DOCSLIB.ORG

Introduction Introduction

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Introduction Introduction CHAPTER ONE INTRODUCTION About the middle of the second century Justin Martyr engaged in an active defense of Christianity against paganism, Judaism,J udaism, and heretical forms of Christianity for which work he can safely be cailed the first outstanding Christian apologist. As a young man Justin sought after the truth in the pagan philosophies of Stoicism, Aristotelianism, Pythagorea­ nism, and Platonism; but shortly after his conversion to Christianity in about 130I30 Justin opened in Rome a Christian school of philosophy from which he fearlessly defended Christianity until his martyrdom in about 165.I65. In his role as a Christian apologist Justin wrote for those inside the church as weil as for those outside to whom many of his writings were formallyformaIly addressed. His work, therefore, certainly had a catechetical as weIl as an apologetic purpose. Justin's writings frequently contain passages reminiscent of passages from the canonical gospels, and for the last two centuries many scholars have been trying to ascertain the exact literary relationship between the writings of Justin and the canonical gospels. 1l Justin's deviation from the text of the canonical gospels has been variously attributed in the nineteenth century and in the early part of the twentieth century to failure of memory,memory,22 to the use of one or more extra-canonical gospels,gospels,33 1 It is beyond the scope of this work to recount the history of research con­ cerning the problem of Justin's literary relationship to the canonical gospels, especially the older studies of the last century. A detailed account of this history can be found in the following works: Wilhelm Bousset, Die Evangeliencitate fustins des Märtyrers in ihrem Wert für die Evangelienkritik (Göttingen, 1891), pp. 1-12; Carl August Credner, Beiträge zur Einleitung in die biblischen Schriften (Halle, 1832), pp. 133-149; Adolf Hilgenfeld, Kritische Untersuchungen über die Evangelien fustin's, der Clementinischen Homilien und Marcion's (Halle, 1850), pp. 31-45; Karl Semisch, Die apostolischen Denkwürdigkeiten des Märtyrers fustinus (Hamburg, 1848), pp. 16-60. 2 Semisch, see especially pp. 389 ff; Theodor Zahn, Geschichte des neutestament­ lichen Kanons, I, 2 (Erlangen, 1888), pp. 463-585. 3 Credner maintained that Justin used as his source the extra-canonical Gospel according to Peter, a document that Credner regarded as essentially identical to the Diatessaron of Tatian, and the Gospel according to the Hebrews (Beiträge, see especially p. 266; and Geschichte des neutestamentlichen Kanons [Berlin, 1860],1860J, see especiallypp. 21 f.). The position that Justin used the Gospel according to Peter was defended again by Hilgenfeld, who also maintained that Justin used in addition the Protoevangelium of fames. The thesis that Justin used a fourth synoptic gospel Supp!. to Novum Testamentum XVII 3 2 INTRODUCTION to the use of pre-synoptic material,l and to the use of a post-synoptic harmony;2 and it has sometimes been maintained that there is no way to prove the use of any source other than the canonical gospels. 3 During this century, on the other hand, there have been fewer studies concerning Justin's dependence on gospel material. E. R. Buckley has proposed the thesis that Justin first became acquainted with many of the sayings of Jesus in a source in which these sayings "occurred in a some­ what different form and often in a different context from that in which they occur in the canonical Gospels," and that "this source may have been that to which Justin refers as 'the Gospel' in Dialogue 100."IOO." 4 Buckley believed that Justin later read the synoptic gospels but that his quotations were taken not from them but from this other gospel, which also probably provided "some account of the life and death of Christ as well as a collection of his sayings." 