RS AORI H ETO SCOTLAND, OF WEST THE IN LABOUR AND IRISH SOCIALISM, CATHOLIC WHEATLEY, JOHN JOHN WHEATLEY, CATHOLIC SOCIALISM, AND IRISH LABOUR IN THE WEST OF SCOTLAND, 1906–1924

Gerry C. Gunnin

ROUTLEDGE LIBRARY EDITIONS: THE LABOUR MOVEMENT ROUTLEDGE LIBRARY EDITIONS: THE LABOUR MOVEMENT

Volume 14

JOHN WHEATLEY, CATHOLIC SOCIALISM, AND IRISH LABOUR IN THE WEST OF SCOTLAND, 1906–1924

JOHN WHEATLEY, CATHOLIC SOCIALISM, AND IRISH LABOUR IN THE WEST OF SCOTLAND, 1906–1924

GERRY C. GUNNIN First published in 1987 by Garland Publishing, Inc. This edition first published in 2019 by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN and by Routledge 711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017 Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business © 1987 Gerry C. Gunnin All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe. British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library

ISBN: 978-1-138-32435-0 (Set) ISBN: 978-0-429-43443-3 (Set) (ebk) ISBN: 978-1-138-33693-3 (Volume 14) (hbk) ISBN: 978-0-429-44274-2 (Volume 14) (ebk)

Publisher’s Note The publisher has gone to great lengths to ensure the quality of this reprint but points out that some imperfections in the original copies may be apparent. Disclaimer The publisher has made every effort to trace copyright holders and would welcome correspondence from those they have been unable to trace. John Wheatley, Catholic Socialism, and Irish Labour in the West of Scotland, 1906-1924

Gerry C. Gunnin

Garland Publishing, Inc. New York and London 1987 Copyright © 1987 Gerry C. Gunnin All rights reserved

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Gunnin, Gerry C., 1939- John Wheatley, Catholic socialism, and Irish labour in the west of Scotland, 1906-1924/Gerry C. Gunnin p. cm—(Modern European history) Originally presented as the author's thesis (Ph. D.)— University of Chicago, 1973. Bibliography: p. Includes index. ISBN 0-8240-7811-X (alk. paper) 1. Wheatley, John, 1873-1930. 2. Trade-unions— Scotland—History. 3. Alien labor, Irish—Scotland— History. 4. Socialism—Scotland— History. 5. Trade-unions, Catholic—Scotland— History. I. Title II. Series. HD6669.S35W474 1987 331.88'09411—dc19 87-26019 CIP

All volumes in this series are printed on acid-free, 250-year-life paper.

Printed in the United States of America CONTENTS

PREFACE ii

PROLOGUE 1

CHAPTER I. JOHN WHEATLEY: YOUTH IN A LANARKSHIRE

MINING VILLAGE 35 CHAPTER II. JOHN WHEATLEY, THE GLASGOW OBSERVER, AND THE ROMAN CATHOLIC MILIEU 64

CHAPTER III. THE FOUNDING OF THE CATHOLIC SOCIALIST SOCIETY, 1906-1907 108

CHAPTER IV. THE CATHOLIC SOCIALIST DEBATE, 1907 150

CHAPTER V. THE CATHOLIC SOCIALIST SOCIETY:

CONTROVERSY AND GROWTH, 1907-1910 202 CHAPTER VI. CATHOLIC SOCIALISM AND POLITICS, WHEATLEY'S EARLY POLITICAL CAREER, 1910-1914 259

EPILOGUE 316

APPENDIX A. AN OPEN LETTER TO MY FELLOW WORKERS 345

APPENDIX B. "OUTSIDE THE CHAPEL DOOR" 347

BIBLIOGRAPHY 350 PREFACE

Parliamentary reform bills in 1867 and 1884 enfranchised most working- class men in Britain, and in 1918 the franchise was made virtually univer­ sal for British adults. The workers were slow to abandon the traditional parties, however; and it was some years before they developed their own political organizations and ideologies. Despite the efforts of Socialists and industrial activists, the political sympathies of the trades unions remained gradualist, and the Labour Party itself officially adopted a

Socialist programme only after the First World War. Still, modernization of the workers' political consciousness did not proceed evenly throughout Bri­ tain; the changes were regional in scope and reflected the different local political, economic, and social environments in which the working class developed.

