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1998 Basic Incompatibilities Between Evolutionary and Behavioral Archaeology Michael J. O'Brien Texas A&M University-San Antonio, [email protected]

R. L. Lyman

R. D. Leonard

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Repository Citation O'Brien, Michael J.; Lyman, R. L.; and Leonard, R. D., "Basic Incompatibilities Between Evolutionary and Behavioral Archaeology" (1998). History Faculty Publications. 15. https://digitalcommons.tamusa.edu/hist_faculty/15

This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the College of Arts and Sciences at Digital Commons @ Texas A&M University- San Antonio. It has been accepted for inclusion in History Faculty Publications by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ Texas A&M University- San Antonio. For more information, please contact [email protected]. BASIC INCOMPATIBILITIES BETWEEN EVOLUTIONARY AND BEHAVIORAL ARCHAEOLOGY

Michael J. O'Brien, R. Lee Lyman, and Robert D. Leonard

Schiffer (1996) recently proposed that, despite some incompatibilities, considerable common ground exists between behav- ioral archaeology and evolutionary, or selectionist, archaeology. He concludes that there is no fundamental reason why the two approaches cannot work in concert to explain behavioral change. There are, howev'et; several important reasons Vwhy the thwo programs, at least as currently conceived, cannot work together in any thoroughly integrated frishion. Although both programs employ inference, behavioral archaeology conflates the distinct roles of configurational and immanent prop- erties, searches for nomothetic answers to questions about human behaviot; overlooks historical contingency when inferring and explaining the of past behavior, and in some cases seems to frill back on vitalism as the mechanism of change. Evolutionary archaeology employs immanent properties inferentially, explicitly acknowledges the importance of the histori- cal contingencies of configurational properties, explains human behavior as being time- and spacebound, and calls upon selection and drift (transmission) as the mechanisms of change. Any attempt to integrate the tiwo approaches must begin by addressing these basic differences.

Schiffer (1996) recientemente ha propuesto que, a pesar de algunas incompatibilidades, existen considerables puntos en comnin entre la arqiueologfa conductual y la arqueologfa evolucionista, o seleccionista. Conclutye que no existen razones findametales por las que estas dos perspectivas no puedan trabajar en conjunto para explicar los cambios del comportamiento hurmano. Existen, a pesar de todo, varias razones importantes por lo cual estas dos escuelas, al menos comno se les ha concebido hasta ahora, no pueden trabajarjuntas bajo ningfin planteamniento integrado. Aunque las dos escuelas emplean inferencias, la arque- ologfa conductual conjuga el papel distintivo de las propiedades configuracionales e imnanentes, busca respuestas nomoteticas a las preguntas sobre el comportamiento humano, pasa por alto las contingencias hist6ricas al inferir y explicar la naturaleza del comportamiento pasado, y en algunas casos parece recaer en el vitalismo como mecanismo del cambio. La arqueologfa evolu- cionista emplea inferencialmente las propiedades inmanentes, reconoce explicitamente la importancia de las contingencias hist6ricas en la conflguraci6n de las propiedades, explica el comportamniento humano como finico en un tiempo y espacio deter- minado, y considera a la selecci6n y la transmisi6n como los mecanismos responsables del cambio. Cualquier intento de inte- grar estas dos escuelas debe comenzar por resolver estas diferencias ba'sicas.

R ecently, Schiffer (1996) pointed out what take a behavioral approach to understanding the he saw as specific areas of concordance archaeological record. He also has been more than between evolutionary archaeology and accommodating in allowing evolutionists to pub- behavioral archaeology, positing that "there is no lish in journals and series that he edits; thus he has fundamental reason why these two programs can- had to read not only the manuscripts submitted but not work in concert to achieve the goal of explain- also the reviews solicited during the editorial ing behavioral (or evolutionary) change in human process. As a result, he has more than a passing societies" (Schiffer 1996:643). Schiffer is the familiarity with evolutionary archaeology, and prime architect of the behavioral archaeology pro- hence his observations of possible overlap gram (Schiffer 1995a) and, together with col- between it and behavioral archaeology are worth leagues and students at the University of Arizona considering in detail. (e.g., Reid et al. 1974, 1975; Skibo et al. 1995), has We agree with some of Schiffer's observations produced the majority of articles and books that and arguments, but disagree with others. The

Michael J. O'Brien and R. Lee Lyman * Department of Anthropology, University of Missouri, Columbia, MO 65211 Robert D. Leonard * Department of Anthropology, University of New Mexico, Albuquerque, NM 87131

American Antiquity, 63(3), 1998, pp. 485-498. Copyright C by the Society for American Archaeology

