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Redalyc.Theory of Money of David Ricardo
Lecturas de Economía ISSN: 0120-2596 [email protected] Universidad de Antioquia Colombia Takenaga, Susumu Theory of Money of David Ricardo: Quantity Theory and Theory of Value Lecturas de Economía, núm. 59, julio-diciembre, 2003, pp. 73-126 Universidad de Antioquia .png, Colombia Available in: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=155218004003 How to cite Complete issue Scientific Information System More information about this article Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America, the Caribbean, Spain and Portugal Journal's homepage in redalyc.org Non-profit academic project, developed under the open access initiative . El carro del heno, 1500 Hieronymus Bosch –El Bosco– Jerónimo, ¿vos cómo lo ves?, 2002 Theory of Money of David Ricardo: Quantity Theory and Theory of Value Susumu Takenaga Lecturas de Economía –Lect. Econ.– No. 59. Medellín, julio - diciembre 2003, pp. 73-126 Theory of Money of David Ricardo : Quantity Theory and Theory of Value Susumu Takenaga Lecturas de Economía, 59 (julio-diciembre, 2003), pp.73-126 Resumen: En lo que es necesario enfatizar, al caracterizar la teoría cuantitativa de David Ricardo, es en que ésta es una teoría de determinación del valor del dinero en una situación particular en la cual se impide que el dinero, sin importar cual sea su forma, entre y salga libremente de la circulación. Para Ricardo, la regulación del valor del dinero por su cantidad es un caso particular en el cual el ajuste del precio de mercado al precio natural requiere un largo periodo de tiempo. La determinación cuantitativa es completamente inadmisible, pero solo cuando el período de observación es más corto que el de ajuste. -
Bullionism, Specie-Point Mechanism and Bullion Flows in the Early 18Th-Century Europe
Bullionism, Specie-Point Mechanism and Bullion Flows in the Early 18th-century Europe Pilar Nogués Marco ADVERTIMENT. La consulta d’aquesta tesi queda condicionada a l’acceptació de les següents condicions d'ús: La difusió d’aquesta tesi per mitjà del servei TDX (www.tesisenxarxa.net) ha estat autoritzada pels titulars dels drets de propietat intel·lectual únicament per a usos privats emmarcats en activitats d’investigació i docència. No s’autoritza la seva reproducció amb finalitats de lucre ni la seva difusió i posada a disposició des d’un lloc aliè al servei TDX. No s’autoritza la presentació del seu contingut en una finestra o marc aliè a TDX (framing). Aquesta reserva de drets afecta tant al resum de presentació de la tesi com als seus continguts. En la utilització o cita de parts de la tesi és obligat indicar el nom de la persona autora. ADVERTENCIA. La consulta de esta tesis queda condicionada a la aceptación de las siguientes condiciones de uso: La difusión de esta tesis por medio del servicio TDR (www.tesisenred.net) ha sido autorizada por los titulares de los derechos de propiedad intelectual únicamente para usos privados enmarcados en actividades de investigación y docencia. No se autoriza su reproducción con finalidades de lucro ni su difusión y puesta a disposición desde un sitio ajeno al servicio TDR. No se autoriza la presentación de su contenido en una ventana o marco ajeno a TDR (framing). Esta reserva de derechos afecta tanto al resumen de presentación de la tesis como a sus contenidos. En la utilización o cita de partes de la tesis es obligado indicar el nombre de la persona autora. -
