her very attributes are derived from nature. Marinatos describes her possible adornment consisting of flowers, a necklace with insect or bird pendants, and snakes can be crawling over her body. Landscapes also provide the perfect setting for the goddess, as represented on the murals from Agia Triada and Thera, where flowers, rocks, and animals surround the seated deity. The

Minoans, like their Near Eastern counterparts, are known for using biotopes, an ecosystem with a specific assemblage of plants and animals, in their art. Lilies and crocuses are frequently depicted on mountaintops and rocky landscapes, which in their natural state grow only on hilly terrain in Greece (Marinatos 1993: 193). These flowers have a symbolic function because they appear as offerings, on altars, as motifs on offering tables, and on pendants. Marinatos suggests that the symbolism arose because of the seasonal associations of flowers. The saffron crocus is an autumn flower and the lily a spring flower. Sometimes, however, these flowers are deliberately shown together, depicting a biotope that is representative of fertility and renewal

(Marinatos 1993: 195). Regeneration, therefore, was a concept of primary importance in the

Minoan belief system (Marinatos 1993: 196).

The Cretan landscape influenced the shape and design of the Plátanos pendant. The pendant, as a symbolic flower, represents fertility, renewal, and regeneration. Like most scholars,

Marinatos does not cover the EM period in her analysis of nature’s influence on Minoan imagery. This is unfortunate because the natural world heavily influenced the iconography and material culture of the EM Period. This naturalistic trend continued into the MM Period, where we see it so frequently displayed. The Minoans had an obvious intimate relationship to nature, particularly an appreciation for flora, in the EM Period that so noticeably makes its way into the design of gold jewelry and ornamentation.

A Note on Color

The perception of gold has a long history as illuminating and eternal. It is the color, or material, that has been used throughout history by many different societies. Almost always, gold is associated with the elite, a display of wealth and importance in social standing. Those who ruled over the great cities of Troy and Ur were buried with hoards of gold jewelry, ornamentation, and weapons. What is it about gold that made it valuable to so many? Perhaps the independent physical properties of gold, such as the metal’s color, or a combination of features, like its malleability and inability to corrode, led to its value. The word “gold” and its use across cultures has confused scholars, as it can imply the color, the material, or both. The etymology for hurasu (golden) is traced back to the Akkadian period. Akkadian hurasu is related to the word for gold in Ugaritic (hrs), Hebrew (hrws), Arabic (hurs) and also to Linear B ku-ru-so and Greek khrysós (χρυσὀσ), which means “golden yellow” with respect to shining materials. The earliest reference to hurasu as a color dates to the Old Babylonian period. The term gold, however, is

77 attested from the old Akkadian period (c. 2350 - 2150 BCE) onwards as a metal. Unlike in ancient Egypt, objects from the natural world are rarely described as gold-colored in

Mesopotamia. In her book, The Meaning of Color in Ancient Mesopotamia, Shiyanthi

Thavapalan observes, for example, that the sun is never golden but is only ever characterized with the language of brightness. She further concludes that the very nature of gold itself suggests that hurasu is best understood as a concrete color term rather than an abstract one (Thavapalan

2020: 368).

Thavapalan further suggests that many colors in Akkadian are based on names for precious materials such as metals. While these terms are associated with colors, they typically do not serve as abstract color words. Material-based color terms are rarely verbs, with the exception of the word “gold” (hurasu), which acts like a verb, meaning gold-colored, in the Neo-Assyrian glass recipes. Others argue that for the ancient Egyptians, the notion of color was not separated from the material (Thavapalan 2020: 169). Thavapalan also poses the question that while it is clear that the precious metals can frequently refer to color, does this necessarily make them color terms? Egyptologists have been debating this issue as in ancient Egypt materials and color can overlap in poetic language and in painting. Precious materials like gold and silver evoke the luminous colors of nature and the gods in hymnic language from the second millennium

BCE.5 In these instances, Schenkel argued that the color’s meaning was symbolic. It was the material, not color, that was being invoked (Thavapalan 2020: 170). Thavapalan concludes that substances can refer to colors, however, they are not color words in themselves. Furthermore,

5 In these hymnic (texts), the sun is described as “rising as the golden one” (wbn m nb.w) and “flooding the land with gold”. “The one who fills the earth with gold dust” (mh t3 m nkr) is a common epithet of solar gods like Horus Behdety. For more information see Thavapalan, Shiyanthi. The Meaning of Color in Ancient Mesopotamia. Brill, 2020. p. 170.

78 materials that are historically and culturally most important, like gold and silver, over time take on an expanded meaning beyond their immediate materiality and thus become color terms

(Thavapalan 2020: 171).

As an example of material culture and the use of gold terminology, Thavapalan points to fabric embellished with applique during ancient times. Both visual and textual evidence confirms this, as depicted on cylinder seals, murals and reliefs. Large quantities of rosettes, disks, squares, rings and animal forms made of gold were attached onto garments in the Neo-Babylonian period. Furthermore, hundreds of gold clothing ornaments were found in the “Queen’s Tombs” in Nimrud. Oppenheim suggests that these ornaments were sewn onto linen and red and purple- dyed wool, and could be removed for cleaning. Garments embellished with golden sequins were ceremonial, reserved for the gods and royalty, in the Neo-Babylonian period (Thavapalan 2020:

189).

We know very little about how the Minoans perceived color, with the exception of the

Neo-Palatial preferred color palette. The Minoans loved colors; Minoan painters typically used earth tones of white, brown, red, and yellow, in addition to black and vivid blue in their frescoes and painted ceramics. Thinking about color and material as it applies to Minoan ornamentation, why was the metal gold chosen for the Plátanos pendant and many other types of jewelry crafted during the EM Period? Why not silver? Was it chosen for the material’s color, or was it used for the metal’s inherent physical properties? Was the value in its color or material or both? Was gold simply admired because it was an imported luxury item, esteemed for its rarity and high commercial value? During the end of the Neolithic Period in the Aegean, marine shells and white marble were commonly used in ornamentation. A shift in pendant production occurred in the

EBA from available local raw materials to those obtained from distant sources or in scarce

79 supply. Baysal suggests that an admiration for the bright and shiny most likely has its roots in the late Neolithic when white materials, like marble, and mother of pearl came beforehand (Baysal

2019: 204).

Material

Throughout prehistory, different materials were reserved for different classes of artefacts. Intentional decisions and choices were constantly being made by those who created the objects and by those who received the objects. As an object crafted from gold, its physical properties entail luster, durability, and malleability. An object’s properties, however, can be defined more broadly and more specifically, beyond the physical. Materiality in general, for example, is a quality of the materials, of objects, things, or artefacts. That is to say, not properties of the materials but rather “the quality that refers to the physical presence of the materials, their being tangible, their being part of the material world” (Nanoglou 2008: 313). More simply stated, Nanoglou here is referring to the ‘thingness’ of things. The specificity of materialization is contingent on the material used. Therefore, the study of the relations between material qualities and materialization enables an understanding of how beings, animate and inanimate,

‘come to matter’. Materiality is contingent upon the reiteration of practices that give this materiality an intelligible form. It is the effect of articulatory practices that govern material identity (Nanoglou 2008: 313).

The Plátanos pendant’s materiality would have had a specific impact on a person’s experience of their own materiality, for understanding and experiencing one’s own body in a certain way and interactions with nature and the environment at large (Nanogloi 2008: 315). For example, a stone pendant’s materiality would be different from that of gold pendant’s materiality. Different materials signified different uses and different contexts which carried

80 different connotations. A gold metal pendant most certainly carried different connotations from stone, clay, bone, and ivory pendants (Nanglou 2008: 327). There is no way of knowing what types of qualities people would have imbued in the material, like the gold Plátanos pendant. One can only speculate on aspects such as the hardness, the texture, or the color that lead to its use and specific function.

By design, pendants were suspended, irrespective of where they were suspended from.6 The Plátanos pendant may have been suspended from a necklace or a diadem. Pendants withheld a certain attachment to the human body from which they hung and which they supposedly belonged. Regardless of where pendants were attached, were pendants wholly associated with the bodies to which they were attached? Could the pendant stand for itself (no distinct identity), or did it have to be worn to have meaning? A pendant was part of the body that wore it, and was meant to be worn. As Nanoglou further points out pendants, and ornaments in general, negotiate the boundaries of the body by being part of it (Nanoglou 2008: 317). The

Plátanos pendant most likely adorned an individual in life, and therefore, it accompanied that same individual in death. The pendant became part of that person’s identity, attached to that very person in meaning. One should also consider technological aspects, for the process of manufacture could be equally or more important than the final product. Metallurgy was a new(er) technology in the EM period (Nanoglou 2008: 313). Materials have qualities that were deemed important for their respective use, and not just the physical properties of the materials, but the actual production of the pendant (Nanoglou 2008: 327).

6 A pendant is an ornament suspended from a necklace, earring, bracelet, girdle, or anklet. The pendant may be the central and most important part of the object. For more information see Gansicke and Markowitz. Looking at Jewelry. p. 9.

Personal Taste: Novelty and Familiarity

The independent nature of Minoan gold work is illustrated by the difference in design of floral jewelry from Near Eastern counterparts. Most Early Minoan jewelry is flat and simple in design, with the exception of pendants. The Mochlos diadems and flower hair pins are examples of two-dimensional ornaments (Branigan 2015: 446). The assimilation of new designs in the existing jewelry repertoire was dependent upon regional aesthetic preferences and technological skills. However, the appearance of gold and silver jewelry in Crete during the third millennium

BCE was an indigenous development with regional and site-specific variation. Raw materials and perhaps the idea of making jewelry from precious metals were imported to Crete, most likely from the Near East (Hickman 2008: viii). The EM inhabitants of the northern, southern, and eastern parts of the island appear to have been trained and skilled in the same (forms) of goldsmithing. During this period, it was normal for jewelry and ornaments to be hammered from gold sheet metal into easily recognizable forms, inspired by nature.