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points of disagreement underscore deep differ- 1992a, 1992b). One must, therefore, to some ences between the two approaches. Both evolu- degree interpret his writings and fill in apparent tionary and behavioral archaeology seek to explain gaps. We are aided in this task by our collabora- humankind's past, and in some cases the data tions with him (e.g., Dunnell and Leonard 1998; requirements are the same (O'Brien and Holland Lyman et al. 1997; O'Brien and Dunnell 1998), 1995b), but there are significant differences in yet our collective view does not precisely mirror epistemology, several of which are well discussed Dunnell's. Nor should it necessarily do so. But we in Schiffer's paper. Hence, we address them only agree with Dunnell that "one cannot point to a in passing and focus primary attention on meta- complete and robust theory [of evolutionary physical differences between evolutionism and archaeology] at this point in time .... [T]here are behavioralism-differences that at present cannot still important theoretical issues that require reso- be resolved given the contrasting manner in which lution" (Dunnell 1989:42). Biological - behavioralists and evolutionists construct their ary theory cannot simply be lifted wholesale from explanations of the past. that realm and applied to sherds, post molds, and arrowheads, just as Darwin's theory could not be History, Evolutionary Archaeology, and lifted from On the Origin of Species and applied Behavioral Archaeology wholesale to the fossil record. Schiffer focuses the majority of attention on the These various facts result in Schiffer commit- work of Dunnell, correctly claiming that evolu- ting what we view as errors. His description of tionary archaeology "had its proximate roots in Dunnell's (1989) discussion of waste behavior- [Dunnell's] writings ... especially his 1980 paper specifically the Woodland-period mortuary cults in Advances in Archaeological Method and of the eastern United States that left behind highly Theory" (Schiffer 1996:646). The 1980 paper to visible burial mounds as being "almost as which Schiffer refers (Dunnell 1980) was behavioral as [a discussion written by] behav- Dunnell's (1996a:x) "second major foray into evo- ioralists" (Schiffer 1996:650) is a case in point. lution and ," the first having been a Dunnell (1989:46-49) stated explicitly what the conference paper presented in 1978 (Dunnell limitations were of what he was doing. 1996b). Other papers written late in the 1970s Evolutionary archaeology provided only a "gross" show the growing influence of Darwinism on understanding of the existence of "waste," and his Dunnell's thinking (e.g., Dunnell 1978; Dunnell discussion only served to exemplify the sorts of and Wenke 1980). There are two points here. First, insights that might result from use of evolutionary Dunnell's thinking was not fully developed in the theory. The scenario provided was thus of "lim- 1970s the Advances paper was written, as ited value" and only suggested the "potential" of Dunnell (1996a:x) put it, by a "neophyte." Second, evolutionary archaeology to help explain the Dunnell has yet to produce a thorough program- archaeological record; in particular, it indicated matic statement on how to implement his version which variables were relevant to such scenarios. of evolutionary archaeology. What Dunnell Schiffer probably would argue that when fleshed (1996a:xi) takes as his "best" piece of evolutionary out, the scenario would be behavioral, and he archaeology work is an exploration of artifact vari- would be correct, since human behaviors created ation (Dunnell and Feathers 1991)-an extremely the waste. No evolutionary archaeologist ever critical factor within evolutionary archaeology that argued otherwise (O'Brien and Holland 1995b). has prompted him to remark on more than one More importantly, Dunnell (1989) emphasized occasion (e.g., Dunnell 1989:46) that archaeology that (1) if it is granted that artifacts are part of the must develop units of measurement and descrip- phenotype, then one must be clear on what makes tion commensurate with theory. up an artifact; (2) relevant variables had not yet Most of Dunnell's published statements either been described within an evolutionary theory are directed to particular issues within the larger applicable to cultural phenomena such as arti- context of the evolutionary archaeology program facts; (3) appropriate units for measuring relevant (e.g., Dunnell 1995) or are so general that little variables in the empirical realm had not been critical detail is included (e.g., Dunnell 1989, identified and described; and (4) identifying both

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the variables and the units must be commensurate owing its existence to heritability), natural selec- with theory building. Numerous efforts by many tion (a mechanism of change), a transmission individuals have been made in these directions mechanism (which itself is a source of new vari- subsequent to publication of Dunnell's article (see ants), invention/innovation (another source of new references in O'Brien 1996b), but many issues variants), and heritability (denoting continuity, have not been resolved. such that similarity is homologous). The last ensures that we are examining change within a lin- What Is Evolutionary Archaeology? eage rather than merely convergence, in which The premise underlying Darwinian evolutionary case similarity is of the analogous sort. archaeology is, as Schiffer (1996:646) points out, Within paleobiology, some of the best historical that objects occurring in the archaeological record, studies were written by Simpson (e.g., 1937a, because they were phenotypic, were shaped by the 1937b, 1937c). Some might question why we refer same evolutionary processes as were the somatic to such "ancient writings," but what Simpson had features of their makers and users. This is a short- to say in the 1930s and 1940s is as relevant today hand way of saying that the possessors of the as it was six decades ago (Gould 1980; LaPorte objects were acted on by evolutionary processes. 1983). Some debate has recently arisen as to Under this perspective, evolution is viewed as the whether a Simpson-like view is the most appropri- differential persistence of discrete variants ate one to adopt in paleobiology (e.g., Gould (Dunnell 1980:38), regardless of the scale of "vari- 1995a, 1995b), and some have, to be sure, adopted ant" being defined. Evolutionary archaeology (allegedly [see LaPorte 1983]) different views involves (1) measuring variation that is, dividing (e.g., Gould and Eldredge 1993), but the important it into discrete sets of empirical units (groups) point is that we view these debates as particularly using ideational units (classes); (2) tracking vari- germane to what we see as the central objective of ants through time and across space to produce a evolutionary archaeology. historical narrative about lineages of particular We favor definitions of evolution such as "any variants; and (3) explaining the differential persis- net directional change or any cumulative change in tence of individual variants comprising lineages in the characteristics of organisms or populations particular time-space contexts. Selection is a key over many generations in other words, descent concept in evolutionary theory, though in modern with modification. It explicitly includes the origin Darwinian evolutionary theory, selection is only as well as the spread of alleles, variants, trait val- one evolutionary process that works on variation. ues, or character states. Evolution may occur as a Few would doubt that selection is the greatest result of natural selection, genetic drift, or both" molder of lineages, but it still acts in tandem with (Endler 1986:5; see also Richards 1992). Thus, other processes such as drift and mutation. trait variation and inheritance are required for evo- Selection is the mechanism that drives much evo- lutionary change to occur, but fitness differences lutionary change and is external to the system are not; the last is only required for evolution via (organisms or cultures) itself. Within Darwinian natural selection. Such a definition explicitly theory, it serves as a testable explanation of change incorporates both style and function (sensu (Leonard and Reed 1993). Dunnell 1978) as kinds of variants of archaeologi- Evolutionary archaeology has many parallels to cal phenomena. Given this definition, we prefer modern paleobiology (Lyman and O'Brien 1998). the methods of evolutionary study used by It is geared toward providing Darwinian-like Gingerich (1991), Simpson (1944, 1975), and explanations of the archaeological record, just as Szalay and Bock (1991) to understand the paleon- paleobiologists explain the paleontological record. tological record (Lyman and O'Brien 1998). We There are two steps: first, build cultural lineages, do not deny that what is known as punctuated and second, construct explanations for those lin- equilibrium (Eldredge and Gould 1972; Gould and eages being the way they are (O'Hara 1988; Eldredge 1993) is valuable, nor do we deny its Szalay and Bock 1991). Both steps must employ potential applicability to archaeology (e.g., concepts embedded within Darwinian evolution- Rosenberg 1994). In part, our preference for ear- ary theory, such as lineage (a line of development lier methods rather than, say, those favored under