1 Did Bullionism Matter?
1 DID BULLIONISM MATTER? : EVIDENCE FROM CADIZ SHADOW MARKET FOR SILVER, 1729-1742 • Pilar Nogués-Marco [email protected] Sciences-Po, Paris Chaire Finances internationales Draft 1-2 April 2008 (work in progress-please don’t quote without author permission) ABSTRACT........................................................................................................................................................... 2 INTRODUCTION................................................................................................................................................. 2 1. SPECIE POINT MECHANISM THEORY AND BULLION REGULATIONS......................................... 3 2. SPECIE POINT MECHANISM EVIDENCE IN MAISON ROUX ARCHIVE .......................................... 5 3. ARBITRATED PAR OF EXCHANGE ........................................................................................................ 10 3.1. MARKET PRICES FOR SILVER IN LONDON.................................................................................................... 10 3.2. MARKET PRICES FOR SILVER IN CADIZ ....................................................................................................... 12 3.3. ARBITRATED PAR OF EXCHANGE BETWEEN LONDON AND CADIZ............................................................... 13 3.4. PAR OF EXCHANGE BETWEEN LONDON AND CADIZ ................................................................................... 14 4. SPOT EXCHANGE RATES......................................................................................................................... -
Money As 'Universal Equivalent' and Its Origins in Commodity Exchange
MONEY AS ‘UNIVERSAL EQUIVALENT’ AND ITS ORIGIN IN COMMODITY EXCHANGE COSTAS LAPAVITSAS DEPARTMENT OF ECONOMICS SCHOOL OF ORIENTAL AND AFRICAN STUDIES UNIVERSITY OF LONDON [email protected] MAY 2003 1 1.Introduction The debate between Zelizer (2000) and Fine and Lapavitsas (2000) in the pages of Economy and Society refers to the conceptualisation of money. Zelizer rejects the theorising of money by neoclassical economics (and some sociology), and claims that the concept of ‘money in general’ is invalid. Fine and Lapavitsas also criticise the neoclassical treatment of money but argue, from a Marxist perspective, that ‘money in general’ remains essential for social science. Intervening, Ingham (2001) finds both sides confused and in need of ‘untangling’. It is worth stressing that, despite appearing to be equally critical of both sides, Ingham (2001: 305) ‘strongly agrees’ with Fine and Lapavitsas on the main issue in contention, and defends the importance of a theory of ‘money in general’. However, he sharply criticises Fine and Lapavitsas for drawing on Marx’s work, which he considers incapable of supporting a theory of ‘money in general’. Complicating things further, Ingham (2001: 305) also declares himself ‘at odds with Fine and Lapavitsas’s interpretation of Marx’s conception of money’. For Ingham, in short, Fine and Lapavitsas are right to stress the importance of ‘money in general’ but wrong to rely on Marx, whom they misinterpret to boot. Responding to these charges is awkward since, on the one hand, Ingham concurs with the main thrust of Fine and Lapavitsas and, on the other, there is little to be gained from contesting what Marx ‘really said’ on the issue of money. -
Creating Economy: Merchants in Seventeenth-Century England
Georgia State University ScholarWorks @ Georgia State University History Theses Department of History 12-11-2017 Creating Economy: Merchants in Seventeenth-Century England Braxton Hall Georgia State University Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.gsu.edu/history_theses Recommended Citation Hall, Braxton, "Creating Economy: Merchants in Seventeenth-Century England." Thesis, Georgia State University, 2017. https://scholarworks.gsu.edu/history_theses/116 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Department of History at ScholarWorks @ Georgia State University. It has been accepted for inclusion in History Theses by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks @ Georgia State University. For more information, please contact [email protected]. CREATING ECONOMY: MERCHANTS IN SEVENTEENTH-CENTURY ENGLAND by BRAXTON HALL Under the Direction of Jacob Selwood, PhD ABSTRACT Between 1620 and 1700, merchants in England debated the economic framework of the kingdom. The system they created is commonly referred to as ‘mercantilism’ and many historians have concluded that there was a consensus among economists that supported the balance of trade and restricted foreign markets. While that economic consensus existed, merchants also had to adopt new ways of thinking about religion, foreigners, and naturalization because of the system they created. Merchants like Josiah Child in the latter part of the seventeenth century were more acceptant of strangers and they were more tolerant of religion that their predecessors -
A Quantum Theory of Money and Value*