The designs that took shape and were represented within the jewelry varied distinctly by the type of ornamentation and by region. Diadems, for example, were all crafted out of gold sheet metal with very similar shapes in design elements, notably dot repousse borders. This type of ornamentation has been recovered from various EM burial sites across the island. Pendants, however, took on their own distinct shape and style, varying greatly by region. The Plátanos pendant, the Koumása toad pendant, and the Mochlos bell-shaped pendants with clappers are all very differently shaped and styled pendants despite being crafted out of hammered sheet gold. It seems safe to suggest that these different pendants carried with them, and communicated, different meanings. Perhaps the early Minoans were transmitting new ideas, messages that were now an inherent part of the pendant, recognizable by its unique design.

Regional variability, not only in jewelry but also in ceramics, indicates the need and desire by different groups to create their own meaning in their material culture. Variability in material culture suggests socially constructed meanings that other members within the group will recognize, and also those living outside of the community. For example, eastern and southern

Crete FN II pottery is similar, but dissimilar from the northern parts of the island (Nowicki 2014:

291). Also, the resistance of cheesepot vessels of non-Cretan origin (found in the Dodecanese and Anatolia) by the inhabitants of Knossos and Phaistos indicates a sense of independence and intentional desire not to assimilate, as reflected in the material culture (Nowicki 2014: 294). This conscious exclusion of a specific pottery type, avoiding cultural conformity, highlights the effect of human choice on material culture. The EM I technological changes in pottery preparation and firing lead to the introduction of new shapes. These changes are more obvious in appearance than the actual technology of manufacture of EM IA pottery, but none-the-less, point to the deliberate activity to produce something different. There was also an improvement of quality in pottery during this period (Nowicki 2014: 296), which indicates increased technological experimentation, knowledge, and skill in pottery production.

Both novelty and familiarity play an important role in technological changes. This is ultimately reflected in regional preference which results in regional variability. For the early

Minoans, the gradual change of jewelry types may have been the novelty of the new material

(gold) and technology (metallurgy) used to transform the gold into a pendant, or other object of ornamentation. At the same time, the familiarity of a pendant, how it was worn and used, and as

Baysal suggested gold’s recognizable luster (as it resembles the shiny surface of white marble and mother-of-pearl), made the pendant identifiable and relatable to an extent. It was not too different, too foreign, to be accepted by the group at large. The combination of these factors led

83 to a change in jewelry design, particularly in the types of pendants, both in material and style that suddenly make an appearance in the EM Period. At its core, regional variability in material culture is the product of artistic freedom and expression to an extent, set within the socially constructed confines of the group who uses and understands the object(s) at hand.

C.) Function

Studying metal ornaments and jewelry with reference to embodiment practices places the focus on the objects’ dynamic role in shaping experiences through dress and adornment practices. Symbols and meaning are held inherently within jewelry. A rosary is a marker of the

Catholic faith. A ring, worn on the left ring-finger, represents marriage. Transmitted through jewelry, societal norms and values are conveyed nonverbally to the audience. Jewelry is personal. When worn, it is an intimate adornment of one’s body. Amongst all other types of material culture created by human beings, jewelry is and remains the closest object intentionally created to represent one’s self. An individual may choose a jewelry piece, either pre-fabricated or commissioned, based on personal preferences, taking into consideration type, material, color, luster, durability, uniqueness, rarity, symbolism, and economic cost of that piece of jewelry. Likewise, if an heirloom, the jewelry piece represents a connection to and remembrance of kin or other loved ones. Therefore, many decisions and choices go into selecting and wearing jewelry. It is a reflection of self-identity, a signifier of how one wants to be identified, and how one wants to be remembered. Ornamentation and adornment are communicators of societal messages. The Plátanos pendant was created, it existed to fill these roles. Who, though, did this pendant represent in life and in death?

Adornment: How Was It Worn?

Adorning one’s physical body both in dress and ornamentation became a common practice, customary in the EM period on Crete. According to Bernice Jones, a Minoan textile scholar, the concept of illustrating dress on women occurs for the first time in Minoan art on figurines dating to the late Pre-palatial Period (EM III - MM IA).7 During this period, the first real attempt at rendering details of dress occurs on three carved ivory figurines.8 The figurines include a simply carved EM III ivory from Agia Triada, a late EM III to MM IA incised bell- shaped ivory amulet from Tholos B, Plátanos, and a MM IA ivory hand painted with a decorative band from Archanes (Jones 2015: 23-24). Adornment increases during the EBA, not only on

Crete, but as described earlier in Mesopotamia and Anatolia as evidenced by the gold ornaments recovered from the sites of Troy and Ur. Other material culture points to the practice of adornment, including the actual production of wool and linen textiles to be worn as clothing, and cosmetics paraphernalia. Self-awareness, marking one as ‘different’ or ‘special’, an expression of individualism, was a practice that grows during the EBA. In particular, we observe an explosion in the production, wear, and use of gold jewelry and ornaments on Crete during this time. Unlike

Pre-palatial clothing, however, we have no knowledge of how this jewelry was worn.

7 Some scholars, like Talalay and Barber, claim that during the Neolithic Period inhabitants of the Aegean region produced clay figurines with painted and incised markings which represent textiles. Talay states that “some decorations are reminiscent of clothing” and observes what look like fringed belts on late Neolithic (5300-4300 BCE) clay figurines from Franchti Cave, and from Corinth. For more information see Jones, Bernice R. Ariadne’s Threads: The Construction and Significance of Clothes in the Aegean Bronze Age. Peeters: Leuven-Liege, 2015. Print. p.8.

8 Anthropomorphic terracotta vessels, dated from the EM I-III, recovered from either inside or outside tombs at Koumasa, Mochlos, Malia, and Archanes, have female attributes, decorative motifs, and spouts. It is thought that they were used to contain and dispense liquids at ceremonial events, such as feasts or banquets, connected to funerals. Scholars including Warren, Branigan, Gesell, and Koehl, believe that these vessels decorated with designs represent clothes and garment patterns. Bernice Jones, a scholar on Minoan dress, however, claims that there is little evidence to support these interpretations. For more information see Jones, Bernice R. Ariadne’s Threads: The Construction and Significance of Clothes in the Aegean Bronze Age. Peeters: Leuven-Liege, 2015. Print. Pp. 13-22.

Although the pendant’s original function is unknown, it is agreed upon that EM pendants were worn to adorn the human body. Unfortunately, we do not have any surviving images such as wall art, seals, other renderings that depict the way in which the pendants were worn.

Designed to be suspended from a chain, wire, or string, pendants were ornaments that may have hung down from the head, ears, neck, wrists, or waist. They were always perforated or contained a ring for suspension. Pendants may have been worn alone or with beads or other pendants, possibly components of diadems, necklaces, or hair ornaments (Hickman 2008: 149). Others, notably Jones, have proposed that these pendants may have been part of articles of clothing by attaching them with a wooden pin to a woven skirt or dress (Jones 2015: 12). Moreover,

Hickman proposes that these personal, uniquely shaped precious metal pendants may have served as amulets. Possibly seen as talismans or charms, they may have had the ability to offer protection, bring good luck, or ward off evil (Hickman 2008: 149).

Pendants may have been worn as earrings, however, there is no supporting evidence for this, as surviving images from Theran frescoes depict MM women only wearing hoop-shaped earrings. Earrings of hoop-shape, typically tapering at the ends, are found in the EM and MM periods. A silver-plated bronze hoop earring recovered from Vorou Messaras is from one of these periods. A gold hoop-shaped earring, dating between 2000 - 1700 BCE, comes from a tomb at Malia. At Knossos, this type of earring is represented in two seventeenth century tombs, in bronze in Tomb 7 at Ailias and in silver in Tomb 18 at Gypsades. There is no evidence that

Minoans wore dangling cones, bells, or flower shaped pendants, like the Plátanos pendant, as earrings (Higgins 1997: 61). Furthermore, there are no known surviving EM earrings, with the exception of a peculiar type of jewelry referred to as hair-spirals. Two hair-spirals, one silver and one bronze, are known from Kavousi and may have been worn as earrings (Higgins 1997: 57).

Even more inconclusive is when, or at what time, the fine gold jewelry pieces were worn? Gold jewelry may have been worn, most likely not on a daily basis, but reserved for special occasions such as ceremonial or ritualistic purposes. The opposing view to this thought is that these finely crafted metal objects were produced specifically for the deceased. Using the

Mochlos gold jewelry as an example, including pendants, pins, and diadems, Marinatos suggests the latter was too fragile to have been worn in life. She, therefore, suggests that diadems were manufactured only for the use by the dead (Marinatos 1993: 15). A recent study analysis of

Minoan metalworking in Crete, particularly the evolution of their manufacturing techniques, further investigated when metal objects were used. Were these artefacts made intentionally for burial purposes? Or, were these artefacts from everyday life, deposited with the owner in death?

Using metallography, the researchers analyzed copper-based artefacts such as long daggers, triangular daggers, chisels, and double axes from the Mesará plain and Hierapetra, samples that were based mainly on the studies of Xanthoudídes and Branigan (Tselios 2009: 193). Results showed that most of the triangular copper daggers from burial contexts had traces of wear suggesting their previous use. Additionally, the study concluded that many of the artefacts, specifically the daggers, there was no significant metallographic difference between settlement and burial context. Tselios suggests that traces of usage on most objects indicates that the findings from burials are personal tools of the deceased and were not manufactured specifically for burial purposes (Tselios 2009: 197).

Ritual: More Than Aesthetics?

It is very probable that the Plátanos pendant is a ritual object, or part of a ritual deposit because there is no functional reason that one would want to bury a piece of gold jewelry in the

87 soil. The deposition of votive offerings was a common practice around the world throughout history. The Minoans were buried with grave goods, including finely crafted objects of jewelry.