5 In an unpublished doctoral thesis E. L. Titus acknowledged the possi­ bility that Justin may have quoted from memory, 6 but his principal thesis was that there were dominant motivations that accounted for the textual variants in the writings of Justin, whether his sources were oral or written; and he has divided these motivations into the following categories: historieal,historical, harmonistic, ethical and practical, stylistic, expla­ natory, and dogmatic. 7 Leon E. Wright maintained that Justin may have used the canonical gospels, but he has questioned the use of a harmony because of Justin's was put forth by G. Volkmar (Ober Justinjustin den Märtyrer und sein Verhältniss zu unsern Evangelien [Zurich, 1853J), and A. Thoma argued that Justin knew a fifth canonical gospel ("Justins literarisches Verhältnis zu Paulus und zum J ohannis­ evangelium," Zeitschrift für wissenschaftliche Theologie, XVIII [1875J, pp. 383-412, 490 -565). 1 Bousset, see especially pp. 114II4 f. 2 Moritz von Engelhardt, Das Christenthum Justinsjustins des i'J1IJärtyrersärtyrers (Erlangen, 1878), pp. 335 ff., especially p. 345; William Sanday, The Gospels in the Second Century (London, 1876), pp. 136 ff., note I; Ernst Lippelt, Quae Fuerint Jjustini ustini Martyris AIIOMNHMONEYMATA Quaeque Ratione Cum Forma Syro-Latina Cohaeserint (Halle, 1901 ), p. 35. 3 Brooke Foss Westcott, A GeneralGeneralSurvey Survey of the History of the Canon of the New Testament (London, 1870), pp. 133, 148; Aloys Baldus, Das Verhältnis Justinsjustins des Märtyrers zu unsern synoptischen Evangelien (Münster, 1895), pp. 98 ff. 4 E. R. Buckley, "Justin Martyr's Quotations from the Synoptic Tradition," Journaljournal ofTheological Studies, XXXVI (1935), p. 175. •6 Ibid., pp. 175 f. 8 Eric Lane Titus, "The Motivations of Changes Made in the New Testament by Justin Martyr and Clement of Alexandria: A Study in the Origin of New Testament Variation," Unpublished Ph. D. dissertation (University of Chicago, 1942), p. 7· 7 Ibid., p. 12. .
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Kyrios Christos Wilhelm Bousset the Princeton Theological Review 12:636-645
    Kyrios Christos Wilhelm Bousset The Princeton Theological Review 12:636-645. [1914] A treatise on the term kurioj as applied to Jesus would seem to deal with a sufficiently specialized subject. But, as the subtitle of Dr. Bousset’s work informs us, we receive in it no less than a “History of Christological Faith from the Beginnings Down to Irenaeus.” And even this scarcely covers what the book actually offers, for in reality it approaches to being a sketch of the earliest history of Christian belief in general, including some aspects that are not technically Christological, although the author in the Preface disavows this wider purpose on the ground that the time is not ripe as yet for describing the origin of Christianity in the milieu of the Hellenistic-Roman civilization. The value of the book—and it is great, irrespective of one’s agreement or disagreement with its conclusions—is due largely to this breadth of outlook proceeding from a point that by common consent was of central importance and of propelling force in the earliest development of Christianity, the view taken of and the relation sustained toward Christ as Lord. As might be expected, Dr. Bousset writes as a consistent “religionsgeschichtler.” He repudiates the distinction between biblical theology and history of doctrine not merely, but is eager to obliterate the lines of demarcation between the Christian religion and the surrounding spheres of faith and practice in the midst of which it grew up. He further brings to the front more seriously than has been attempted by anybody before, at least in such a comprehensive way, the principle that the forms of religious belief to a large extent took their rise and shape from the cultus, in other words that doctrine grew out of worship, rather than the reverse, as is usually assumed to have been the case.
