Building a New Iraq
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Bremer's Gordian Knot: Transitional Justice and the US Occupation of Iraq Eric Stover Berkeley Law
Berkeley Law Berkeley Law Scholarship Repository Faculty Scholarship 1-1-2005 Bremer's Gordian Knot: Transitional Justice and the US Occupation of Iraq Eric Stover Berkeley Law Hanny Megally Hania Mufti Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.berkeley.edu/facpubs Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Bremer's Gordian Knot: Transitional Justice and the US Occupation of Iraq, 27 Hum. Rts. Q. 830 (2005) This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Berkeley Law Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Faculty Scholarship by an authorized administrator of Berkeley Law Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. HUMAN RIGHTS QUARTERLY Bremer's "Gordian Knot": Transitional Justice and the US Occupation of Iraq Eric Stover,* Hanny Megally, ** & Hania Mufti*** ABSTRACT Shortly after the US invasion and occupation of Iraq, L. Paul Bremer III, in his capacity as the chief administrator of the Coalition Provisional Author- ity (CPA), introduced several transitional justice mechanisms that set the *Eric Stover is Director of the Human Rights Center at the University of California, Berkeley, and Adjunct Professor in the School of Public Health. In 1991, Stover led a team of forensic scientists to northern Iraq to investigate war crimes committed by Iraqi troops during the Anfal campaign against the Kurds in the late 1980s. In March and April 2003, he returned to northern Iraq where he and Hania Mufti monitored the compliance with the 1949 Geneva Conventions by all sides to the conflict. He returned to Iraq in February 2004 to assist Mufti in investigating the status of documentary and physical evidence to be used in trials against Saddam Hussein and other members of the Ba'athist Party. -
Effects of Wars and the Use of Depleted Uranium on Iraq
EFFECTS OF WARS AND THE USE OF DEPLETED URANIUM ON IRAQ By Dr. Jawad Al-Ali Director of the Oncology Center Basrah, Iraq During the last 50 years, Iraq passed through many wars. The more destructive one is the 1991 war (gulf war 2). In this war the infrastructure of Iraq has been destroyed completely. The war targeted the military as well as the civilian targets. The factories, government buildings, bridges, and hospitals were destroyed. During this war and for the first time in the history the allied forces used Depleted uranium containing weapons extensively at the west parts of Basrah City (more than 300 tons were delivered at that area). The estimated delivery of depleted uranium all over Iraq was 800 tons. This Depleted uranium led to the increased levels of radiation in the battlefield and the nearby cities and countries. The levels of radiation in the area, measured by the department of environmental engineering (college of engineering, university of Baghdad ) reached hundreds to thousands times the normal background levels in the Iraqi soil which is 70 Bq/kg of soil. This radiation and other factors like chemicals and poor nutrition caused many diseases (cancers, congenital malformation in children, kidney diseases and infections…etc.), then the economic sanction is added to increase the suffering of the Iraqis. We were lacking food and medicines. The death rate among children is increased because of poor nutrition and infections (more than 5 millions of children died within the last 12 years). Although the Iraqi government accepted the memorandum of understanding (oil for food and medicines), the committee 661 of the Security Council has crippled this memorandum in many ways. -
A Bitter Legacy: Lessons of De-Baathification in Iraq
International Center for Transitional Justice IRAQ A Bitter Legacy: Lessons of De-Baathifi cation in Iraq Miranda Sissons and Abdulrazzaq Al-Saiedi March 2013 Cover: Baath Party membership card. International Center for Transitional Justice IRAQ A Bitter Legacy: Lessons of De-Baathifi cation in Iraq Miranda Sissons and Abdulrazzaq Al-Saiedi March 2013 International Center A Bitter Legacy: Lessons of de-Baathifi cation in Iraq for Transitional Justice Acknowledgements The authors wish to acknowledge the vital contributions of Tha’ir al-Da’mi, Serge Rumin, and Alexander Mayer-Riekh. We particularly wish to thank the many Iraqi offi cials, parliamentarians, judges, and others whom we interviewed between 2006 and 2011, including many members of the Higher National de-Baathifi cation Commission. Many of our interlocutors died, fl ed, or suff ered other serious harms during the period of research. We remember you all. About the Author This report was written by Miranda Sissons, former chief of staff at ICTJ, and Abdulrazzaq Al-Saiedi, an ICTJ consultant. The report also benefi ted from a signifi cantly earlier version developed by Miranda Sissons and ICTJ consultant Dr Eric Scheye. About ICTJ The International Center for Transitional Justice is an international nonprofi t organization specializing in the fi eld of transitional justice. ICTJ works to help societies in transition address legacies of massive human rights violations and to build civic trust in state institutions as protectors of human rights. In the aftermath of mass atrocity and repression, we assist institutions and civil society groups—the people who are driving and shaping change in their societies—in considering measures to provide truth, accountability, and redress for past abuses. -
State Formation and Civil War in Iraq 2003-2016: a Question of Sect Or Structure?