The collapse of Liberalism and the origins, nature, and growth of

Labour in Great Britain are the subjects of numerous national and regional studies; and there are even more autobiographies and biographies of Labour and Socialist leaders. Yet critical questions have been examined only cursorily. How did elements of the working class which had been tradition­ ally loyal to the Liberal Party come to see their collective interests as independent of the Liberal Party? How did specific groups of workers become converted to the Labour Party? How did continuing religious

ii attitudes, which Professor G. Kitson Clark in his Ford Lectures called

British historians to examine, affect workers' attitudes toward Labour and

Socialism? Indeed, how did individual workers begin to think as Socialists or Labourites? Particularly neglected until recently have been the Irish workers in the West of Scotland which was an early and seminal location of militant Independent Labour Party opinion, but where Liberal, Nationalist, and Catholic leaders combined to maintain working-class Irish and Catholic allegiance to the Liberal Party, threatening thereby the development of a united working-class movement in Britain.

An examination of the career of John Wheatley indicates the way in which one Irishman—reared among Liberal and Radical coal miners and taught by Roman Catholic priests and nationalist leaders to regard obedi­ ence to the Catholic Church and promotion of Home Rule as the vital inter­ ests for Irish Catholics—became a Socialist and adapted his Radical poli­ tical views and devotional Roman Catholic convictions to a Parliamentary and Catholic Socialism. In many ways, Wheatley's conversion from Liberal­ ism to Labour summarizes how other working-class Irishmen entered the

Labour movement. Moreover, his work as a Catholic Socialist organizer reflects the continuing influence of religion among the workers in British society, and his effort as a Labour propagandist reveals a source of

Socialist and Labour opinion among the Irish of the Clyde Valley. Through the Catholic Socialist Society, Independent Labour Party, and local govern­ ment councils, Wheatley taught Irish workers to think as Socialists and identify their interests with Labour.

iii My interest in Wheatley and the conjunction of political, economic, and religious currents which he and the Irish Catholic workers of the

Clydeside exemplify stretch back to doctoral seminars at the University of

Chicago. Although I wrote the present volume as a dissertation more than a dozen years ago, I have continued research on Wheatley and the British

Labour movement. The dissertation remains pertinent and is being published now as an interim statement on Wheatley, focusing in depth on his early struggle for the hearts and votes of the Irish labourers in Scotland, until

I can complete the full biography.

As other historians of the common man have discovered, it is difficult to write history about the working class from the inside. Most labourers left few documents, especially from their early life; and their autobio- grapies and memoirs, usually written after the worker had gained relative prominence, should be treated with the usual caution. One source--largely untouched, but yielding a wealth of information—is the local newspapers reporting the speeches and activities of workers before they achieved national stature. In this study, the Glasgow Observer, Forward, and

Glasgow Herald have been of crucial importance.

While I have directed my own research since 1973 to Wheatley's career as a Labour M.P. and Minister of Health, others have completed important spadework on Wheatley's early career: P. Kane, "Catholic

Socialist--A Brief Account of the Life and Times of Mr. John Wheatley,

1865-1930," (unpublished ms., Mitchell Library, Glasgow, dated 1970);

iv Samuel Cooper, "John Wheatley: A Study in Labour History," (Ph.D. Thesis,

University of Glasgow, 1973); R. Purdie, "Outside the Chapel Door: The

Glasgow Catholic-Socialist Society," (Oxford, Ruskin College, history diploma, 1975); Sheridan Gilley, "Catholics and Socialists in Glasgow,