    [Show full text]
  • The Spirit in Second Temple Jewish Monotheism and the Origins of Early Christology
    THE SPIRIT IN SECOND TEMPLE JEWISH MONOTHEISM AND THE ORIGINS OF EARLY CHRISTOLOGY Andrew W. Pitts and Seth Pollinger Following the last several decades, the rich and developing discussion con- tinues over the nature of pre-Christian Jewish and Jewish Christian mono- theism, especially with reference to the origins of christological doctrines. Until fairly recently, many believed that Jewish monotheism de ned itself by numerical singularity and, consequently, allowed very little exibility in identifying entities other than Yahweh, strictly de ned, as God. A number of recent scholars have questioned these assumptions, pointing to person- i ed attributes (e.g. wisdom, the Logos) or exalted intermediary gures as evidence of a “exible” Jewish monotheism. They suggest that these divine qualities or mediatorial agents provided a monotheistic conceptual frame- work where high Christology could have naturally originated within the Jewish heritage of the earliest Christians. These scholars typically set such views in contrast to the old Kyrios christologies, which purported that Jesus’ divinity must have arisen due to polytheistic and henotheistic inuences that penetrated Christian theology through the Gentile mission. While we agree that the new school Jewish christologies ofer an improved assessment for the origins of early Christology over the old school Hellenistic models, we still nd that their analogies are insu cient. First, in Jewish monothe- ism, the divine attributes were too ontologically similar with Yahweh to provide an adequate antecedent to the Christian Messiah, a separate agent. Attributes, no matter how they are personi ed, are too closely identi ed with Yahweh’s primary instantiation of the divine identity to form a con- vincing analogy with the incarnate Christ.
    [Show full text]
  • Kyrios Christos Introduction–Hurtado
    Introduction Wilhelm Bousset’s Kyrios Christos is surely one of the most influential academic books in the history of scholarship on the New Testament and the origins of Christianity.1 As Bousset indicated in his foreword to the first edition, the focus of the book is on the veneration of Jesus in the corporate worship (“cultus”) of early Christian circles, and the key question pursued is how this remarkable phenomenon came about.2 Bousset rightly judged this cultic veneration of Jesus as the most important religious development in early Christianity. The question of how it appeared is all the more important given the ancient Jewish concern to protect the uniqueness of the one God, especially in matters of worship.3 In short, under what circumstances did believers feel so free to add a second, distinguishable figure (Jesus) as corecipient of cultic devotion along with God (“the Father”)? Bousset’s thesis (indeed, the key claim of the volume) was that this cultic veneration of Jesus did not emerge in the earliest circles of Jewish believers, the “Primitive Palestinian 1 The original edition is Wilhelm Bousset, Kyrios Christos: Geschichte des Christusglaubens von den Anfängen des Christentums bis Irenaeus (FRLANT, nf 4; Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1913). For brief biographical information, see Hendrikus Boers, “Bousset, Wilhelm,” in Dictionary of Biblical Interpretation, ed. John H. Hayes (2 vols.; Nashville: Abingdon, 1999), 1:136–37. For a full biography, see Anthonie F. Verheule, Wilhelm Bousset: Leben und Werk: Ein theologiegeschichtlicher Versuch (Amsterdam: Ton Bolland, 1973). 2 Bousset, Kyrios Christos, v; p. 11 of this English edition, to which I refer hereafter unless noted.
    [Show full text]
  • The Humanity of Jesus in J Ustin Martyr's Soteriology by Craig M. Watts
    The Humanity of Jesus in J ustin Martyr's Soteriology by Craig M. Watts Mr. Watts, a graduate of Vanderbilt University, is minister of the First Christian Church (DisClples of Christ) in Carbonvale, Illinois. We are indebted to him for this study of the thought ofJustin Martyr. Justin Martyr's soteriological thought and his concept of the humanity of Jesus has received very little attention. In fact the prominent role which cosmology and the doctrine of the divine Logos play in Justin's writings seems to so overshadow his soteriology and the place of the history and humanity of Jesus that the latter virtually disappear. In view of this and other considerations certain scholars have suggested that these aspects of Justin's theology are relatively unimportant and are artificially attached to, rather than an intrinsic part of, the structure of his thought. I Conse­ quently it seems that a study inJustin's understanding of the humanity of Jesus and the bearing it has on his soteriology is in order. Such a study may indicate to what extent Justin's soteriology is related to his thought as a whdc. I. In order to understand better the humanity of Jesus inJustin's thought it 21 must be seen in conjunction with his concept of the divine Logos. Justin stood between two views of God and was captive of both. On the one hand, through the revelation of God in Jesus Christ he saw God as the One who has drawn near to man, revealing his divine character, intention and will. A vision of God determined by Jesus Christ is that of a God deeply and actively involved in human affairs and compassionate in his dealings with humanity.