STATE FORMATION AND CIVIL WAR IN IRAQ 2003-2016: A QUESTION OF SECT OR STRUCTURE? A Thesis submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences of Georgetown University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts and Arab Studies by Ana Nikonorow Washington, DC 15 October 2016 Copyright 2016 by Ana Nikonorow All Rights Reserved ii STATE FORMATION AND CIVIL WAR IN IRAQ 2003-2016: A QUESTION OF SECT OR STRUCTURE Ana Nikonorow, B.S. Thesis Advisor: Joseph Sassoon, Ph.D. ABSTRACT Ethno-sectarian diversity is often cited as a strong indicator, if not a cause, for higher likelihood of civil war. Ethno-sectarian dominance is even more so. Iraq is a case not only of ethno- sectarian diversity. It is a case of ethno-sectarian dominance, par excellence. This begs the question: to what extent was communal diversity to blame for Iraq’s descent into civil war after 2003? To what extent were other structural drivers equally or more explanatory? This thesis argues that Iraq’s decent into civil war was primarily caused by a highly-flawed process of structural transition. Some structural flaws that led to a poor transition pre-date 2003. Others were imported after 2003. All of the key drivers toward civil war were distinctly modern. This study examines four elements of transition: socio-cultural factors (communal identity) and changes to security, economic, and political structures. Chapter 3 provides background information about expressions of communal identity in Iraq during the 20th century and after 2003. This background included aggressive, even militant expressions of communal identity. -
Iraqi National Foundation for Remembrance
COALITION PROVISIONAL AUTHORITY ORDER NUMBER 82 IRAQI NATIONAL FOUNDATION FOR REMEMBRANCE Pursuant to my authority as Administrator of the Coalition Provisional Authority (CPA), and under the laws and usages of war, and consistent with relevant U.N. Security Council resolutions, including Resolutions 1483 and 1511 (2003), Recognizing that the Iraqi people have long suffered from terrible abuses of their fundamental freedoms and human rights, Acknowledging that the Iraqi people are still uncovering long-hidden evidence of the brutality inflicted on them by the previous regime, Noting that accounting publicly for the past atrocities and educating the Iraqi people about them will serve as a crucial safeguard against future abuses of fundamental freedoms and human rights, Desiring that the establishment of monuments, memorials and other historical and artistic exhibitions will create a lasting record of the crimes committed against the Iraqi people, a tribute to Iraqi resilience and a caution to future generations, I hereby promulgate the following: Section 1 Purpose The Iraqi National Foundation for Remembrance (the “Foundation”) will take steps to ensure that the atrocities of the previous regime are memorialized so that current and future generations of Iraqis will understand and remember this dark period of Iraqi history and take those steps necessary to preserve an open and democratic government which protects human rights, fundamental freedoms and dignity. Section 2 Establishment 1) The Iraqi National Foundation for Remembrance is hereby established. 2) The Foundation will consider proposals from across the nation on how best to memorialize the victims of these brutal atrocities and the sacrifices made by Iraqi individuals and the communities of Iraq. -
Iraq: U.S. Regime Change Efforts and Post-Saddam Governance
Order Code RL31339 CRS Report for Congress Received through the CRS Web Iraq: U.S. Regime Change Efforts and Post-Saddam Governance Updated May 16, 2005 Kenneth Katzman Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Congressional Research Service ˜ The Library of Congress Iraq: U.S. Regime Change Efforts and Post-Saddam Governance Summary Operation Iraqi Freedom accomplished a long-standing U.S. objective, the overthrow of Saddam Hussein, but replacing his regime with a stable, moderate, democratic political structure has been complicated by a persistent Sunni Arab-led insurgency. The Bush Administration asserts that establishing democracy in Iraq will catalyze the promotion of democracy throughout the Middle East. The desired outcome would also likely prevent Iraq from becoming a sanctuary for terrorists, a key recommendation of the 9/11 Commission report. The Bush Administration asserts that U.S. policy in Iraq is now showing substantial success, demonstrated by January 30, 2005 elections that chose a National Assembly, and progress in building Iraq’s various security forces. The Administration says it expects that the current transition roadmap — including votes on a permanent constitution by October 31, 2005 and for a permanent government by December 15, 2005 — are being implemented. Others believe the insurgency is widespread, as shown by its recent attacks, and that the Iraqi government could not stand on its own were U.S. and allied international forces to withdraw from Iraq. Some U.S. commanders and senior intelligence officials say that some Islamic militants have entered Iraq since Saddam Hussein fell, to fight what they see as a new “jihad” (Islamic war) against the United States. -