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punctuated equilibrium, resides in the much 1995b:35) seems to us little more than a holdover greater temporal resolution of the archaeological from Phillips's (1955:246-247) statement that record. This is not to imply that the archaeological "New World archaeology is anthropology or it is record is somehow qualitatively or quantitatively nothing." Why archaeology should be anything more complete than the paleontological record; the other than archaeology is never specified other problems with both records are remarkably similar than noting that artifacts are the products of (see overview in Gould 1995a). But both records -by Phillips, Schiffer, or anyone else who provide something to which their respective col- aligns with this position. laborators dealing with living organisms- Schiffer (1995b:24) states that the "behavioral- whether people or fruit flies do not have access. ist demands that historical narratives rest. . . on a And that is, simply, time. foundation of well-confirmed behavioral princi- As Gould (1995a:4) observed, "the short time ples." But he also states that constructing behav- scale of Drosophila experiments, pigeon breeding, ioral principles or laws "was never viewed by and improvement of crop plants [may provide] behavioralists as archaeology's final goal. Rather, direct evidence for the efficacy of selective behavioral inferences provide the basis for gener- processes," but these processes may or may not be ating a view of the past compatible with a particu- applicable to "time's vastness." Gould is in part lar theoretical stance: the behavioralist premise arguing that Darwinian theory must be modified that the basis of human societies is their complete (his and Eldredge's punctuated equilibrium added) reliance on complex and intimate relationships to account for the whole of the paleontological between people and artifacts. The study of such record. The important part of Gould's message is relationships, in all times and places, can, behav- that we need not bother studying the fossil ioralists maintain, lead to the creation of distinc- record either paleontological or archaeologi- tive social theory in archaeology" (Schiffer cal if we can see all evolutionary processes in a 1995b:34). We have no dissatisfaction with the petrie dish or among a group of college students. "behavioralist premise," but there are two reasons Evolution is historical it takes place over time we cannot agree that constructing "behavioral the- and contingency bound (Beatty 1995), meaning ory to explain variation and change in human that it is conditioned by what happened at earlier behavior, conceived as people-artifact interactions, points. Thus, the central objective of paleobiolo- is archaeology's highest scientific calling" gists and archaeologists is to determine and (Schiffer 1995b:35). First, behavioral theory explain the history the evolutionary lineages of appears to be merely a set of empirical generaliza- the phenomena they study. We believe most behav- tions; second, artifacts, not human behavior, make ioral archaeologists would agree with this. up the archaeological record. Behavioral theory is supposed to do two things: What Is Behavioral Archaeology? (1) improve "behavioral inference" so that it is Schiffer and other practitioners of behavioral "sound," thereby making the writing of narratives archaeology claim to provide a richer and more of behavioral history "rigorous," and (2) answer complete picture of the past than evolutionary "with credible theories and laws, the general ques- archaeologists do: "[B]ehavioral theory, immature tions raised in specific [historical] narratives" though it remains, facilitates the fashioning of his- (Schiffer 1995b:34). The first is accomplished by torical narratives that are both richly contextual- generating "lawlike statements that, along with ized and audience friendly. More significantly, a other kinds of information, link observations on behavioral narrative is centered on the actual activ- the archaeological record to behaviors of the past ities of past people" (Schiffer 1995b:34). Certainly (e.g., Schiffer 1972, 1976)," and by developing a behavioral archaeology provides a picture that is "nomothetic understanding of material culture more anthropologically friendly, given its focus on dynamics" (Schiffer 1995b:22). Such nomothetic human activities, than evolutionary archaeology principles are "required for reconstructing a does. But to argue that "the focus of theory build- behavioral past" (Schiffer 1995b:23) and appar- ing in archaeology is ... on what people actually ently constitute the basis for building behavioral do (and did) in specific activities" (Schiffer theory. Historical narratives are "plausible"