    [Show full text]
  • Wilhelm Bousset's Die Religion Des Judentums Im Neutestamentlichen
    Lutz Doering Wilhelm Bousset’s Die Religion des Judentums im neutestamentlichen Zeitalter Der Aufsatz ordnet Wilhelm Boussets Werk Die Religion des Judentums im neutesta- mentlichen Zeitalter in seinen forschungsgeschichtlichen Kontextund in das Oeuvre des Autors ein. Er bespricht Quellengrundlage,Methode und ideologischen Zugang Boussets, insbesondere den Einfluss Thomas Carlyles und Boussets Sicht des Juden- tums als auf halber Strecke zwischen Partikularismus und Universalismus stehenge- blieben. Boussets Beitrag zur Erforschung antiker jüdischer Religion wird kritisch ge- würdigt. Keywords: Wilhelm Bousset, Religionsgeschichtliche Schule,particularism and universalism, Thomas Carlyle,Protestant scholarship on ancient Judaism, anti-Judaism, “Spätjudentum” 1. Die Religion des Judentums in Its Scholarly Contextand in Bousset’s Oeuvre When Wilhelm Bousset published DieReligion desJudentums im neutes- tamentlichenZeitalter (henceforth: RJ)in1903, he assigned to thebook “merely the significance of afirst go” (“nur die Bedeutungeinesersten Wurfs”).1 This mayhavebeen, in part, an expression of modesty. As is well known, Boussetrespondedquickly to criticism leveledagainst the book.Apart from adismissive responsetosome of his Jewish critics, above all Felix Perles,2 he considered severalofthe pointsraisedinthe re- 1 W. Bousset, Die Religion des Judentums im neutestamentlichen Zeitalter (Berlin, 1903), VII. English translations are my own;additionally the German wording is quoted where deemed significant. 2 W. Bousset, Volksfrömmigkeit und Schriftgelehrtentum (Berlin, 1903), responding to F. Perles, Bousset’s Religion des Judentums im neutestamentlichen Zeitalter kritischunter- sucht (Berlin, 1903). In this publication, Bousset also responded to M. Güdemann, “Das Judenthum im neutestamentlichen Zeitalter in christlicher Darstellung,” MGWJ 47 (1903), 38–58, 120–136, 231–249, though much more favorably than to Perles;see below, at n. 18. For athorough evaluation of the controversy between Bousset and his Jewish critics see C.
    [Show full text]
  • Julius Wellhausen, Anti-Judaism, and Hebrew Bible Scholarship
    religions Article Unapologetic Apologetics: Julius Wellhausen, Anti-Judaism, and Hebrew Bible Scholarship Stacy Davis Department of Religious Studies and Theology Saint Mary’s College, Notre Dame, IN 46556, USA; [email protected] Abstract: Julius Wellhausen (1844–1918) is in many ways the ancestor of modern Hebrew Bible scholarship. His Prolegomena to the History of Israel condensed decades of source critical work on the Torah into a documentary hypothesis that is still taught today in almost all Hebrew Bible courses in some form. What is not taught as frequently is the anti-Judaism that underpins his hypothesis. This is in part due to unapologetic apologetics regarding Wellhausen’s bias, combined with the insistence that a nineteenth-century scholar cannot be judged by twenty-first century standards. These calls for compassion are made exclusively by white male scholars, leaving Jewish scholars the solitary task of pointing out Wellhausen’s clear anti-Judaism. In a discipline that is already overwhelmingly white, male and Christian, the minimizing of Wellhausen’s racism suggests two things. First, those who may criticize contextual biblical studies done by women and scholars of color have no problem pleading for a contextual understanding of Wellhausen while downplaying the growing anti-Judaism and nationalism that was a part of nineteenth-century Germany. Second, recent calls for inclusion in the Society of Biblical Literature may be well intentioned but ultimately useless if the guild cannot simply call one of its most brilliant founders the biased man that he was. Keywords: Wellhausen; anti-Judaism; historical context Citation: Davis, Stacy. 2021. Unapologetic Apologetics: Julius Wellhausen, Anti-Judaism, and Hebrew Bible Scholarship.