Participant List
Participant List 10/20/2019 8:45:44 AM Category First Name Last Name Position Organization Nationality CSO Jillian Abballe UN Advocacy Officer and Anglican Communion United States Head of Office Ramil Abbasov Chariman of the Managing Spektr Socio-Economic Azerbaijan Board Researches and Development Public Union Babak Abbaszadeh President and Chief Toronto Centre for Global Canada Executive Officer Leadership in Financial Supervision Amr Abdallah Director, Gulf Programs Educaiton for Employment - United States EFE HAGAR ABDELRAHM African affairs & SDGs Unit Maat for Peace, Development Egypt AN Manager and Human Rights Abukar Abdi CEO Juba Foundation Kenya Nabil Abdo MENA Senior Policy Oxfam International Lebanon Advisor Mala Abdulaziz Executive director Swift Relief Foundation Nigeria Maryati Abdullah Director/National Publish What You Pay Indonesia Coordinator Indonesia Yussuf Abdullahi Regional Team Lead Pact Kenya Abdulahi Abdulraheem Executive Director Initiative for Sound Education Nigeria Relationship & Health Muttaqa Abdulra'uf Research Fellow International Trade Union Nigeria Confederation (ITUC) Kehinde Abdulsalam Interfaith Minister Strength in Diversity Nigeria Development Centre, Nigeria Kassim Abdulsalam Zonal Coordinator/Field Strength in Diversity Nigeria Executive Development Centre, Nigeria and Farmers Advocacy and Support Initiative in Nig Shahlo Abdunabizoda Director Jahon Tajikistan Shontaye Abegaz Executive Director International Insitute for Human United States Security Subhashini Abeysinghe Research Director Verite -
Re-Centering Women in the Study of Economic Sanctions on Iraq, 1990-2003
Western Washington University Western CEDAR WWU Honors Program Senior Projects WWU Graduate and Undergraduate Scholarship Winter 2020 “We Know We Are Forgotten”: Re-Centering Women in the Study of Economic Sanctions on Iraq, 1990-2003 Samia Saliba Western Washington University Follow this and additional works at: https://cedar.wwu.edu/wwu_honors Part of the Political History Commons, and the Women's History Commons Recommended Citation Saliba, Samia, "“We Know We Are Forgotten”: Re-Centering Women in the Study of Economic Sanctions on Iraq, 1990-2003" (2020). WWU Honors Program Senior Projects. 357. https://cedar.wwu.edu/wwu_honors/357 This Project is brought to you for free and open access by the WWU Graduate and Undergraduate Scholarship at Western CEDAR. It has been accepted for inclusion in WWU Honors Program Senior Projects by an authorized administrator of Western CEDAR. For more information, please contact [email protected]. “We Know We Are Forgotten”: Re-Centering Women in the Study of Economic Sanctions on Iraq, 1990-2003 Samia Saliba Western Washington University Honors Capstone Dr. Charles Anderson March 2020 1 Introduction: The Myth of Liberation On March 12, 2004, almost exactly a year after the formal beginning of the U.S. war on Iraq and during International Women’s Week, George W. Bush gave a speech championing the so-called “liberation” of 25 million Iraqi and Afghani women. He emphasized the importance of promoting democracy in the Middle East so that women may be able to “take their rightful place in societies that were once incredibly oppressive and closed.”1 That a foreign invasion resulting in two of the longest wars in U.S. -
The President's News Conference April 13, 2004
580 Apr. 13 / Administration of George W. Bush, 2004 with our neighbors to advance the Declara- Iraqi Shi’a. He’s been indicted by Iraqi au- tion’s goals to safeguard our citizens as we thorities for the murder of a prominent Shi’a build for a future that is peaceful, just, and cleric. prosperous. Although these instigations of violence Now, Therefore, I, George W. Bush, come from different factions, they share President of the United States of America, common goals. They want to run us out of by virtue of the authority vested in me by Iraq and destroy the democratic hopes of the the Constitution and laws of the United Iraqi people. The violence we have seen is States, do hereby proclaim April 14, 2004, a power grab by these extreme and ruthless as Pan American Day and April 11 through elements. It’s not a civil war. It’s not a pop- April 17, 2004, as Pan American Week. I ular uprising. urge the Governors of the 50 States, the Gov- Most of Iraq is relatively stable. Most ernor of the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico, Iraqis, by far, reject violence and oppose dic- and the officials of other areas under the flag tatorship. In forums where Iraqis have met of the United States of America to honor to discuss their political future and in all the these observances with appropriate cere- proceedings of the Iraqi Governing Council, monies and activities. Iraqis have expressed clear commitments. In Witness Whereof, I have hereunto set They want strong protections for individual my hand this thirteenth day of April, in the rights. -