The Plátanos pendant and other types of ornamentation are aesthetically pleasing to the eyes, but most certainly they carried with them additional functions. One idea, particularly for the floral motif ornaments, is that they were crafted, worn, and used as ritual objects to honor a nature- inspired deity. It is not impossible to imagine an individual from the EM Period on Crete wearing the Plátanos pendant in life, perhaps thought to have amuletic properties, honoring nature in some way, shape, or form. Then, upon death, the individual would have been buried with the pendant, protecting her into the next life. It is a widely accepted view today that the

Minoans, at least during the MM Period, held great reverence for a mother goddess - a female type of deity that was symbolized by flora and fauna. The admiration and appreciation for nature has its roots in the EM Period, as it is not only present during this period, but it makes a sudden appearance. Evidence for this is reflected in the floral gold ornaments, including the Plátanos pendant.

During the Neo-palatial Period (1700 – 1450 BCE), the Minoan tree cult was already well-established. Trees were worshipped and always seem to have been affiliated with the mother goddess, a practice that had been deeply entrenched in Minoan culture, long before the

Palatial Period. MM glyptic depictions contain certain types of trees in cultic scenes, none of which have been typologically identified, but various trees appear to be particularly sacred. Trees have many practical reasons and qualities that make them sacred, including sources of food and medicine, and as craft and building products. Others attribute the importance of trees within cult to their fruit-bearing function and life-cycle of plants upon which humans are dependent. Trees,

88 flora in general, represent seasonal variation and cycles, fertility, and prosperity (Tully 2018:

17).

There is little concrete evidence for anthropomorphic deities in Minoan religion. Some scholars have suggested that the tree itself was the focus of veneration rather than “worshipping” the tree. Therefore, Minoan sacred trees functioned as mediators between the human and supernatural realms, or animism was practiced where sacred trees were treated as if they were people, or a person like the mother goddess. Here, tree cult ritual events would take place in which humans interacted with specific elements of the animate landscape. Minoan sacred trees also have gendered associations. There is a predominance of females, and only females in various media suggesting women were important participants (Tully 2018: 18). According to

Marinatos and others, Minoan Crete was a theocratic society and should be compared with similar societies in the ancient Near East. Her interpretations suggest that the female images in glyptic images of tree cult were not only queens, but also high priestesses, rather than goddesses. Minoan glyptic images were part of the palatial administration system, similar to the sealing system in the Near East. Therefore, according to Marinatos’ theory, Minoan Crete was a high-status, state-level society, propagating an elite ideology (Tully 2018: 19).

Regardless of the type of society the Minoans constructed, tree cults were important in

MM society, and for this reason they were symbolic. Renfrew refers to this as cultic symbolism within iconography, and that “the relationship between symbol and meaning may become conventionalized: that is to say the meaning is repeatedly and regularly represented by the same form, and that form is repeatedly and regularly used to convey that meaning” (Tully 2018:

25). The Plátanos pendant had a specific symbolic meaning that was communicated, received,

89 and understood. As a result, there was an explicit visual association between the object, its symbolism, and the ritual.

Finally, sacred groves and gardens, both appearing in numerous fresco representations during the Neo-palatial Period, may have functioned as sanctuary spaces, reserved areas where rituals were performed. Maria Shaw recently proposed that once there was a sacred garden outside the polythyron hall in the eastern Residential Quarter of the palace at Phaistos, where a rocky area lies today. Here, a rock was intentionally incorporated into the landscaping of the palace. Shaw suggests that this area was a garden due to the presence of pits in the rock which she suggests held corm plants such as lilies or crocuses. Whether or not Shaw is correct in her assumption, “nature” is not separate from “culture”, as years of anthropological work and research has shown. “Landscape” is simultaneously a natural and cultural space, and is a category of nature that is appropriated in art and which has ideological connotations (Tully 2018:

39). The EM inhabitants of Crete were intimately connected with the landscape, and communicated with it. The production, wear, and use of certain objects, like the Plátanos pendant, was specifically created for and used in ritualistic activity by the living and for the dead.

Gender: Who Wore It?

As most jewelry from antiquity is found in a burial context, we do not know who actually wore the jewelry in life, if in fact it was worn during one’s life and not solely in death. The

Plátanos pendant was recovered independently, not attached to, or buried with, human skeletal remains in Tholos A. Therefore, did the pendant belong to one of the deceased EM inhabitants that was buried in the tholos? Or, did the owner wear the pendant during the course of his or her

(their) lifetime? It remains unknown if the pendant was a piece worn by female(s), male(s), or both genders. Although there are no known surviving wall paintings from the EM Period, MM frescoes depict both females and males adorned with ornaments. One cannot assume that pendants were worn only by females. This point is further examined in the following paragraph.

Other critical questions, regarding the ownership of the pendant, address whether or not the owner commissioned the object during his or her life, or if a family commissioned the piece at the time of death to accompany their deceased family member or other individual of the community. Just as likely, the pendant may have been an heirloom piece, passed down from generation to generation. Or, the pendant may have been a grave good offering, belonging to one of the living EM inhabitants during the time of the deceased’s burial. Finally, it is very likely that

Plátanos pendant signified local or regional identity. For example, although both the Mochlos and Plátanos pendants are similar in form and material, and both connected to loop-in-loop chains, the pendant size, shape, and design vary noticeably. Jewelry is the embodiment of human agency. An individual, or more than one, made technological and artistic choices in their crafting of the Plátanos pendant. These choices were influenced by socio-cultural norms of the group members who wore, used, and understood this object in life and in the arena of death.

Even though an act that represents death, burials are ultimately representations of life, and the world of the living. Burials incorporate stereotypes and ideologies: the appropriate ways to treat a deceased person as in funerary ritual, and the appropriate ways to express gender and other roles and categories (Engendering Archaeology, Pollock 1991: 372). The Royal Cemetery of Ur burials provide us with some insight, based on objects accompanying the burials, as to how both status and gender were viewed during the period. For high status burials, most often gender divisions are clear. Woolley puts forth that those objects presumably associated with females

91 include hair ribbons (headband), wreath headdresses, hair combs/pins, double lunate earrings and dog-collar necklaces. The male’s category consists of axes, daggers or knives, whetstones, brims

(headdresses), and toilet instruments (tweezers, cosmetic applicators, stilettos). All of the female objects can be categorized as jewelry, or ornamentation meant to adorn the body (Pollock 1991:

375). For example, wreath headdresses were worn around the head in a manner that they dangled over the forehead. Several of these headdresses consist of multiple rows of lapis and carnelian beads, from which suspended gold or silver pendants in the form of leaves, rings, or discs

(Pollock 1991: 374). Within the Ur burials, there are general differences between the kinds of objects with high status females and males. High-status females were marked at burial by the types and quantities of jewelry that they wore. Males too were marked with accompanying objects such as daggers and whetstones. Pollock concludes that both high status females and males were marked, made “visible” in death. She also stresses, however, that gender may be more clearly marked for “non-elite” males than females. The burial contexts at Ur, and those from the ‘A cemetery’ at Kish, indicate that elite women were visible in death, while “non-elite” women were not (Pollock 1991: 376). The roles of women, therefore, varied and this was reflected in their burial (practices). In regards to Ur, Pollock summarizes that women were able to attain positions of high-status and power, mainly through ritual which held a potential for some degree of economic power and control (Pollock 1991: 383).

Sometimes in burials, gender divisions are unclear. From a single burial at the site of

Arslantepe known as the ‘Royal Tomb’ (beginning of the 3rd millennium BCE), two of the three individuals, both adolescents, one female and one male, had matching sets of objects including two copper-silver alloy spirals and two copper pins, and in addition each also had a flat beaten copper-silver diadem like the belt recovered from the main occupant. It is possible that these two

92 individuals were dressed in the same attire, without regards to biological sex. An adult male, the main individual of the tomb, was buried wearing two pins, two necklaces made of metal beads and stone, more than 100 small limestone beads which may have been part of clothing decoration, and the beaten copper-silver belt. There were five bracelets, six spirals, and two rings in the corner of the grave. In this particular burial, hair spirals, which accompanied all three individuals, seem to have been gender neutral ornaments (Baysal, 2019:199-200).

It is impossible to ascertain the gender that owned, wore, and used the Plátanos pendant. Both men and women wore jewelry and other types of ornamentation during the

Minoan period, as reviewed in the comparanda of Chapter 2. What does seem evident, in light of the Royal Cemetery of Ur burials, is that based on gender, women and men were buried with different types of metal jewelry and ornamentation. These objects were not created specifically for the deceased in death, but rather for those living who owned, wore, and used them in life.

Like the burial assemblages at Ur, EM tholoi burials of the Mesará contained metal, predominantly copper, daggers and gold diadems and nature inspired pendants. Unlike the burials at Ur, these metal ornaments and weapons were not found buried together with skeletal remains due to different mortuary practices. It is, therefore, very challenging, if not impossible to connect the Plátanos pendant with a specific gender based on the assemblage of Tholos A at

Plátanos. One has to infer, using similar burials as evidence, the gender that the Plátanos pendant most likely adorned in both life and death. It seems probable that the pendant was buried with a woman in the tholos tomb, a high-status female marked, made “visible” in death as she would have been adorned in life.

Burial: The Goods

Grave goods are very important as indicators of the status and lifestyle of the deceased, in addition to the funerary rituals and beliefs of the society. Some of these objects may even be identified as actual symbols of authority, such as diadems, and regarded as prestige goods that an elite person would have owned to display his/her power and status. The first pieces of jewelry were natural objects without any special processing or elaboration (eg. shells, animal teeth). By the beginning of the EBA, stone beads in simple globular, discoid, and rhomboid shapes, are more common. Beads of clay, faience, silver, and gold also start appearing in smaller quantities.