    [Show full text]
  • Hans Jonas and Research on Gnosticism from a Contemporary Perspective1
    CHAPTER FOUR HANS JONAS AND RESEARCH ON GNOSTICISM FROM A CONTEMPORARY PERSPECTIVE1 Kurt Rudolph The work of the so-called humanities, cultural studies, or social sci- ences is, as we know, determined by different research strategies. Apart from the work areas as such—in other words, the objects on which the researcher’s attention is focused—it is above all the methodologi- cal approaches and the situation concerning sources, in other words the various types of evidence, that strongly infl uence the progress of research. The concept of the paradigm shift, introduced by Thomas S. Kuhn, can be readily extrapolated to cultural sciences, as often occurs, since there too, the process of advancing appropriation of past and present occurrences depends on certain conscious or mostly unconscious “preconceptions.” The present day in particular shows, often in a fairly dramatic way, how the increasing chronological and spatial expansion of the scientifi c view is accompanied by increasing refl ection on the researcher’s acts of “commission and omission.” One need only recall the question of “ethnocentricities” in these areas. Historical research in particular, in our case the history of religion, has had to undergo paradigm shifts time and again, often quite late compared with neighboring disciplines. This can readily be demon- strated in the area dealing with ancient gnosis, or Gnosticism (as it is frequently termed in English and French). One challenge is the change in the way questions are formulated in relation to this subject matter 1 Translated from the German by Margret Vince. Original lecture given at the Uni- versity of Konstanz on May 15, 1998, under the title “Hans Jonas als Gnosisforscher” (Hans Jonas as a Researcher on Gnosticism), on the occasion of the opening of the Hans Jonas archive there; reprinted in the Estonian periodical Trames 5 (2001): 291–301.
    [Show full text]
  • A Tale of Light and Darkness: Martin Buber's Gnostic Canon and The
    religions Article A Tale of Light and Darkness: Martin Buber’s Gnostic Canon and the Birth of Theopolitics Orr Scharf Cultural Studies M.A. Program, The University of Haifa, Haifa 3498838, Israel; [email protected] Received: 18 January 2019; Accepted: 29 March 2019; Published: 1 April 2019 Abstract: The current article revisits the tenuous relationship between Martin Buber’s conception of divine rule on earth (theopolitics) with Carl Schmitt’s famous notion of political theology, by underscoring their shared, though diametrically opposed interest in Gnostic ideas. Based on a reading of Buber’s heretofore unpublished lectures on Judaism and Christianity, the study outlines the nexus between the German tradition of scientific research, religious ideology and political visions, in order to show that Buber’s treatment of Gnosticism in the lectures is belied by an implicit critique of Schmitt’s dualistic distinction between friend and foe that legitimizes the subversion of liberal democracy. The Gnostic canon that Buber identifies in certain parts of the New Testament is shown to be based on the very same scientific research that fed Schmitt’s fascination with Gnostic teachings. Keywords: Buber; Martin; Gnosticism; Theopolitics; Schmitt; Carl; Science; Baur; Christian Ferdinand; Harnack; Adolph von; Bousset; Wilhelm; Reitzenstein; Richard 1. Introduction Intellectual historians often face a contradiction inherent to their discipline. The historical dimension of their research requires them to dwell on circumstantial specifics, while the “intellectual,” or perhaps more accurately, the “ideational” dimension of their work entails more abstract reflection on the subject matter (Lovejoy 1940). The current study took shape in light of this contradiction: as its title suggests it focuses on Martin Buber’s (1878–1965) perception of Gnosticism; but at the very same time, it broaches themes as deep and wide as evolving conceptions of “science,” politics, theology, and their charged interrelationships.