Transcript Downloaded from Saddam
Saddam Hussein’s Rule of Iraq This is a transcript of the Saddam Hussein’s Rule of Iraq podcast from www.mrallsophistory.com In the previous podcast we explored why Saddam Hussein was able to come to power in Iraq in 1979. Once he became President, Saddam successfully kept hold of power for the next 25 years and this podcast will explore why he was able to do this. You will remember from the previous podcast that Saddam was able to come to power for three key reasons: his dominance of government, a series of social and economic policies that benefited the vast majority of Iraqis, and a ruthless system of terror and repression that dealt with anyone who dared to oppose him. He continued this general style of rule as President, but his use of fear and violence to maintain his position increased significantly. The strength of the Ba’ath Party was also central to his position, and he acted quickly to ensure that he would not face any opposition. Within a week of becoming President, Saddam ordered a meeting of Ba’ath Party members in which he claimed he had identified 68 traitors. These members were quickly removed, tried for treason, and executed. By the start of August, hundreds more had been killed. Therefore, from the very moment he became President, Saddam ensured that people who were a threat to his position were removed. For many ordinary citizens, however, Iraq’s strong economy meant that they experienced a good quality of life under Saddam. Much as he had done during his rise to power, Saddam continued to plough money into improving and modernising the infrastructure of Iraq. -
Military Intervention and Nation-Building: Two Folds of the Same Coin
MILITARY INTERVENTION AND NATION-BUILDING: TWO FOLDS OF THE SAME COIN Lieutenant-Commander J.C.S. Therriault JCSP 39 PCEMI 39 Master of Defence Studies Maîtrise en études de la défense Disclaimer Avertissement Opinions expressed remain those of the author and do Les opinons exprimées n’engagent que leurs auteurs et not represent Department of National Defence or ne reflètent aucunement des politiques du Ministère de Canadian Forces policy. This paper may not be used la Défense nationale ou des Forces canadiennes. Ce without written permission. papier ne peut être reproduit sans autorisation écrite. © Her Majesty the Queen in Right of Canada, as represented by the © Sa Majesté la Reine du Chef du Canada, représentée par le Minister of National Defence, 2013 ministre de la Défense nationale, 2013. CANADIAN FORCES COLLEGE – COLLÈGE DES FORCES CANADIENNES JCSP 39 – PCEMI 39 2012 – 2013 MASTER OF DEFENCE STUDIES – MAÎTRISE EN ÉTUDES DE LA DÉFENSE MILITARY INTERVENTION AND NATION-BUILDING: TWO FOLDS OF THE SAME COIN By Lieutenant-Commander J.C.S. Therriault Par le capitaine de corvette J.C.S. Therriault “This paper was written by a student “La présente étude a été rédigée par attending the Canadian Forces College un stagiaire du Collège des Forces in fulfilment of one of the requirements canadiennes pour satisfaire à l'une des of the Course of Studies. The paper is exigences du cours. L'étude est un a scholastic document, and thus document qui se rapporte au cours et contains facts and opinions, which the contient donc des faits et des opinions author alone considered appropriate que seul l'auteur considère appropriés and correct for the subject. -
Diplomatic List – Fall 2018
United States Department of State Diplomatic List Fall 2018 Preface This publication contains the names of the members of the diplomatic staffs of all bilateral missions and delegations (herein after “missions”) and their spouses. Members of the diplomatic staff are the members of the staff of the mission having diplomatic rank. These persons, with the exception of those identified by asterisks, enjoy full immunity under provisions of the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations. Pertinent provisions of the Convention include the following: Article 29 The person of a diplomatic agent shall be inviolable. He shall not be liable to any form of arrest or detention. The receiving State shall treat him with due respect and shall take all appropriate steps to prevent any attack on his person, freedom, or dignity. Article 31 A diplomatic agent shall enjoy immunity from the criminal jurisdiction of the receiving State. He shall also enjoy immunity from its civil and administrative jurisdiction, except in the case of: (a) a real action relating to private immovable property situated in the territory of the receiving State, unless he holds it on behalf of the sending State for the purposes of the mission; (b) an action relating to succession in which the diplomatic agent is involved as an executor, administrator, heir or legatee as a private person and not on behalf of the sending State; (c) an action relating to any professional or commercial activity exercised by the diplomatic agent in the receiving State outside of his official functions. -- A diplomatic agent’s family members are entitled to the same immunities unless they are United States Nationals.