This content downloaded from 104.129.194.195 on Thu, 19 Sep 2019 14:43:07 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms COMMENT 489 because they entail "theorylike or lawlike general- driven approach of behavioral archaeology in con- izations" in the structure of an often-implicit junction with the general absence of a concept of "nomothetic apparatus" (Schiffer 1995b:28). style, evolutionary archaeology suggests that An example of an underlying premise of a behavioral archaeology explanations of Swiss behavioral theory is that "an artifact's performance army knives will be strictly functional (e.g., Gould characteristics cannot all achieve high values in 1997; O'Brien and Holland 1992). every use activity" (Schiffer 1995b:29). A Swiss Evolutionary archaeologists also wonder how army knife can be used to do lots of things, none the of reconstructions of behavioral archaeology are them "in the most effective manner," and thus this tested, since they are inductions or inferences. artifact represents "compromises in activity perfor- Dunnell (1989:43-44), for example, notes that by mance" (Schiffer 1995b:30). The favored behav- allowing such reconstructions, "[r]elations ioral variable in this case is the transportability ofbetween a behavior and material must be invariant if tool, which is "expectable when there is high user they are to serve as timeless, spaceless rules for mobility and limited transport capability" (Schiffer reconstruction" (see O'Brien and Holland 1995b). 1995b:30). High mobility and limited transport In other words, a particular structure of particular capability are certainly behavioral, but do general- archaeological stuff in a particular context always ized tools always denote such behaviors? and everywhere denotes a particular behavior. In Behavioral theory doesn't tell us, because the short, equifinality is not a problem for behavioral mobility-transport capability equation is an empiri- archaeology because, given sufficient actualistic cal generalization founded in common sense and research, a modem analog for every human behav- denying any contingencies of particular behavioral ior that has ever occurred in the past can be found. contexts. Darwinian evolution provides a theoreti- Common Ground cal understanding of such a tool by noting that design constraints typically result in things arti- There are three areas of agreement between behav- facts or organisms not attaining all-around opti- ioral archaeology and evolutionary archaeology. mality (e.g., Gans 1988, 1993; Gould 1989); that is, First, both programs recognize the importance of compromises are always being made. Whether human behavior in the context of archaeology. high mobility, limited transport, or some other Behavioralfac- archaeologists and few if any evolu- tor results in the production of such a thing is his- tionists would disagree with Mayr's (1973:388) torically contingent what we term a historical assertion that behavior "is perhaps the strongest configuration (see below). Why was such a tool selection pressure operating in the animal king- built in a particular time-space position? Evolution- dom." Second, as Schiffer points out, identifying ary archaeology seeks an answer in two arenas: and tracking variation evident in the archaeologi- selective context and evolutionary history. cal record is basic to evolutionary archaeology. Behavioral archaeology comprises the recon- But the isolation and measurement of variation is struction of behaviors, arranging them in a histori- not the purview solely of evolutionists. As one of cal sequence and then explaining that sequence in us has stated repeatedly (e.g., O'Brien and Holland behavioral terms. Whether or not the sequence also 1995a, 1995b), when Schiffer and his colleagues comprises a lineage in a Darwinian sense is not and students break clay test tiles or carry out myr- addressed by behavioral archaeology. Why? iad other experiments in the Laboratory for Because the critical distinction between homolo- Traditional Technology at the University of gous and analogous similarities is not mentioned Arizona (e.g., Schiffer 1990; Schiffer and Skibo in behavioral archaeology theory; thus, a historical 1987; Schiffer et al. 1994; Skibo et al. 1989; Vaz narrative may result, but it need not be an evolu- Pinto et al. 1987), they are carrying out the same tionary narrative. That is, a temporal sequence may experiments that evolutionary archaeology be produced under the behavioral archaeology pro- requires (e.g., Brandon 1994) in order to under- gram, but there is no apparent attempt to ensure stand variation in perfornance characteristics of that it is also an evolutionary lineage or a heri- objects found in the archaeological record. As tability-dependent sequence (Lyman and O'Brien O'Brien and Holland (1995b: 144) point out, tech- 1997). Further, given the empirical generalization- nological and functional analyses of how objects