    [Show full text]
  • HOLLIDAY: Book Profile: What Is Gnosticism? 136
    L ISA R. H OLLIDAY The University of Kentucky BOOK PROFILE : WHAT IS GNOSTICISM ? A review of Karen King, What is Gnosticism? The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2005. 343 pp. $16.95 (paper) / $30.00 (cloth). ISBN: 0-6740-1762-5. AREN KING ’S NEWEST WORK , What is Gnosticism?, offers an impressive K analysis of the underlying assumptions that have shaped modern conceptions of Gnosticism. Despite the volume’s title, King’s work does not seek to provide a new definition of Gnosticism, but to raise scholarly awareness of the pitfalls inherent to most approaches. Indeed, her work is addressed to the larger field of early Christian studies. King holds that “the task at hand is to enable an ethics of critical-reflexive practice in historiography and theology … to further critical reflexivity with regard to the discourses and methods of historical scholarship.” (147). The challenge for historians, as she aptly illustrates throughout her work, is to be aware of the biases inherent in the terminology that have shaped the study of early Christianity. Gnosticism is a rightfully questioned term, as King argues. This problem is one that has frustrated scholars of early Christianity for some time: what is Gnosticism and how does it differ from Christianity, if it does at all? Before turning to her analysis of Gnosticism, King summarizes the prevalent historical methodologies: genealogical and typological/phenomenological. The genealogical approach searches for the roots of Gnosticism, and is embodied in the work of Adolf von Harnack, whom King devotes her third chapter to in its entirety. The second approach, typology, is exemplified in the work of Hans Jonas, which King lauds because it offers alternatives to the popular genealogical method.
    [Show full text]
  • Wilhelm Bousset, Kyrios Christos 1 Bousset, Wilhelm. Kyrios Christos
    Wilhelm Bousset, Kyrios Christos Bousset, Wilhelm. Kyrios Christos: A History of the Belief in Christ from the Beginnings of Christianity to Irenaeus. Translated by John E. Steely. Nashville: Abindgon, 1970. INTRODUCTORY WORD TO THE 5TH EDITION BY RUDOLF BULTMANN The influence of the history-of-religions school for NT research includes the following areas: 1) The significance of eschatology. 2) Hellenistic Christianity is to be distinguished from the primitive Palestinian community. 3) Point 2 necessitates the study of “Jesus and Paul” and “The historical Jesus and the kerygmatic Christ.” 4) The sacrament and the church. 5) The peculiarity of Hellenistic Christianity. 6) Bousset sought to remove the wall of separation between NT theology and the history of doctrine in the early church. Bousset’s thesis: Jesus was first characterized and addressed as “Lord,” not in the primitive community but in Hellenistic Christianity. FOREWORD TO THE FIRST EDITION BY WILHELM BOUSSET Kyrios Christos is Jesus of Nazareth in essence as the Lord of his community, venerated in the cultus. The present work takes its point of departure from the practice of the cultus and of the community’s worship and to understand the way things developed from this perspective. In this work, Bousset removes the following 2 restrictions: 1) The removal of the wall of partition between NT theology and the history of doctrine in the early church. 2) The removal of the separation of the religious history of primitive Christianity from the development of the religious life surrounding Christianity in the time of its earliest childhood. Thus Bousset avoids any discussion of the NT canon and of the presupposition of the uniqueness of the NT message.