During the Pre-palatial and Proto-palatial Periods in the Mesará, pendants shaped like animals and humans functioned as amulets, not solely for decorative purposes. Many were fashioned out of soft stone, which could be more easily worked. By the Palatial Period, the shape and quality of necklaces and pendants changed. These types of jewelry were now made out of semi-precious stones and in more elaborate shapes. The development of new techniques and new tools aided in the processing of harder materials. The production of necklaces with semi-precious stones increased until the collapse of the palaces at the end of the MM IIB (Michelaki and Vasilakis

2010: 188). The types of jewelry found in the Mesará tholos tombs reveal some continuity from

Neolithic times. During the EM Period here, the main materials used in crafting jewelry were stone (including semi-precious stones like rock crystal), clay, shell, and less often, silver and gold.

Grave goods from Mesará tombs, spanning more than a millennium, show certain uniformity throughout the period. For example, objects originally manufactured for use in life always seem to form the major part of the assemblage, and those artifacts manufactured for funerary use are relatively few in number, with the exception of the stone vases in EM III and

94 early MM I. Prevalent grave good items, notably daggers, jugs, dishes, cups, jewelry, and sealstones, seem to be items which were common possessions in life. They are, however, not found in sufficient quantity to have accompanied all of the burials (Branigan 1970: 84). The

Plátanos pendant comes from the upper and later strata of the EM II period in Tholos A. Most of the gold ornaments recovered from this tholos were from this specific strata. During his excavations here, Xanthoudídes stated “the plundering of earlier internments must have been almost a regular part of Early Minoan funeral rites, so that it was only the last burial in the tomb that escaped unplundered” (Xanthoudídes 1971: 110).

Jewelry from antiquity is often all together ignored or ill received because it is frequently from an unknown archaeological context. Jewelry, first and foremost as a personal possession, is easily transportable. Also, as heirlooms, ornaments change hands, they are passed down from generation to generation. Due to gold’s value, jewelry was frequently plundered, reused, and melted down in antiquity. All of these factors make the interpretation of ornaments a complex task. Jewelry can be a reliable source, however, only if the context is reliable. The Plátanos pendant, therefore, is reliable and useful because Xanthoudídes found it in an undisturbed context. Although the pendant was found separate from skeletal remains, this factor does not devalue the importance of the find and its meaning. The pendant was separated from the individual, not the practice. The fact that it was found without the association of skeletal remains speaks to the practice itself. The EM ritual practice of burials of individuals occurred in communal tholoi. Over the course of a thousand years, the dead were continually deposited in the tholoi, their remains pushed aside to make room for the newly deceased. Bones were constantly shifted and moved around so that the objects no longer remained ‘attached’ to the deceased. In this type of ritual burial, it seems only natural that over time, personal possessions

95 and offerings would become separated from the individual they had originally accompanied to the next life.

A Sensorial Experience

A new and exciting area of archaeology is the study of the senses, incorporating sensory perceptions into the interpretation of archaeological findings and material culture remains. Yannis Hamilakis, a Greek archaeologist and writer who is a Professor of Archaeology and a Professor of Modern Greek Studies at Brown University, is at the forefront of this experimental approach in the field. To Hamilakis, things are extensions of the human body; they can act as sensorial prostheses (Hamilakis 2015:113). Material things are multi-temporal, as are the senses. They are past and present at the same time (Hamilakis 2015: 124). A sensorial assemblage consists of bodies, things, substances, affects, memories, information, and ideas

(Hamilakis 2015: 126). These assemblages can be brought together to make up specific performative events, such as ritual burials. When attempting to reconstruct the past, this approach can be effective for interpretive purposes, helping lend meaning to the objects themselves. We can view the Plátanos pendant within the realm of a sensorial assemblage. The pendant was most definitely part of multi-temporal, multi-sensorial activities over the course of its lifetime, until it was finally buried for nearly 5,000 years.

How did the early Minoans deal with the embodiment of death? The ‘arena of death’ was such a prominent collective space in Pre-palatial Crete, especially compared to the subsequent periods (Hamilakis 2015: 131). Archaeological evidence indicates that EM I - MM II communities on Crete were regionally diverse and their dealing with death and its aftermath was diverse and heterogeneous. According to Hamilakis, the early Minoans of the Mesará did not

96 bury their dead, as this would be a misrepresentation. Rather, they would imply distance and concealment. They built monumental, elaborate, stone and circular ‘houses for the dead’, arenas for communal gathering for dead and alive alike. They chose accumulation and hoarding. They chose public and collective assembling above ground at the center of their social life. These tholoi were places of return, of repetition, of citation, of recollection (Hamilakis 2015: 132).

One may wonder what an early Minoan ritual tholos concealment might entail, and what the Plátanos pendant may have experienced and witnessed at such an event. The following is an adaptation/summary of what Hamilakis envisions:

A dead person is carried, along with objects, some belonging to or relating to the dead, to a circular stone vaulted tholos tomb in a nearby village. Darkness and humidity prevail inside of the tomb alongside the strong odor of decomposing flesh. Those alive, the participants to the event, are familiar with the smells, recognize distinct objects, and recall persons long dead, making associations. The dead are then deposited in a specific locale with clan members (next to the familial dead). An individual(s) may apply some perfume or unguent onto the dead body, and maybe onto the participants themselves. They deposit grave good(s), conduct a ceremony, and continue the event with drinking, eating, dancing, and possibly music. Psychoactive substances may also be used during this ritual, increasing the sensorial experience.9 Seeing and handling unusual objects made of rare and exotic raw materials, in addition to the familiar objects, occurs. The aesthetic impact of these objects possessing long histories, embodying remote times and faraway places, would be memorable.10 The living participants feel part of a long, ancestral lineage and continuity. Since the tholos was used for hundreds, perhaps more than a thousand years, some of the objects would appear as heirlooms, if not as ‘archaeological’ objects. These objects that would have accumulated a long history and pedigree potentially embody an ancestral geography, or origin. Soon the event ends, and the participants know they will return to visit the recently dead and those who will die. Upon return visits to the tholos, the memories come flooding back. What remains of the corpse(s) is pushed aside, piled up with the other bones, to create new space for the recently deceased. Intentional burning of leftover flesh and items of clothing on specific individuals occurs, perhaps as an attempt to erase the memories of those individuals.11 Some of the bones, especially the skulls, will be removed from the tholos and will circulate in the settlement. As for the objects, some will be ritually deformed or fragmented, some will be placed with the regrouped bones, but many others will be dispersed, starting a new life as they re-enter the world of the living, yet still connecting the participants to the mortuary locales, to the ceremonies witnessed, to each other. (Hamilakis 2015: 132-138)

9 Vessels imitating the pod of the opium poppy (EM I) were recovered from a tholos at Koumasa by Xanthoudides. 10 “The sensorial-aesthetic impact produces strong and persistent memories, a type of prospective remembering, remembering for the future (Hamilakis 2015: 135). 11 “The sensorial-aesthetic impact produces strong and persistent memories, a type of prospective remembering, remembering for the future (YH Hamilakis 2015: 135).

Tholoi were used for the memorialization of the deceased, for paying respect to the dead.

These mortuary practices contained powerful associations between the living and the dead.

Ancestor commemoration is a collection of practices related to the formation and maintenance of certain memories of common ancestors from whom groups can trace their descent. It is hard to deduce how the identity of the deceased was represented in burial since primary depositions were disturbed by post mortem interference and looting. The disarticulation of the skeleton - selected preservation of specific parts of the body - implies a belief in the association of personal identity in the carefully collected, curated remains of the body. This association provided symbolic material for affective narration during subsequent burials and gaps in use of tombs (Flouda, CHS

Fellows).

Not only were the skeletal remains imperative for affective narration, but also the material culture remains. Grave goods, including the personal possessions of the deceased and offerings or gifts given to the dead, aided in the telling of those stories and kept the ancestral story alive. The continuity of kin remembrance was made possible only by the inclusion of

‘things’ in the story. Without objects, there is no story. There is no remembrance, or collective memory, of places, people, and things, because humans associate themselves with things. Objects are part of individuals, and individuals are part of those very same objects; just as objects shape identity and identity is shaped by them. By placing the pendant in a sensorial narrative, it is brought to life as an active participant in tholoi concealments, both as a recipient of actions carried out and an influencer of actions to come. Not only was the pendant worn, but it was intentionally used to transmit a symbolic function(s). This relationship of reciprocity made the pendant important, important enough for it to be produced and crafted into the shape and design it holds to this very day.

Constructing Meaning

Personal ornaments are part of the human experience. At some time in history they held deep meaning to someone, and/or a group at large. Jewelry is an extension of an individual, of their physical being, and it is special because you know it was worn - it is intimate and it is relatable. It may be a good luck charm (amulet) or offering/votive. The Plátanos pendant is all of these. Someone cared enough about the presence and use of the pendant that they adorned themselves with it in life and they were buried with it in death. The finely crafted gold wildflower pendant was probably an heirloom, too valuable for a single owner, a single use.

During the EM Period, the construction of long-term identity, the past, and the deliberate referral to the past, was an active concept. The pendant was an active participant in this long tradition of remembering and recognition.

The last owner, presumably the one who wore the Plátanos pendant, was probably a female of high-status of ritual or economic power that had achieved some measure of esteem and prestige. For if a buried woman was ‘visible’ in death, she must have been visible in life. The pendant is lightweight and finely crafted. It would have been worn to be seen, from either a necklace or a diadem, and could have been easily worn in daily life. As a result of the Plátanos pendant being the only recovered EM pendant of this type or style in all of Crete, it was not reproduced in large quantities. It is a rare, special piece with unique style and design. The

Plátanos pendant is specific to the Mesará region, with noticeable variability from other similar gold pendants, notably those pendants found at Mochlos. Although regional variability is reflected in EM pendants, there likely were shared practices and probable shared values of people living and working at different locations on Crete during this period.