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were made and used are important in evolutionary applying Darwin's theory to the fossil record. Each archaeology. Explanations of past behavior "are variable has a particular significance for determin- derived directly from experimental evidence ing evolutionary-that is, phylogenetic history, viewed against the archaeological context contain- and each has particular, theoretically founded, ing the materials being examined. We contend that empirical manifestations and distributions within this kind of research agenda-one based on exper- the fossil record. Archaeology has only Willey's imental evidence [leading to what we here term (1953:363) axiom that "typological similarity mechanical inference] will allow us to begin to [indicates] cultural relatedness." In several understand not only the evolutionary trajectories respects, this puts the cart before the horse, for as of the humans responsible for the technological Simpson (1961:69) pointed out when a similar products but also the nature of selective regimes" axiom was in use in paleobiology, "individuals do (O'Brien and Holland 1995b: 144). not belong in the same taxon because they are sim- The third point of agreement concerns how ilar, but they are similar because they belong to the things in the archaeological record are viewed. same taxon." The significance of this statement is Basic to evolutionary archaeology is the view that difficult to overemphasize. artifacts represent "the hard parts of the behavioral Following Schiffer's reasoning, sherds are not segment of [past] phenotypes" (Dunnell 1989:44; part of the phenotype, because a sherd has behav- see Leonard and Jones 1987). When artifacts were ioral relevance only when it is in the systemic con- made and used, they were as much a part of human text; otherwise it is trash. By the same reasoning, phenotypes as nests and log dams are parts of paleobiologists would be surprised to learn that a and beaver phenotypes, respectively (O'Brien and fossilized fragment of a humerus or a single tooth Holland 1995b). Extending the phenotype is not part of an organism's phenotype because the (Dawkins 1990) to include nonsomatic features is, organism is dead. Sherds have attributes temper- as Schiffer points out, something that appeals to ing agent, wall thickness, and so forth any of behavioral archaeology because it emphasizes the which, at one time or another, could have been behaviors that result in creation of the objects. Yet functional. Conversely, any or all could, at one Schiffer does not follow through on the evolution- time or another, have been functionally neutral ary implications of this notion. He argues that (O'Brien et al. 1994). These attributes are part of a "evolutionary theory itself cannot be rewritten in human's phenotype, just as the color of a mam- archaeological context terms: sherds were not part mal's hair as represented by a single hair follicle is of anyone's phenotype (unless reused), yet a cook- part of that organism's phenotype, whether or not ing pot a systemic-context entity operationalized the hair is attached to the living organism. through behavioral inference was" (Schiffer Schiffer's purely behavioral focus has turned 1996:649). Later, he (Schiffer 1996:653-654) attention away from some of his own most astute devotes a page and a half to discussing "Appro- observations namely, those regarding the impor- priate Units and Scales of Selection." The state- tance of the scales of units on which evolutionary ment on sherds and the later discussion of units processes work. There are other differences and scales are incompatible with each other from between evolutionary and behavioral archaeology, our perspective. and we turn now to some of the most important If we paraphrase one of Dunnell's (1980:88) ones. statements that Schiffer (1996:649) isolates, pale- Fundamental Differences obiologists have made significant strides in rewrit- ing evolutionary theory "in terms of variables that Those who have more than a passing familiarity are empirical in the [fossil] record." Recall that with the literature on evolutionary archaeology Darwin made minimal reference to the fossil will recognize much of the following. However, record (see papers in Nitecki and Nitecki 1992). given that what we discuss seems to be the major Paleobiologists have had to develop a suite of stumbling block to understanding this archaeology terms some borrowed from functional and how it differs from other approaches, and that such as homolog, synapomorph, autapomorph, critics of evolutionary archaeology (e.g., Boone and the like-to denote the variables requisite to and Smith 1998; Spencer 1997) fail to grasp the

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significance of these differences, we believe a few of past behaviors but also the construction of points bear repeating. Rather than parrot what has social-behavioral theory (Schiffer 1995b:34). But been said before, we use somewhat different terms where is the explanatory theory? for critical concepts in order to make the signifi- Problems with Terms and Concepts cance of the message apparent. Darwinian evolutionary theory deals with his- Schiffer (1996:648) states that because parts of tory the explanation of why certain organisms do evolutionary archaeology are variously without better than others in a particular environment foundation, contra modem , (Mayr 1961). As a historical science, biological these parts undermine efforts to establish a work- evolution differs ontologically and metaphysically able theory. Much of Schiffer's criticism has from the ahistorical physical sciences (e.g., roots in terminology that has plagued archaeol- Lewontin 1974; Mayr 1987), though the latter ogy since the early 1960s. Archaeologists regu- offer explanations of how organisms function. If larly confound the concepts of theory, hypothesis, archaeology is taken to be a historical science, the model, and explanation with each other and with same must hold true for it. The single most funda- other concepts (Leonard and Reed 1996), and mental difference between the historical and ahis- they occasionally provide differing definitions torical sciences resides in the studied phenomena that range from redundant to unique. themselves. As Ereshefsky (1992:91) points out, Evolutionary routinely grapple with such issues (see the journal Biology and The units of evolutionary theory, taxa, are genealogical sequences of organisms which Philosophy), but archaeologists exacerbate the pass on historically acquired information. The problem because they often do not define critical units of chemistry and physics, on the other terms, assuming we all subconsciously share the hand, do not consist of such sequences of same definitional perspective regarding these objects. This difference affords evolutionary complex concepts. Schiffer's use of laws, lawlike theory with a distinctive form of explanation .... In evolutionary biology, many (most?) of the statements, principles, and generalizations as similarities among the members of a taxon can synonyms, and ideas and theory as synonyms, be explained by those similarities being illustrates this problem. homologies. No such explanation is available Schiffer finds it odd that evolutionary archaeol- for the similarities found among the units of ogy views laws and theories as true by definition physics and chemistry .... [Chemical and other similarities between] chunks of gold [do] that is, true in terms of specifying logical not depend on the transmission of information relationships, not in some cosmological sense. We from one chunk of gold to another [emphasis believe that this is odd only if one confounds the added]. ideational realm with the phenomenological realm. Simply put, Darwinian evolution, because it Such is common in archaeology, where theory and concerns heritability and continuity, comprises a hypothesis are often used synonymously. The most materialist ontology, which means that it views fundamental concepts underlying Darwinian evolu- relations between and among phenomena as time- tionary archaeology variation, inheritance, nat- and spacebound (Dunnell 1982; O'Brien 1996a). ural selection, inclusive phenotype, replicative As such, it contrasts sharply with the essentialist success, style, function, and so on are definition- ontology of the physical sciences. In essentialism, ally true and relate to each other in such a way that the "essential properties" of an object dictate evolutionary propositions about the past can be whether it is placed in one pile or another; varia- constructed. It is these evolutionary propositions- tion between and among objects is viewed as noth- theoretical claims-about the real world that are ing more than "annoying distraction" (Lewontin testable. We call these hypotheses, which are 1974:5). Importantly, it is not its focus on human derived from theory a situation wholly consistent behavior that makes behavioral archaeology essen- with practice in modem evolutionary biology, con- tialistic; rather, it is the belief that human behavior tra Schiffer's claims. With this recognition, Schiffer can be explained by inventing nomothetic-like would no longer find it surprising that "theories principles. Recalling the "behavioralist premise," have a substantial empirical content" (Schiffer such principles allow not only the reconstruction 1996:649).