    [Show full text]
  • Jesus Christ As Poetic Symbol: Wilhelm Bousset's Contribution To
    Butler University Digital Commons @ Butler University Scholarship and Professional Work - LAS College of Liberal Arts & Sciences 2009 Jesus Christ as Poetic Symbol: Wilhelm Bousset’s Contribution to the Faith-History Debate Brent A. R. Hege Butler University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.butler.edu/facsch_papers Part of the Biblical Studies Commons, and the Religious Thought, Theology and Philosophy of Religion Commons Recommended Citation Hege, Brent A. R., "Jesus Christ as Poetic Symbol: Wilhelm Bousset’s Contribution to the Faith-History Debate" Journal for the History of Modern Theology/Zeitschrift für Neuere Theologiegeschichte / (2009): 197-216. Available at https://digitalcommons.butler.edu/facsch_papers/147 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the College of Liberal Arts & Sciences at Digital Commons @ Butler University. It has been accepted for inclusion in Scholarship and Professional Work - LAS by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ Butler University. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Jesus Christ as Poetic Symbol: Wilhelm Bousset’s Contribution to the Faith-History Debate Brent A. R. Hege* “Poetry is nearer to vital truth than history.” Plato, Ion “Poetry, therefore, is a more philosophical and a higher thing than history; or poetry tends to express the universal, history the particular.” Aristotle^ The Poetics؛ Wilhelm Bousset (1865-1920)1 is perhaps best remçmbered as a New Testa- ment scholar in the religionsgeschichtliche Schule, particularly for his semi- nal work on early Christology, Kyrios Christos, first published in 1913.2 Ap- praisals of Bousset’s work in English typically limit their view to this work, paying little or no attention to the theological presuppositions and develop- ment of his thought.
    [Show full text]
  • Ttu Stc001 000011.Pdf (11.59Mb)
    :i;fi*W9!W?s»0!nW«HPW™n>?':'.! r' 'V.'f™i' mt.iQf ... '6. a'2i^.'-Kt!.;l:^Vi'rj|{ IWLWA »^.UA% & kWIm% I CROWN THEOLOGICAL LIBRARY VOL. XVIII THE SOCIAL GOSPEL. BY DR. HARNACK AND DR. HERRMANN Crown Ubeologlcal Xibrari? WORKS ALREADY PUBLISHED Vol. I. —BABEL AND BIBLE. By Dr. FRIEDRICH DKLITZSCH. 5S. Vol. XL—THE VIRGIN BIRTH OF CHRIST. An Historical and Critical Essay. By PAUL LOBSTKIN. 3s. Vol. in.—MY STRUGGLE FOR LIGHT. Confessions of a Preacher. By R. WIMMER. 3S. 6d. Vol. IV.—LIBERAL CHRISTIANITY. Its Origin, Nature, and Mission. By JEAN REVILLE. 4S. Vol. V—WHAT IS CHRISTIANITY? By ADOLF HARNACK. 5S. Vol. VI.—FAITH AND MORALS. By W. HERRMANN. 5S. Vol. VII.—EARLY HEBREW STORY. A Study of the Origin, the Value, and the Historical Background of the Legends of Israel. By JOHN P. PPTFRS T) D 'is Vol. VIII.—BIBLE PROBLEMS AND THE NEW MATERIAL FOR THEIR SOLUTION. By Prof. T. K. CHBYNE, D.Litt., D.D. 5s. Vol. IX.—THE DOCTRINE OF THE ATONE­ MENT AND ITS HISTORICAL EVOLUTION, AND RELIGION AND MODERN CULTURE. By the late AUGUSTE SABATIER 4S, 6d. Vol. X.—THE EARLY CHRISTIAN CON- CEPTION OP CHRIST : its Significance and Value in the History of Religion. By OTTO PFLEIDERER. 38. 6d. Vol. XL—THE CHILD AND RELIGION. Eleven Essays by Various Writers. 6s. Vol. XII.—THE EVOLUTION OF RELIGION: An Anthropological Study. ByL. R. FARNELL, M.A., D.Litt. 5s. Vol. XIII.—THE BOOKS OF THE NEW TESTAMENT. By Baron HERMANN VON SODEN, D.D. 5s. Vol.
    [Show full text]