The pendant’s high value, aesthetically or economically, was derived from the raw material gold and the metallurgy that was employed in crafting it. The ornament was produced from prestige material, gold, a material that is shiny and eye-catching and more durable than shell and more workable than other commonly used materials like stone from the preceding period. The object’s owner admired not only the partly reflective surface of the gold, but also the pendant’s shape as, and representation of, a flower. Could this pendant be a rendering of a golden crocus, like those depicted in the ‘Saffron Gatherers’ fresco from Xeste 3 at

Akrotiri? Flowers were important in Minoan culture and made a strong, sudden appearance in the EM Period. By the MM Period, floral motifs are all too common in art and other forms of material culture. The Plátanos pendant was part of this naturalistic world intertwined with ritual.

Furthermore, the pendant may have had affective properties/powers, perhaps serving as a protective amulet, or it was attributed magical or lucky properties for both the living and the dead. Was the pendant meant to reflect an after-death identity, to create an image for eternity?

The intentional removal of gold and other ornaments from circulation increases during the EBA. These “ornamentation practices” included dressing the dead with jewelry and the deposition of these ornaments in proximity to them. The quantity and quality of ornaments in burials, or lack thereof, gives some insight into the early Minoan social structure in terms of status and wealth. A notable differentiation between individuals in burials are those who were, and were not, granted ornamentation, and the degree to which one was adorned (Baysal 2019:

194). The pendant, upon removal from Tholos A at Plátanos by Xanthoudídes, did not accompany skeletal remains. Other objects, numerous and varied in their type, however, were present in this secure burial context. These luxury objects included copper daggers and imported

100 high-end items like seal stones, stone vases and vessels, and figurines and amulets. The ivory and stone seals, many of which were foreign, were of Egyptian and Babylonian origin. Many of the stone vases and vessels recovered, which numbered in the hundreds, were crafted locally out of stone native to Egypt. The figurines, including one Cycladic, two Egyptian-type, and three ivory figures, and various shaped amulets crafted from stone and ivory, were found in adequate quantities in Tholos A (Xanthoudídes 1971: 98-104, 111-121, 121-123). From this collection of finely crafted luxury objects, both native and imports, Xanthoudídes inferred that the users of

Tholos A were wealthier than those members of Tholos B.

Yannis Hamilakis’ sensorial mortuary approach to better understanding objects in burial contexts is extremely useful in the analysis of material culture and its implications for the early

Minoan culture. An analysis of the sensorial assemblage as a whole sheds light on what could have happened in these ritualistic burials, and knowing what could have happened at some point in time in the far distant past helps us put together the many unknown isolated parts. Sometimes envisioning or experimenting with the intangible activities of the past aids in making sense of the tangible material culture left behind, and vice versa. It is also true that objects are more than just

‘things.’ The Plátanos pendant embodies beliefs, values, ideas, customs, knowledge, and skills. An individual crafted the pendant not only to adorn, but also to communicate the socio- cultural messages of the individual/group through the object itself.

101

Figures/Illustrations

Fig. 22 Gold pin, Mochlos (Hickman, 2008) Fig. 23 Cretan crocus, Crocus oreocreticus

Fig. 24 The earliest depiction of a crocus in the Fig. 25 Conical rhyton, Palaikastro Bronze Age Aegean, painted on a Kamares Cup decorated with the ‘Crocus & Festoon’ from the Town Drain at Knossos (Dewan, 2015, LM IB Floral Style motif (Dewan, 2015, after Negbi and Negbi 2002:269, Fig. 2) (after Betancourt 1985:143, Fig. 108)

102

Fig. 26 The ‘Saffron Gatherers’ fresco from Fig. 27 Drawings of the faience models the upper storey of Xeste 3 at Akrotiri (Dewan, of two female dresses and one girdle, all 2015 after Doumas 1992:152, Fig. 116) decorated with representations of crocus flowers, Temple Repositories at Knossos (Rehak 2004:95, Fig. 5.9)

103

Conclusion

The Plátanos pendant appears extraordinarily realistic in its three-dimensional design.

Upon closer analysis, the pendant’s design was original in nature. It was organically conceived within the Minoan culture, independent of Egyptian and Near Eastern influences. The pendant’s design is a new style in the Minoan jewelry repertoire and it exhibits regional variability within its unique shape and form. Why did Minoan craftspeople choose and create this new floral motif for a pendant? What influenced their decision-making process in the design? The craftsperson, or people, who produced the pendant did so based on various sociocultural factors, with both influential internal and external factors. Although the metallurgical knowledge, skills, and technology, borrowed from the Near East and Anatolia, permeated early Minoan culture, the wildflower design, its shape and form, are indigenous to the EM Period on Crete. The natural world, specifically the flora of Crete, had a tremendous impact on the pendant’s chosen design.

The pendant’s gold color and metal material were intentionally chosen based on novelty and familiarity. The pendant adorned an elite individual, not only in death but also in life. The potential function of the pendant, perhaps worn as a protective amulet in both life and death, was probably tied to ancestral kin and used for ritual purposes.

The study of material culture is critical for interpreting and reconstructing the prehistoric past. Object studies are particularly useful for observing and analyzing the activities and social constructs that aid in their creation, development, production, and use. Historically, these types of studies have been looked down upon, shunned for their lack of valuable data. Today, however, we know that object studies are invaluable to archaeology and other complementary fields like art history. And as Nanoglou reminds us, it is not the thing itself that is important, it is the

“thingness” of things that matter. Analyzing a singular object in such an intimate way allows one

104 to take apart the layers one by one, putting them under the microscope for a more detailed picture, attempting to construct the meaning of the whole in its entirety. Furthermore, by placing the Plátanos pendant in a sensorial framework, we can think about the pendant’s function, to an extent relive the mortuary practices in which the pendant was a participant.

There is no story to tell, past or present, without objects. The Plátanos pendant has a story to tell - a tale of people, places, ideas, and skills all crafted into this very one object. The pendant is unique, it plays an important role in piecing together the past, in contributing to the much unknown narrative of the EM Period on Crete. This thesis research is an attempt to create such a narrative by analyzing the relationship between the pendant and the individuals who made and used it. The individual(s) who adorned themselves with the pendant did not simply “wear” it.

Ornaments had the ability to shape the way that people behaved and the choices they made

(Baysal 2019: 220). The pendant served as an intermediary to communicate societal messages, to impart meaning upon those who saw and used it. When crafted, the pendant was made up of the things of the past, making it multi-temporal. Jewelry is an artistic expression of its time. For the pendant, this most likely included a considerable span of time. The pendant may have been an heirloom because of its material value and symbolism, passed down from generation to generation, possibly recirculated and reused, worn again in life by a new individual after it had previously accompanied the dead in mortuary ritual for a set time.

The Bronze Age in the Mediterranean was a time in history when people navigated the

Aegean, settled down in new areas, and traded not only commodities, but also knowledge, ideas, and skills. The connectivity amongst cultural groups lead to the dissemination of these tangible and intangible ‘goods.’ In the EBA we see the culmination of technological developments, especially metallurgy, in personal ornamentation from the Near East to Anatolia to Crete. This

105 specialized, skilled manufacturing lead to the supply of ornaments and the ability to display or create material wealth, or status, through bodily adornment and the depositing of ornaments in burials, a consumption practice that drove production (Baysal 2019: 179). To what extent, however, did the early Minoans consumption of gold ornaments, specifically pendants, drive production? Very few gold pendants have been recovered from EM sites on Crete in comparison to other gold ornamentation like diadems, and even compared to other metal artifacts like copper daggers. Could this point to the possibility that pendants were indeed heirlooms, passed down between generations? The reuse and recirculation of gold jewelry within society would certainly limit the need for its production, leaving few traces of this object type behind in the archaeological record. What the lack of EM gold pendants does tell us more definitely, however, is that they were extremely valuable objects worn and used by a very small percentage of the living, and deceased population, for a short period of time. As is the case for the Plátanos pendant, lacunae in the archaeological record can be just as important and telling of what transpired in the past.

The recirculation and reuse of gold jewelry, and the function of this ornamentation, can be linked to ancestral geography. During the EBA, culture was not static on Crete. As mentioned in the introduction, Crete was a crossroads of several cultures, attracting waves of settlers early on in the island’s history. The Minoans were most likely descended from Anatolian migrants, who brought with them elements of Near Eastern cultures (Abulafia 2011: 22-23). Ancestral commemoration was part of the Early Minoans culture, their way of life, and death, as carried out in mortuary ritual. Across Crete, from the FN Period to the EM period, individual local/regional ancestral practices transitioned to more uniform ritual practices, but still varied to a certain degree. For example, the early Minoans of Plátanos and Mochlos worshipped their dead

106 in a similar manner, but represented this practice differently in their creation of mortuary material remains. The building and use of tholoi versus house tombs respectively, and the use of gold ornaments like the Plátanos wildflower pendant and the Mochlos bell-shaped pendant support this view. For example, Tomb IV, V, VI, the largest of the Mochlos tombs and built at the beginning of the EM II Period, was a house tomb constructed entirely of stone and multi- colored stone orthostrates placed upright at the base of its walls. For several centuries, the tomb was used for collective burials. The central chamber, Tomb IV, held the deceased’s body, which was laid out until the corpse decomposed, whereby his or her bones were moved to one of two ossuaries on either side of the central chamber. Gold diadems and other luxury items were found with the burials in the tomb’s interior, marking it as the tomb of important individuals of

Mochlos (Seager and Soles). Although the house tombs of Mochlos differ in construction from that of the Plátanos tholoi, the reason for their creation and use is identical to that of the Mesará, as is the case for gold jewelry. Regional variability between the two locales in architecture and gold ornamentation is apparent, but the communal concealing and adorning of the deceased is evidence of a shared set of mortuary practices and rituals.