A quantum theory of money and value* David Orrell [email protected] Abstract The answer to the question ‘what is money?’ has changed throughout history. During the gold standard era, money was seen as gold or silver (the theory known as bullionism). In the early 20th century, the alternative theory known as chartalism proposed that money was a token chosen by the state for payment of taxes. Today, many economists take an agnostic line, and argue that money is best defined in terms of its function, e.g. as a neutral medium of exchange. This paper argues that none of these approaches adequately describe the nature of money, and proposes a new theory, inspired by non-Newtonian physics, which takes into account the dualistic real/virtual properties and complex nature of money. The theory is applied to the example of the emergence of cybercurrencies. Keywords: money, history, cybercurrencies 1. Introduction According to the definition used by most economists, money is anything that serves as a medium of exchange, a store of value, and a unit of account (Ragan & Lipsey, 2011, p. 609). But what special quality is it that gives money these properties? In other words, what makes money, money? Answers to the question are tied up with ideas about value, and have typically fallen into one of three camps. The first, known as metallism or bullionism, holds that the special ingredient is precious metal. Money should ideally be made of the stuff, or at least be backed by it. The second camp is chartalism (from the Latin charta for a record) which holds that coins and other money objects are just tokens, that the state agrees to accept as currency (Knapp, 1924, p. -
"Theater and Empire: a History of Assumptions in the English-Speaking Atlantic World, 1700-1860"
"THEATER AND EMPIRE: A HISTORY OF ASSUMPTIONS IN THE ENGLISH-SPEAKING ATLANTIC WORLD, 1700-1860" BY ©2008 Douglas S. Harvey Submitted to the graduate degree program in History and the Graduate Faculty of the University of Kansas in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. ____________________________________ Chairperson Committee Members* ___________________________________* ___________________________________* ___________________________________* ___________________________________* Date Defended: April 7, 2008 The Dissertation Committee for Douglas S. Harvey certifies that this is the approved version of the following dissertation: "THEATER AND EMPIRE: A HISTORY OF ASSUMPTIONS IN THE ENGLISH-SPEAKING ATLANTIC WORLD, 1700-1860" Committee ____________________________________ Chairperson ___________________________________* ___________________________________* ___________________________________* ___________________________________* Date Approved: April 7, 2008 ii Abstract It was no coincidence that commercial theater, a market society, the British middle class, and the “first” British Empire arose more or less simultaneously. In the seventeenth century, the new market economic paradigm became increasingly dominant, replacing the old feudal economy. Theater functioned to “explain” this arrangement to the general populace and gradually it became part of what I call a “culture of empire” – a culture built up around the search for resources and markets that characterized imperial expansion. It also rationalized the depredations the Empire brought to those whose resources and labor were coveted by expansionists. This process intensified with the independence of the thirteen North American colonies, and theater began representing Native Americans and African American populations in ways that rationalized the dominant society’s behavior toward them. By utilizing an interdisciplinary approach, this research attempts to advance a more nuanced and realistic narrative of empire in the early modern and early republic periods. -
Oui2.Pdf (2.141Mb)
COLONIAL CAPITALISM AND THE DILEMMAS OF LIBERALISM: LOCKE, BURKE, WAKEFIELD AND THE BRITISH EMPIRE A Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Cornell University in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy by Onur Ulas Ince August 2013 © 2103 Onur Ulas Ince Colonial Capitalism and the Dilemmas of Liberalism: Locke, Burke, Wakefield and the British Empire Onur Ulas Ince, PhD Cornell University 2013 This dissertation offers a historical investigation of liberalism as a unified yet internally variegated intellectual field that has developed in relation to “colonial capitalism.” I examine the impact of colonial economic relations on the historical formation of liberalism, which is often overlooked in the scholarship on the history of political thought. Focusing on the British Empire between the late-seventeenth and early-nineteenth centuries, I analyze three historical cases in which the liberal self-image of capitalism in Britain was contradicted by the manifestly illiberal processes of displacement and coercion in its imperial possessions. I situate this contradiction within the debates on property claims in American colonies, the trade relation between Britain and its Indian dominions, and the labor problem during the colonial settlement of Australia and New Zealand. Corresponding to the three nodal questions of “property,” “exchange,” and “labor,” I analyze the works of John Locke, Edmund Burke, and Edward Gibbon Wakefield as three prominent political theorists who attempted to reconcile the liberal image of Britain as a commercial and pacific society with the illiberal processes of conquest, expropriation, and extraction of British colonialism. Highlighting the global and colonial as opposed to the national or European terrain on which modern economic relations and their political theorization have emerged, I emphasize the need to situate the history of political thought in a global context. -
In Search of a “Crude Fancy of Childhood”: Deconstructing Mercantilism 1