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The Case of Analogy: Immanent and 1970:8 1). Were it not for this simple fact, retrodic- Configurational Properties tion and prediction would be impossible, for the cosmos would be truly random. Earlier we indicated that the reconstruction of cul- Immanent properties and processes are what tural behavior, one basis of behavioral archaeol- allow mechanical inferences to be made. The half- ogy, is founded on what we view as the life of 14C is an immanent property that allows us inappropriate use of analogy. We emphasize that to calculate radiocarbon dates; the validity of the we are not saying that analogy is an unacceptable radiocarbon-dating method hinges on the unifor- form of reasoning. But the considerable space in mitarianist assumption (analogical reasoning) that archaeological literature devoted to discussing the the half-life of 14C is the same, regardless of place structure of analogical reasoning and identifying or time. Similarly, the processes that result in bio- its strengths and weaknesses (e.g., Simms 1992; logical evolution genetic transmission, mutation, Stahl 1993) suggests that a good many archaeolo- drift, differential reproduction and survival, and gists do not have a firm comprehension of such selection involve immanent properties and reasoning. Perhaps this should be expected, given processes. The history of an evolutionary lineage that geologists (e.g., Shea 1982) and paleobiolo- is, however, configurational. Every fossil has "its gists (e.g., Gould 1965), too, spend a great deal of particular as well as its general configurational effort describing analogical reasoning within the properties, its significant balance of difference and context of discussions of uniformitarianism. resemblance [to other fossils], not only because of Simpson's (1960, 1963, 1970) discussions are immanent properties of its constituents and imma- helpful in this respect, largely because he nent processes that had acted on it, but also describes, in different terms, the sorts of linkagesbecause of its history, the configurational sequence between analogical reasoning and essentialism, as by which these individual things arose" (Simpson well as the different sorts of linkages between such 1963:27). Thus, "[h]istoiical events, whether in the reasoning and materialism. history of the , the history of life, or recorded What is the significance of the ontological dis- human history, are determined by immanent char- tinction between immanence and configuration acteristics of the universe [the source of laws] act- when comparing behavioral and evolutionary ing on and within particular configurations, and archaeology? In Simpson's view, the significance never by either the immanent or the configura- is clear: tional alone" (Simpson 1963:29). It is the task of the evolutionist whether study- The unchanging properties of matter and energy [chemistry, mechanics, physics] and the like- ing fossils, fruit flies, or sherds to keep immanent wise unchanging processes and principles aris- and configurational characteristics separate (Szalay ing therefrom are immanent in the material and Bock 1991). Note that we are not saying that universe. They are nonhistorical, even though evolutionists should ignore immanent properties; in they occur and act in the course of history. The fact, we have argued just the opposite (Lyman and actual state of the universe or of any part of it at a given time, its configuration, is not immanent O'Brien 1998; O'Brien and Holland 1990, 1995b; and is constantly changing. It is contingent ... O'Brien et al. 1994). Failure to keep the essential- or configurational .... History may be defined ist ontology and its focus on immanent properties as configurational change through time (Simp- distinct from configurational, or historically contin- son 1963:24-25). gent, properties plagues other disciplines such as Simpson's "immanent" properties and paleoecology (e.g., Lawrence 1971) a discipline processes compose, in our terms, essentialism; his that Schiffer (1996:650) perceives as important to "configurational" properties are historically con- modem evolutionary biology. But paleoecological tingent and comprise materialism. The dictum that inference is not straightforward when the distinc- "the present is the key to the past" holds only with tion between immanence and configuration is not respect to essentialist, or immanent, properties and maintained (e.g., Paine 1983; Peterson 1983). Two processes: "What we know (or theorize) about the examples demonstrate that Schiffer (1996:651) immanent characteristics of the universe is derived merges the two. from observation of the present" (Simpson First, Schiffer (1996:650-651) cites Thomason's