Technological innovation in the EBA triggered change in continuity from the Neolithic

Period. Not only changes in the ornamentation itself, such as materials used and styles of pendant types, but also the practice of adornment itself became important. In fact, adornment became significant enough to be practiced in death too, carried over into the afterlife. Pendants, like other pieces of EM jewelry, are unique for this very reason, they bridge both life and death.

Minoan pendants, unlike cooking vessels, only have been found in burial contexts. One can readily infer, therefore, that pendants were of great importance to those who wore and used them.

107

Further Research & Questions

Those studying Minoan material culture have paid little attention to EM jewelry from the

Mesará region on Crete. The reason for this lack of study in this subject area is rather peculiar.

Scholars have been reluctant to explore the Pre-palatial Period in general, far more concerned with the archaeology and history of the Palatial Period. The activities of the Pre-palatial Period need to be studied closely, reviewed more thoroughly so that we have not just a better picture, but a picture of what happened during this period. New excavations and the analysis of existing material culture, especially those objects housed in museums, can give us some idea of what transpired during the EM period. Georgia Flouda, archaeologist and curator of Prehistoric and

Minoan antiquities at the Heraklion Archaeological Museum, further emphasizes the current state of understudied EM material culture, notably pendants, by stating that “our inventory catalogue is extremely laconic when it comes to objects from excavations that took place at the beginning of the century, so we do not have any additional written information on any of these pendants other than what Xanthoudídes recorded” (Georgia Flouda, email correspondence to author, November 15, 2019).

In the future, scholars studying the Plátanos pendant should conduct an analysis of the metal composition of the gold used to create the pendant. XRF (x-ray fluorescence) spectrometry12 and other non-destructive techniques should be used to determine the elemental composition so that one may be able to trace the origins of the raw material. Provenance determination of the gold used to craft the pendant can help us trace trade networks during the

EBA across the Aegean. For, it is not improbable that the Plátanos pendant’s gold was sourced

12 X-ray fluorescence spectrometry (XRF) is a relatively effective quantitative, non-destructive technique to determine the elemental composition of any material. For more information see https://www.sciencedirect.com/ topics/materials-science/x-ray-fluorescence-spectroscopy.

108 from Anatolia or somewhere further-a-field in the Near East. Data and information retrieved from such analysis may help us pinpoint the geographical source of gold used for the pendant and chain. Additional testing, like ORA (Organic Residue Analysis) may also help us better understand the use, or the function of the pendant. Since the pendant has been crafted in the shape of a cone, there remains a large void in the underside of the object. See Figure 28 for an image of the pendant’s structure. Could the pendant have been filled with perfume or aromatic oils, used during mortuary rituals? This point is worthy of further analysis and study.

Additional future research should also include a survey of the current flora of Crete, specifically flowers that are endemic to the northeastern and south-central parts of the island. A botanist trained in Cretan flora could study and document flora species that may be, or appear similar to the Plátanos pendant. Even a similar species may have been an inspiration for the pendant’s wild flower design. Such a study would prove useful for other species of flora depicted in Minoan material culture, such as wall art, pottery, and seals. Other areas of botanical studies, notably modern micromethods of garden detection such as analysis of soil stratigraphy, paleoethnobotany, phytolith or pollen analysis, have the potential to identify ancient, perhaps sacred gardens located at specific sites (Tully 2018: 39). Further investigation should examine tholoi and other burials using modern micromethods to determine what, if any, flora species were present at these mortuary sites during the FN and EM periods.

Lastly, studying craft evolution from the FN Period through the Palatial Period would lead to a better understanding of external influences that are part of the pendant’s design.

Regional variability also highlights artistic freedom and expression used in the crafting of the

Plátanos pendant, as the pendant differs significantly from other gold pendants recovered from

109 the EM period on Crete, notably from Mochlos.13 A multi-site analysis reviewing in greater depth the comparanda from both Crete and other parts of the Aegean during the EBA will provide a framework for the chronological context within which to place the pendant. Variety and quality of gold jewelry in the EM Period are an anomaly, not only for its sudden appearance, but also its quick disappearance in the archaeological record. Other than the well-known bee pendant from Malia (c. 1700 - 1550 BCE) and a few other pieces of known, existing jewelry from the MM Period, we have very little in ornamentation from this early period in the MM. It is not until the LBA that exquisitely crafted pieces of gold jewelry make a reappearance, notably that of the Aegina Treasure, which is also attributed to the Minoans, and subsequent fine jewelry produced by the Mycenaeans. Also, as Baysal suggests, we need to push the interpretation of ornaments further.

The study of the Plátanos pendant brings to light more questions than answers. Some of these questions have already been addressed in the previous sections. Additional questions include the exact function of the pendant, ownership, and why the production and use of such pendants, gold ornamentation in general, began to wane into the MM Period. May have pendants invoked a different world? One that could relate to specific persons, being worn by specific bodies that could involve the afterworld (Nanglou 2008: 319)? Ownership is another question surrounding the pendant. Was the pendant commissioned for a particular living individual, symbolizing a shift to more individualization of pendants coming out of the FN Period? Because the pendant was found alone, without human remains, one cannot be certain if a male or female wore the pendant. If it was used in ritual, adorning the female owner in death, what does that indicate about the woman in life? How did the living interact with the pendant? Was there

13 With the MET pendant being the exception, however, the pendant has an unknown provenance deeming it a less than ideal or legitimate object for comparison purposes.

110 prestige associated with or represented by the pendant? And if so, what then was the woman’s role in society? During the EM Period, trade, craft production/specialization, and conspicuous consumption increased significantly. Was finely crafted gold jewelry the result of ranked society, social stratification before the Neo-palatial period? Was the pendant a symbol of authority? Finally, why did the production and use of pendants decrease during the beginning of the MM Period, only to make a comeback in the LBA? This very question coincides with the issue of why the construction and use of tholoi on Crete disappears altogether by the MM Period, similarly, only to make a reappearance in the LBA, as represented by the Mycenaean tholos, or beehive type tombs found in the Peloponnese on mainland Greece.

The Plátanos pendant’s existence also raises broader questions of who crafted the pendant, in addition to the production process and locations where metal working occurred. In the archaeological record, workmen’s quarters for any craft production are rare. Perhaps these quarters were in habitation zones, which often were demolished over the course of history.

People move on, sites get burned down and invaded. Metal objects in particular, because of their inherent value, were frequently reused and melted down, often plundered, and recirculated within society (SG). The findspot of the pendant also raises additional questions regarding the sudden appearance of both the building and use of tholos tombs during the EM Period on Crete.

The origin of these tombs and their creation by the early Minoans remains a mystery, for no other tombs prior to their construction on Crete resemble any earlier or contemporary mortuary structures anywhere. Of closest resemblance to the Minoan tholoi are those from the Royal

Tombs of Ur - sunken stone chambers with vaulted roofs. Although not exactly the same in design and construction as the Minoan tholoi, the Royal Ur tombs are most similar to them out of all known contemporary tomb structures that existed during the Aegean Bronze Age. These

111 vaulted or domed stone tombs chambers were set at the bottom of a deep pit, to which a ramp provided access. Within the chamber, an elite body lay buried with numerous high-end goods, and with his or her personal and household attendants (Zettler, Treasures from the Royal Tombs of Ur). Like the Royal Ur tombs, Minoan tholoi were vaulted stone tomb chambers, but unlike the Ur tombs, the Minoan tholos tombs were not sunken into the ground. What is more striking than the architecture, however, is the similarity between the two cultures in the mortuary display of bodies within the tombs. Both the Royal Ur tombs and the Minoan tholoi housed the deceased in these large open type tomb arenas. They were shared spaces concealing, not burying, the deceased, who were put to rest adorned with fine ornamentation and provided with lavish grave goods for the next life.

This particular area of research is certain to yield some interesting finds. The emergence of gold ornaments together with tholoi during the EM Period on Crete is no coincidence. Their appearance alongside each other suggests a discernible relationship that needs to be further investigated. The combination of the production and use of gold jewelry, and the construction and use of tholoi in the EM Period, parallel gold ornamentation and tomb structures in Anatolia and the ancient Near East during the EBA. These associations make sense, as the Minoans were likely descended from migrants who had arrived from Anatolia (Abulafia 2011: 22). Their arrival on Crete during the FN into the EM Period is attested by the rapid onset of metallurgy, the building of tholoi, and the ritual mortuary practice of adorning the deceased with crafted gold ornaments. The early Minoans (mortuary) behaviors, as represented in the material culture, mimics those from their ancestral homeland in Anatolia. The tholoi were a tribute to ancestors, to both conceal and commemorate the dead, equally as the pendants were to adorn and commemorate the dead. Despite borrowing some practices from their ancestral kin, however, the

112 early Minoans conceived of and produced their very own crafted pieces of material culture, like the Plátanos pendant, and mortuary structures like the tholos tombs, all of which were indigenous to Crete. It was here that the continuity in the production and use of pendants as ornaments and the connectivity to ancestral geography allowed for the creation of a new pendant type that would still be used in both life and death within a framework of ancestral commemoration.

Challenges in Minoan Material Culture

The EM Period on Crete remains the least studied, least known period in Minoan history.

This lack of knowledge and information presents many challenges for the archaeological community. Gold objects, in particular, can be exceedingly challenging to interpret because of the physical properties of the material and the great value that was placed upon them. At a basic level, since metal cannot be dated, we must rely on associated artifacts to decide if an object is

Pre-palatial (Hickman 2008: 4). Furthermore, it is very difficult, if not impossible, to locate patterns or traces of wear and use on metal objects, especially gold. Such details would be valuable in determining how the pendant was worn and used. A common factor among white and reflective artefacts, such as gold, is the extension and complication of the artefact’s life, and often also the remoteness of the final resting place from the source of the raw material that was used (Baysal 2019: 172).