Association for Heterodox Economics 9th Annual Conference 2007 In Search of a “Crude Fancy of Childhood”: Deconstructing Mercantilism 1 Jérôme Blanc2, Ludovic Desmedt3 Work in progress - Please do not quote It is widely held that in the pre-Smithian period, a coherent corpus of ideas dominated Europe. This presumed school of thought has been coined ‘mercantilism’ and has been opposed by a set of liberal propositions during the eighteenth century. « Mercantilism » is often used in order to characterize two sets of propositions: a theoretical and a political one, both being frequently mixed, the former presumably fuelling the latter. We don’t want to discuss the existence of a mercantile economy in the period ranging from 1500 to 1776: navigation acts, colbertism or Spanish bullionism are facts. We would rather like to discuss the idea according to which a coherent doctrine concerning money and wealth existed and was used as a justification for some practices. We are challenging the idea that « mercantilists » gave simplistic tools to policymakers, and that policymakers followed their advices. In short, as Judges already pointed some decades ago, the idea that mercantilism « had a creed » and « a priesthood dedicated to its service » (Judges, 1939, p.42) is highly doubtful. If each period constructs its interpretations of previous theories, the notion of « Mercantilism » is deeply rooted in the history of economic thought. Already in the middle of the twentieth century, J. A. Schumpeter criticized « […] that imaginary organon, ‘the mercantilist -
Theories of Economic System
Theories of Global Economic System 1 • Mercantilism deals with the economic policy of the time between the Middle Ages and the age of laissez faire or as some scholars put it, 16th to 18th century (Viner, 1968; Kuhn 1963). • The period under which mercantilism held sway was not uniform in Europe. • It began and ended at quite different dates in the various countries and regions of Europe (Heckscher, 1955). • Mercantilism promoted governmental regulations of a nation’s economy for the purpose of augmenting state power at the expense of rival national powers. • It was the economic counterpart of political absolutism. • The 17th century publicists, most notably - Thomas Mun in England, Jean-Baptiste Colbert in France, and Antonio Serra in Italy – never, however, used the term themselves; it was given currency by the Scottish economist, Adam Smith in his Wealth of Nations(1776) 2 • Eli Heckscher (1955) identified the environment out of which mercantilism evolved as: – The ruin or disintegration of the universal Roman Empire – the rise and consolidation of states, limited in territory and influence though sovereign within their own borders, which grew up on the ruins of the universal Roman Empire. – Henceforth, the state stood at the centre of mercantilist endeavours as they developed historically: the state was both the subject and object of mercantilist economic policy. – The state had to assert itself in two opposing directions. On the one hand, the demands of the social institutions of the confined territories had to be defended against the universalism characteristic of the Middle Ages. On the other hand , the state had to assert its economic independence. -
The Birth of the Political Economy Or the Economy in the Heart of Politics Jacques Fontanel, Jean-Paul Hébert, Ivan Samson
The birth of the political economy or the economy in the heart of politics Jacques Fontanel, Jean-Paul Hébert, Ivan Samson To cite this version: Jacques Fontanel, Jean-Paul Hébert, Ivan Samson. The birth of the political economy or the economy in the heart of politics: Mercantilism. Defence and Peace Economics, Taylor & Francis (Routledge), 2008, War and Peace Issues in the History of Economic Thought, 19 (5), pp.331-338. 10.1080/10242690802354279. hal-02059663 HAL Id: hal-02059663 https://hal.univ-grenoble-alpes.fr/hal-02059663 Submitted on 6 Mar 2019 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. The birth of the political economy or the economy in the heart of politics: Mercantilism Jacques Fontanel, Jean-Paul Hébert, Ivan Samson Mercantilist theories were expressed both in doctrinal works and by concrete measures of economic policy. Mercantilism did not produce a single and immutable thought; its analyses, if not its principles, have appreciably changed over time and space. Today, some divergences still remain about the interpretation of this school, particularly with regard to the importance of the relationship between power and economic development; but this first corpus of economic thought was built through two centuries of analyses on the relationship between the power of the state and national wealth. -
1 Did Bullionism Matter?
1 DID BULLIONISM MATTER? : EVIDENCE FROM THE CADIZ SHADOW MARKET FOR SILVER, 1729-1741• Pilar Nogués-Marco [email protected] Sciences-Po, Paris Draft July 2009 The market requires that exchanges are voluntary and the law may restrict the workings of a given market. This is the case with Castile bullionist regulations, which led to an illegal bullion market in Early Modern Cadiz. This paper focuses on the structure of this illegal bullion market in order to understand the logic of silver outflows. Arbitrage is explained by the presence of an oligopsony power that depressed the price of silver in Cadiz and created a systematic bias between domestic and international market prices. The lesson that emerges from this paper is that understanding the specie-flow mechanism in the Early Modern Period demands the comprehension of the bullion market structure for the place and time examined. INTRODUCTION The discovery of America was followed by a flow of precious metals to Spain and Portugal, and from there throughout the world. Historiography has reconstructed the quantities of gold and silver transferred from the Old World to the New World in the Early Modern period, but what is the reason of bullion outflows? This paper answers this question. In particular, it examines the logic of silver outflows from Cadiz to London in the first half of the 18th century. Castile enacted bullionist laws during more than four centuries, from the Late Middle Ages to mid-19th century: fixed prices and bans on export. But these measures did not avoid the export of silver and caused a great deal of smuggling.