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(1995) Functional in Vertebrate ities as the cause of culture change is, however, to as an example of the use of behavioral limit one's analysis substantially. As Steward inference by evolutionary biologists, but if any- (1956:72) noted more than 30 years ago: "[A] spe- thing, "functional anatomy" is founded on imma- cific invention is not explained by saying that man nent properties. We assume Schiffer realizes this, is creative." Invoking invention, specifically as it but his focus on function leads us to suspect that he relates to intent, is to view White's (1943:339) tends to conflate immanent and configurational "urges, inherent in all living species, to live, to properties. Second, Schiffer identifies the McKellar make life more secure, more rich, more full, to principle which specifies that in fiequently main- insure the perpetuation of the species" as the cata- tained activity areas, only small artifacts remain lyst for change. Human intent is internal to the cul- behind as primary refuse (McKellar 1983) as a tural system and results in a vitalistic evolutionism nomothetic principle of human behavior. Simpson that is not testable because the conclusion regard- provides an excellent argument against such a prin- ing the mechanism of change is part of the theory. ciple being a behavioral law: Appeal to intent as ultimate cause echoes the late nineteenth-century view of Darwinian evolu- A certain person's repeatedly picking up and dropping a certain stone may seem to be a tion. Between 1860 and 1900, one of the basic recurrent event in all essentials, but there really arguments against natural selection, expressed is no applicable historical law. Abstraction of a even by some of Darwin's strongest supporters- law from such repeated events leads to a non- for example, American botanist Asa Gray was historical law of immanent relationships, per- that it said nothing about the ultimate source of haps in this case gravity and acceleration or perhaps of neurophysiology, and not to a histor- variation. Spencer, for example, believed the prob- ical law of which this particular person, picking lem with natural selection was that "it allowed the up a certain stone, at a stated moment, and individual no freedom to improve itself by its own dropping it a definite number of times would be efforts" (Bowler 1990:171). During the early days a determinate instance [Simpson 1963:29-30]. of processual archaeology, the role of intent was The message here is clear: the present is the key seriously considered by some processualists. to the past only when immanent properties are Flannery (1967:122), for example, observed that involved. Despite the simplicity of what Simpson "individuals do make decisions, but evidence of said, some investigators and commentators (e.g., these individual decisions cannot be recovered by Watson 1966) have failed to grasp its significance. archaeologists." Precisely the same misunderstanding exists within We do not know how to design a valid empiri- biological (e.g., Mayr 1987, 1996), cal test of stimulated variation in the prehistoric despite its having been discussed in that context past. This, plus the form of evolution that results for nearly four decades (e.g., Hull 1965; LaPorte from invoking such mechanisms as catalysts of 1997; Mayr 1959; Sober 1980). change, has prompted us and other evolutionary archaeologists to focus our efforts on areas other Analogy as Behavioral Inference than the "variety-generating processes" that Schiffer's (1996:656-657) discussion of "stimu- behavioral archaeology finds intriguing. Evolu- lated variation" and the notion that "invention is tionists have tended to concentrate on what hap- hardly a random process," while intriguing, is par- pens to variation after it is generated, instead of ticularly conducive to illustrating some of the dif- looking for laws to explain why it was generated in ferences between nomothetic behavioral principles the first place. It should by now be clear that such and Darwinian evolution. In short, "stimulated laws do not exist. There is, of course, a plethora of variation" is simply another way of saying that mechanisms we might call upon-diffusion, necessity is the mother of invention. Evolutionary acculturation, invention, and the like but these archaeology agrees that certain selective environ- are immanent properties of how cultures work. ments likely do stimulate more invention than oth- Precisely how and why each of these mechanisms ers, and invention is certainly not random except works in particular time-space-cultural contexts is, with respect to the operation of selection. But to of course, configurational, or, as some (e.g., Beatty invoke humankind's unique problem-solving abil- 1995) prefer to label it, historically contingent.

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Ignoring for the moment style, or selectively lutionary archaeologists suggest this may, for a neutral features, selection is the final arbiter of what time, be an empirical matter (e.g., Lipo et al. 1997; is transmitted and perpetuated. It is opportunistic Neiman 1995). and tinkers with the variation available to produce We agree with Schiffer (1996:648) that it is something that works (Jacobs 1977), regardless of important to distinguish between the processes the source of variation (O'Brien and Holland that give rise to variation and those that result in 1995b). This point has been missed by other critics the differential persistence of certain variants as of evolutionary archaeology (Boone and Smith opposed to others. In cultural systems, variation 1998; Spencer 1997). If a workable solution cannot results in part from differences in human percep- be produced by such tinkering, the organism has lit- tion and intention. In fact, Rindos (1985, 1986) tle option but to buy a tombstone. If Schiffer is look- argued that if there is a genetic capacity for cul- ing for first principles, the closest we can get is the ture, it actually is a capacity for intentional behav- principle of contingency that what happens at ior. Cultural systems, similar to organisms, tend to point C is conditioned to some extent by what hap- be overbuilt. That is, they tend to be plastic, adap- pened at point B, which itself is conditioned by tive systems capable of accomplishing much more what happened at point A. This gives evolutionary than they regularly do (Boone and Smith 1998). lineages their stochastic appearance. Lability was, no doubt, built by selection (Gould 1991). Efforts to ascribe a function to every Transmission attribute of the archaeological record fail to recog- Citing Dunnell (1978), Schiffer (1996:648) states nize, for example, that the human organism uses that compared to genetic transmission of variation, only a fraction of its brain power, just as a com- "cultural transmission involves different processes puter can do much more than we ask of it. Such and mechanisms, and their understanding may spandrels metaphorically, architectural features require new laws and theories." He then notes that resulting from design requirements but with no this statement is self-evident to behavioralists, immediate function (Gould and Lewontin 1979; though "selectionists have been slow to follow up see also Gans 1988) serve as a stockpile of vari- its implications with appropriate nomothetic ation in some respects stylistic, or adaptively research" (Schiffer 1996:648). This is true, but not neutral, because they were not shaped by selection for the reasons Schiffer implies. No one would but rather by design requirements that may, in a argue that the study of cultural transmission is fluctuating selective environment, be co-opted for unimportant. Researchers such as Boyd and some future function (Gould and Vrba 1982). Richerson (1985) and Cavalli-Sforza and Feldman Herein may reside much of what evolutionary (1981) have made significant strides in under- archaeology terms style (Dunnell 1978). standing the "processes and mechanisms" of cul- Gould (1991) argues that system lability, with tural transmission. As yet, nothing they have particular reference to our overbuilt brains, is cru- proposed casts doubt on the application of cial to an evolutionary psychology. Fully in concert Darwinian evolutionary theory to the archaeologi- with a Darwinian viewpoint (Gans 1988; Mayr cal record, though it has been observed that the 1991), we can propose that self-awareness is a strides made tend not to explain why transmission spandrel, an unintended outcome of selection hav- occurs the way that it does (Lyman and O'Brien ing produced a somatic central-processing unit 1998; Sober 1992). The greatest weakness of evo- that, in the last 30 years, has built similar units from lutionary archaeology to date is determining how plastic, metal, and glass. Add reading, writing, lan- to measure transmission. Evolutionary biologists guage, and other uniquely human or cultural attrib- know a great deal about the processes and mecha- utes to the list of human-associated traits, many of nisms of genetic transmission and the appropriate which may have begun as spandrels. If the last is units-genes. Anthropologists are struggling with true, then "[s]tructural consequences have out- similar units variously termed "memes," "cultur- stripped original bases" (Gould 1991:59). We sus- gens," and the like, but how these are to be pect that those archaeologists with leanings toward detected archaeologically is only now being made the various postprocessual programs could help us clear. Applications of transmission models by evo- gain significant insights here.