Another challenge in the interpretation of small finds is that skeletal remains and material culture have no discernable relationship. The Plátanos pendant was not associated or affiliated with, or attached to human remains. As expected, in tholos burials the skeletal remains and objects become separated over time. It is assumed that the pendant was originally placed on the body of the deceased, adorning the individual in death. But it is unknown if the pendant was

113 owned by the deceased individual, or represents a gift or offering from participant(s) in the funeral to accompany the dead in the afterlife? Where are the other gold pendants from this period? Due to the value of gold, if other pendants did exist like the Plátanos pendant, they could have been looted in antiquity from tholoi or other burial contexts and the gold may have been remelted into other objects. If the pendant was an heirloom, it would have been recirculated and reused by a number of living individuals, accompanying them in death too. Finally, although some of Linear B script has been translated, Linear A script remains largely unknown. If, and when, Linear A script is translated, it will be useful in understanding material culture as documented from the period.

Significance

The significance of the Plátanos pendant is immense as it indicates the exchange of tangible goods and intangible ideas with those cultures outside of Crete during the EBA, in addition to the Minoans desire and ability to create their own symbolism and meaning within their own cultural context, independent of external influences.14 Material culture objects like the pendant are some of the most important finds for our understanding of Aegean Bronze Age societies because they better inform us what was important to the people of the past, what they placed value on and why they valued these objects. Knowing these socio-cultural meanings, values, beliefs (ritual), knowledge, and skills helps us piece together the early Minoans past, something that is sorely scant in the archaeological record for the EBA on Crete.

14 Similar to metal pendants, the Cretan Minoan assemblage of metal axes varied from those of contemporary cultures in other regions of the Aegean. Crete, as usual, went its own way developing a repertoire of types (e.g. EM Period triangular and long daggers opposed to the flat axes found on the Greek mainland and in the Balkans). Despite differences in type, however, there are notable similarities. Three silver daggers recovered from EM Koumasa bear a striking resemblance to a silver dagger from the Hungarian MBA. For more information see Betancourt, Philip P, et al. The Chrysokamino Metallurgy Workshop and Its Territory. American School of Classical Studies at Athens, 2006. p. 160.

114

Despite the plundering of Tholos A throughout antiquity into modern times, the Plátanos pendant remained buried, undisturbed for approximately 5,000 years. In its final resting place, the pendant accompanied an individual in death who placed great value on the object in life.

Others in that person’s community understood the significance of the pendant, what it meant and symbolized, and the messages that were imbued in it. The pendant had symbolic significance, which made its affective qualities so powerful (Hamilakis 2015: 193). Furthermore, experimentation with new technologies, especially those that are transformative, was likely driven by the sensorial qualities of the materials and their future practical use (Baysal 2019:

211). Metallurgy during the EM Period was a newer imported technology that contained its own set of special properties that the Minoans admired, sought out, and were receptive to incorporating within their society. The crafting of the Plátanos pendant, from the sourcing of the gold to the hammering of the sheet metal into a unique shape, was special enough for the

Minoans to carry out, refine, and make their very own. See Figure 29.

Most early Minoan objects, like the Plátanos pendant, sit in museums, neglected and understudied by scholars. The reason for which they have received poor reception and closer analysis remains a mystery. These objects hold a wealth of information that has been simply overlooked. Baysal rightly points out in her concluding chapter that the latest research of prehistoric ornamentation might change preconceived ideas about ornaments as gender stereotyped, aesthetic and non-essential unimportant artefacts (Baysal 2019: 209). The pendant was indeed important to those who crafted it, who wore it, and who interacted with it. It served as an aid in the collective memory of ancestral kin. The creation of this new pendant type was out of necessity; it’s new shape and design was dependent upon its need for use in both life and death within the Minoan community. Analysis of the pendant allows us to re-examine the way

115 we think about the Pre-palatial period, and within that period, further investigate identity, trade networks, metallurgical skills and knowledge, tholos burials, mortuary practices, and Minoan culture in general. The greatest significance of the Plátanos pendant may lie in the variety of questions, observations, and connections that this finely crafted gold ornament calls to our attention.

116

Figures/Illustrations

Fig. 28 Structure of pendant with void in the underside Herakleion Archaeological Museum (Marks, 2019)

A B C

Fig. 29 Gold pendants. (a) Platanos pendant (Hickman, 2008); (b) Anatolian filigree gold pendant (Hickman, after Aruz 2003: 181, #118); (c) Mochlos pendant (Hickman, 2008)

117

Bibliography

Abulafia, David. The Great Sea: A Human History of the Mediterranean. New York: Oxford UP, (2011). Print.

Anderson, Emily S. K. Seals, Craft, and Community in Bronze Age Crete (2016). Web.

Andrews, Carol. Ancient Egyptian Jewelry (1991). Print.

Archaeology. Minoan-Era Structures Uncovered in Crete. https://www.archaeology.org/news/ 8058-191008-crete-minoan-sisi. (2019). Web.

"Art of the Aegean Bronze Age": The Metropolitan Museum of Art Bulletin, v. 69, no. 4 (Spring, 2012). Web.

Barber, R. L. N. The Cyclades in the Bronze Age (1987). Print.

Bassiakos, Yannis and Olga Philaniotou. “Early Copper Production on Kythnos: Archaeological Evidence and Analytical Approaches to the Reconstruction of Metallurgical Process.” Day, Peter and Roger C.P. Doonan (eds), Metallurgy in the Early Bronze Age Aegean. Oxford: Oxbow, (2007). Print.

Baysal, Emma. Personal Ornaments in Prehistory: An Exploration of Body Augmentation from the Paleolithic to the Early Bronze Age. (2019). Print.

Betancourt, Philip P et al. Hagios Charalambos: A Minoan Burial Cave in Crete. I, Excavation and Portable Objects (2014). Web.

Betancourt, Philip P, Davaras, Costis, and Elini Stravopodi. “Chapter 1: Introduction.” Hagios Charalambos: A Minoan Burial Cave in Crete. I, Excavation and Portable Objects (2014). Web.

Betancourt, Philip P. “Chapter 18: Miscellaneous Objects.” Hagios Charalambos: A Minoan Burial Cave in Crete. I, Excavation and Portable Objects (2014). Web.

Betancourt, Philip P. “The Final Neolithic to Early Minoan III Metallurgy Site at Chrysokamino, Crete.” Day, Peter and Roger C.P. Doonan (eds), Metallurgy in the Early Bronze Age Aegean. Oxford: Oxbow, (2007). Print.

Betancourt, Philip P, et al. The Chrysokamino Metallurgy Workshop and Its Territory. American School of Classical Studies at Athens, (2006). Print

118

Bolger, Diane A. Companion to Gender Prehistory (2012). Web.

Branigan, Keith. Aegean Metalwork of the Early and Middle Bronze Age (1974). Print.

Branigan, Keith. “Gold and Goldworking in Early Bronze Age Crete.” Temple University Aegean Symposium: A Compendium, Philip P. Betancourt (ed), INSTAP Academic Press, (2015). Print.

Branigan, Keith. The Tombs of Mesara: A Study of Funerary Architecture and Ritual in Southern Crete, 2800-1700 B.C. London: Duckworth, (1970). Print.

Broodbank, Cyprian. The Making of the Middle Sea: A History of the Mediterranean from the Beginning to the Emergence of the Classical World (2013). Print.

Calinescu, Adriana, and Indiana University, Bloomington. Art Museum. Ancient Jewelry and Archaeology. Bloomington: Indiana UP, (1996). Print.

Chapin, Anne P. Power, Privilege, and Landscape in Minoan Art. Hesperia Supplements, vol. 33, (2004), pp. 47–64. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/1354062. Web.

Cline, Eric H. The Oxford Handbook of the Bronze Age Aegean (ca. 3000-1000 BC). New York: Oxford UP, (2012). Print.

Colburn, Cynthia S. "Exotica and the Early Minoan Elite: Eastern Imports in Prepalatial Crete." American Journal of Archaeology 112.2 (2008): 203-24. Web.

Conkey, Margaret Wright, Hastorf, Christine Ann, and University of Minnesota. Department of Anthropology. The Uses of Style in Archaeology (1990). Print.

Current World Archaeology. Royal Tombs or Ur. https://www.world-archaeology.com/ great- discoveries/ royal-tombs-of-ur. (2011). Web.

Davaras, Costis. "Early Minoan Jewellery from Mochlos." The Annual of the British School at Athens 70 (1975): 101-14. Web.

Day, Peter M. and Roger C.P. Doonan (eds), Metallurgy in the Early Bronze Age Aegean. Oxford: Oxbow, 2007. Print.

119

De Jesus, Prentiss S. The Development of Prehistoric Mining and Metallurgy in Anatolia. Oxford: BAR, (1980). Print.

Dewan, Rachel. Bronze Age Flower Power: The Minoan Use and Social Significance of Saffron and Crocus Flowers, (2015). Web.

Dimopoulou-Rethemiotaki, Nota, Wilson, David E. and Peter M. Day. “The Earlier Prepalatial Settlement of Poros-Katsambas: Craft Production and Exchange at the Harbour Town of Knossos.” Day, Peter and Roger C.P. Doonan (eds), “Metallurgy in the Early Bronze Age Aegean.” Oxford: Oxbow, (2007). Print.

Doonan, C.P. and Peter M. Day. “Mixed Origins and the Origins of Mixing: Alloys and Provenance in the Early Bronze Age Aegean.” Day, Peter M. and Roger C.P. Doonan (eds), Metallurgy in the Early Bronze Age Aegean. Oxford: Oxbow, (2007). Print.