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Concluding Remarks This is not to say that behavioral archaeology does not have significant things to contribute to an Behavioral archaeology originally sought to evolutionary theory, because it does a point we replace culture history and cultural reconstruction have made in the past (O'Brien and Holland and to improve on processual archaeology. It is 1995b). Other programs, in particular evolutionary underlain by an essentialist ontology, which holds (see papers in Maschner 1996) and post- that human behavior, regardless of time or space, processualism, given the latter's interest in the has configurational properties that all members of symbolic, also have important contributions to the species possess. In such a view, the configura- make. However, before a truly integrative tional present is the key to the configurational past. approach to the historical study of humans and The evolutionary program is underlain by a materi- their artifacts emerges-that is, one that investi- alist ontology, which holds that things are always in gates the evolutionary pathways of humans and the the process of becoming something else. In such a groups in which they live we must make clear historical view, the configurational present is not what the points of contention are among the vari- and cannot be the key to the configurational past. ous approaches. This of necessity will dictate that Temporal and spatial context matter a great deal. all interested parties, ourselves included, make Only immanent properties can be keys to the his- sure that we understand the underlying premises of torical particulars of the past (Lyman and O'Brien the various approaches in detail. 1998). Scientists are free to pose whatever kinds of questions they wish, though logic dictates that the Acknowledgments. We thank E. J. O'Brien, L. Goldstein, L. Wandsnider, and G. Forbes for their many suggestions on kinds of questions they ask be derived naturally how to improve the manuscript. Helpful comments were from the kind of science being practiced. When that received from T. Van Pool, G. Raymond, G. Rakita, E. Hill, science is Darwinian evolution, the questions must T. Hurt, L. Lundquist, J. O'Connell, and several anonymous be of the historical (configurational, contingent, reviewers. Finally, we thank M. B. Schiffer for his comments materialist) kind. The last is not to say that essen- on the final draft. We appreciate his constructive criticism of it, but more importantly we appreciate the forums he has tialism and immanent properties do not have a role afforded evolutionary archaeologists over the years in the to play, because they certainly do. And, at the risk several journals he has edited. of sounding redundant, it is behavioralists such as Schiffer (e.g., Schiffer and Skibo 1987; Schiffer et References Cited al. 1994; Skibo et al. 1989; Vaz Pinto et al. 1987) Beatty, J. who have made many of the important strides in 1995 The Evolutionary Contingency Thesis. In Concepts, understanding the nature of immanent properties. Theories, and Rationality in the Biological Sciences, edited by G. Wolters and J. G. Lennox, pp. 45-81. We agree with Dunnell (1989) that one grand the- University of Pittsburgh Press, Pittsburgh. ory generates all of a field's hypotheses and links all Boone, J. L., and E. A. Smith explanations. Given our interest in studying the evo- 1998 Is It Evolution Yet? A Critique of Evolutionary Archaeology. Current Anthropology 39:S 141-S 173. lutionary history of cultures, the most workable the- Bowler, P. J. ory is Darwinian evolutionism. Schiffer (1996) 1990 : The Man and His Influence. states, perhaps facetiously, that "[a]pparently, then, Blackwell, Oxford. Boyd, R., and P. J. Richerson evolutionary theory alone can solve archaeology's 1985 Culture and the Evolutionary Process. University of myriad explanatory problems." To this we answer, Chicago Press, Chicago. No, it cannot. It can, however, solve archaeology's Brandon, R. N. 1994 Theory and Experiment in Evolutionary Biology. evolutionary problems. To this end, evolutionary Synthese 99:59-73. archaeology has constructed concepts and principles Cavalli-Sforza, L. L., and M. W. Feldman to make the theory applicable to the archaeological 1981 Cultural Transmission and Evolution: A Quantitative Approach. Princeton University Press, Princeton, New record. Most fundamentally, artifacts, as well as Jersey. behaviors that created them, are conceived of as Dawkins, R. being part of the human phenotype. The concepts of 1990 The Extended Phenotype: The Long Reach of the Gene. Oxford University Press, Oxford. replicative success, style, and function are also nec- Dunnell, R. C. essary inclusions. In our view, modem Darwinian 1978 Style and Function: A Fundamental Dichotomy. evolutionary theory dictates appropriate methods. American Antiquity 43:192-202.

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