Doonan, C.P., Day, Peter M., and Nota Dimopoulou-Rethemiotaki. “Lame Excuses for Emerging Complexity in Early Bronze Age Crete: the Metallurgical Finds from Poros Katsambas and their Context.” Day, Peter and Roger C.P. Doonan (eds), “Metallurgy in the Early Bronze Age Aegean.” Oxford: Oxbow, (2007). Print.

Ferrence, Susan C., Muhly, James D., and Philip B. Betancourt. “Affluence in Eastern Crete: Metal Objects from the Cemetery of Petras.” Tsipopoulou, Metaxia (ed), Petras, Siteia: 25 Years of Excavations and Studies. (2012). Web.

Fitton, J. Lesley. Minoans: Peoples of the past. London: British Museum, (2002). Print.

Gänsicke Susanne, and Yvonne J Markowitz. Looking at Jewelry: A Guide to Terms, Styles, and Techniques. J. Paul Getty Museum, (2019). Print.

Gero, Joan M., and Margaret Wright Conkey. Engendering Archaeology: Women and Prehistory. Oxford, UK; Cambridge, Mass., USA: B. Blackwell, (1991). Print.

Gosden, Chris. "What Do Objects Want?" Journal of Archaeological Method and Theory 12.3 (2005): 193-211. Web.

Griffin Warrior Tomb. Palace of Nestor Excavations. http://www.griffinwarrior.org/griffinwarrior-tomb/. (2020). Web.

Hamilakis, Yannis. Archaeology and the Senses: Human Experience, Memory, and Affect. Cambridge University Press, (2015). Print.

120

Hamilakis, Yannis. Labyrinth Revisited: Rethinking 'Minoan' Archaeology. Oxford: Oxbow, (2002). Print.

Hegmon, Michelle. "Archaeological Research on Style." Annual Review of Anthropology 21 (1992): 517-36. Web.

Herrero, Borja Legarra "The Secret Lives of the Early and Middle Minoan Tholos Cemeteries: Koumasa and Platanos." Prehistoric Crete: Regional and Diachronic Studies on Mortuary Systems (2011): 49. Web.

Hickman, Jane. Gold before the Palaces: Crafting Jewelry and Social Identity in Minoan Crete (2008): ProQuest Dissertations and Theses. Web.

Higgins, Reynold Alleyne. Greek and Roman Jewellery. 2nd ed. Berkeley: U of California, (1980). Print.

Higgins, Reynold. Minoan and Mycenaean Art. Rev. ed. Thames and Hudson, (1997). Print.

Hodder, Ian. Entangled: An Archaeology of the Relationships between Humans and Things. Malden, MA: Wiley-Blackwell, (2012). Print.

Hood, M. "Tholos Tombs of the Aegean." Antiquity 34 (1960): 166. Web.

Hurcombe, L. M. Archaeological Artefacts as Material Culture. London; New York: Routledge, (2007). Print.

Jones, Bernice R. Ariadne’s Threads: The Construction and Significance of Clothes in the Aegean Bronze Age. Peeters: Leuven-Liege, (2015). Print.

Laffineur, Robert. “Jewelry.” Cline, Eric H (ed), The Oxford Handbook of the Bronze Age Aegean (ca. 3000-1000 BC). New York: Oxford UP, (2012). Print.

Langford-Verstegen, and C. Louise. Hagios Charalambos: A Minoan Burial Cave in Crete. (2016). Web.

Leidwanger, Justin, and Knappett, Carl. Maritime Networks in the Ancient Mediterranean World (2018). Web.

121

Marinatos, Nanno. Minoan Religion: Ritual, Image, and Symbol. Columbia, S.C.: U of South Carolina, (1993). Print.

Maxwell-Hyslop, K. R. Western Asiatic Jewellery C.3000-612B.C. London: Methuen, (1971). Print.

McCallum, Lucinda Rasmussen. “Aegean and Near Eastern Gold Jewelry in the Early Bronze Age.” Temple University Aegean Symposium: A Compendium, edited by Philip P. Betancourt, INSTAP Academic Press, (2015), pp. 445–456. Web.

Mentesana, Roberta. The Final Neolithic-Early Minoan Transition in Phaistos, Crete: Continuity and Change in Pottery Manufacture. (2014). Web.

Merleau-Ponty, Maurice, and Donald A. Landes. Phenomenology of Perception (2012). Print.

Miller, Heather Margaret-Louise. Archaeological Approaches to Technology (2007). Print.

Mina, Maria. An Archaeology of Prehistoric Bodies and Embodied Identities in the Eastern Mediterranean. Oxford, England: Oxbow, (2016). Web.

Muhly, James D. “Chapter 11: Objects of Gold, Silver, and Lead.” Hagios Charalambos: A Minoan Burial Cave in Crete. I, Excavation and Portable Objects (2014). Web.

Muhly, James. “Gold Analysis and the Sources of Gold in the Aegean.” Temple University Aegean Symposium: A Compendium, edited by Philip P. Betancourt, INSTAP Academic Press, (2015). Print.

Nanoglou, Stratos. “Qualities of Humanness.” Journal of Material Culture. 13.3 (2008): 311-34. Web.

Nowicki, Krzysztof. Final Neolithic Crete and the Southeast Aegean (2014). Web.

Odysseus Culture Greece. Agia Triada Sarcophagus. http://odysseus.culture.gr/h/4eh430.jsp? obj_id=7913. (2020). Web.

Odysseus Culture Greece. Blue Bird Fresco. http://odysseus.culture.gr/h/4/eh430.jsp?obj_id = 7921. (2020). Web.

Odysseus Culture Greece. Kamares Style Bowl. http://odysseus.culture.gr /h/4/eh430jsp?obj_id =7864. (2020). Web.

122

Ogden, Jack. Jewellery of the Ancient World. New York: Rizzoli, (1982). Print.

Papadatos, Giannēs, and Chrysa Sofianou. Livari Skiadi: A Minoan Cemetery in Southeast Crete: I. Excavations and Finds (2015). Web.

PennMuseum. Ancient Mesopotamia: The Royal Tombs of Ur, Exhibition Event (1983 - 1988). https://www.penn.museum/collections/objects/ event.php?irn =605&page=1. (2020). Web.

Pilali-Papasteriou, Angeliki. "The Materials and Artifacts in the Exchange Network of the Prehistoric Aegean." Ionics 9.1 (2003): I-IV. Web.

Praetzellis, Adrian. Archaeological Theory in a Nutshell. (2015). Print.

Preziosi, Donald, and Louise Hitchcock. Aegean Art and Architecture. Oxford: Oxford UP, (1999). Print. Oxford History of Art.

Pushkin State Museum of Fine Arts. https://pushkinmuseum.art/museum/buildings/main/floor1 /3_troy/index.php?lang=en. (2020). Web.

Rackham, Oliver, and Moody, Jennifer Alice. The Making of the Cretan Landscape (1996). Print.

Shelmerdine, Cynthia W. The Cambridge Companion to the Aegean Bronze Age. Cambridge UP, (2008). Web.

Sherratt, Susan. “The Archaeology of Metal Use in the Early Bronze Age Aegean - A Review.” Peter M. Day and Roger C.P. Doonan (eds), Metallurgy in the Early Bronze Age Aegean (2007): Print.

Soles and Seager. Mochlos Archaeological Project. http://www.mochlosarchaeologicalproject. org/cemetery-at-mochlos/. (2020). Web.

Thavapalan, Shiyanthi. The Meaning of Color in Ancient Mesopotamia. Brill, (2020). Print.

Tomkins, Peter and Ilse Schoep. “Crete.” Cline, Eric H. (ed), The Oxford Handbook of the Bronze Age Aegean (ca. 3000-1000 BC). New York: Oxford UP, (2012). Print.

Tselios, T. “Metallurgy and Specialisation in Prepalatial Mesara, Crete. Archaeol Anthropol Sci (2009) 1: 231. Web.

123

Tucker, Arthur O. “Identification of the Rose, Sage, Iris, and Lily in the ‘Blue Bird Fresco’ from Knossos, Crete (Ca. 1450 B.C.E.).” Economic Botany, vol. 58, no. 4, (2004), pp. 733–736. Web.

Tully, Caroline Jane. The Cultic Life of Trees in the Prehistoric Aegean, Levant, Egypt and Cyprus. Peeters, (2018). Print.

Vasilakēs, Antōnēs., Branigan, Keith, and Tim Campbell-Green. Moni Odigitria a Prepalatial Cemetery and Its Environs in the Asterousia, Southern Crete (2010). Web.

Verduci, Josephine, and Brent Davis. "Adornment, Ritual and Identity: Inscribed Minoan Jewellery." The Annual of the British School at Athens 110 (2015): 51-70. Web.

Wilson, David. “Early Prepalatial Crete.” Shelmerdine, Cynthia W (ed), The Cambridge Companion to the Aegean Bronze Age. Cambridge UP, (2008). Web.

Xanthoudidēs, Stephanos Antōniou. The Vaulted Tombs of Mesará. 1st Ed., Reprinted; with a New Introduction and Additional Bibliography by Keith Branigan. ed. Farnborough: Gregg, (1971). Print.

Younger, John G. Representations of Minoan-Mycenaean Jewelry. EIKON. Aegean Bronze Age Iconography: Shaping a Methodology. Proceedings of the 4th International Aegean Conference, University of Tasmania, Hobart, Australia, 6-9 April 1992. Aegaeum 8. Eds. Robert Laffineur and Janice Crowley. Liège and Austin: Université de Liège and the Program in Aegean Prehistory and Scripts, University of Texas, (1992), 257-93. Print.

Zettler, Richard L. “Treasures from the Royal Tombs of Ur.” Exhibition Catalogue. The Oriental Institute, University of Chicago. https://oi.uchicago.edu/museum-exhibits/special-exhibits/ treasures-royal-tombs-ur-1. (2020). Web.

124