1906-12" in Hosts, Immigrants and Minorities, ed. Kenneth Lunn (Folkestone,

1980); Ian S. Wood, "John Wheatley, the Irish, and the Labour Movement in

Scotland," Innes Review, XXXI (Autumn, 1980), 71-86; Tom Gallagher,

"Scottish Catholics and the British Left, 1918-1939," Innes Review, XXXIV

(Spring, 1983), 17-42. Professor Gallagher's study of the role of the

Glasgow Observer among working Scots-Irish is especially acute, and his reading of my sweeping summary of publisher Charles Diamond's editorial policy is accurate. Also helpful in understanding the place of the Scot­ tish Catholic newspapers in the immigrant community is Owen Dudley Edwards,

"The Catholic Press in Scotland Since the Restoration of the Hierarchy,"

Innes Review, XXIX (Autumn, 1978), 156-182.

Anyone investigating Catholics in Scotland or the Scottish Labour movement would do well to begin with the Innes Review, the publication of the Scottish Catholic Historical Association, and The Journal of the

Scottish Labour History Society (JSLHS). Neither journal is readily available in the United States, but I had the good fortune to be able to work through both in the Firestone Library at Princeton University while

I was associated with the Woodrow Wilson National Fellowship Foundation.

Of particular significance for understanding the historical development of

v the Catholic immigrant community are the following: Anthony Ross, "The

Development of the Scottish Catholic Community, 1878-1978," Innes Review,

XXIX (Spring, 1978), 30-55; Bernard Aspinwall, "The Formation of the Catho­ lic Community in the West of Scotland: Some Preliminary Outlines," Innes

Review, XXXIII (Spring, 1982), 44-57. The organizations and institutions of the Catholic Church in Scotland are studied in David McRoberts, "The

Restoration of the Scottish Catholic Hierarchy in 1878," Innes Review, XXIX

(Spring, 1978), 3-29; John Cunningham, "Church Administration and Organisa­ tion: 1878-1978," Innes Review, XXIX (Spring, 1978), 73-91; James H. Treble,

"The Development of Roman Catholic Education in Scotland, 1878-1978,"

Innes Review, XXIX (Autumn, 1978), 111-139; Treble, "The Working of the

1918 Education Act in Glasgow Archdiocese," Innes Review, XXXI (Spring,

1980), 27-43.

James Darragh, "The Catholic Population of Scotland, 1878-1977,"

Innes Review, XXIX (Autumn, 1978), 211-247, helps to establish the demo­ graphic structure of the Irish community within Scotland, and by extension, the significance of the Irish Labour vote. For the Irish vote in Glasgow, see John McCaffrey, "The Irish Vote in Glasgow in the Late Nineteenth

Century," Innes Review, XXI (Spring, 1970), 30-36. The growing political strength of the Catholic community is the topic of McCaffrey, "Politics and the Catholic Community Since 1878," Innes Review, XXIX (Autumn, 1978),

150-155. The background of the strength of the Irish Catholic vote is explored by Ian S. Wood, "Irish Nationalism and Radical Politics in

vi Scotland, 1880-1906," JSLHS, No. 9 (1975), 21-38. A later stage in the development of the Scottish working class is explored in R. J. Morris,

"Skilled Workers and the Politics of the 'Red' Clyde," JSLHS, No. 19

(1983), 6-17; and John T. Caldwell, "The Battle for Glasgow Green," JSLHS,

No. 16 (1981), 19-27.

Professor Emmet Larkin first suggested this topic to me and his subsequent suggestions and counsel, both while I was at the University of

Chicago and since, saved me from numerous errors in fact and judgment.

He has continued to be mentor, model scholar, and friend. Professor

Martin E. Marty and the late Professor Arcadius Kahan also read this paper and were particularly helpful in developing an interpretive frame­ work for the Catholic Socialist debates. I am also indebted to the Uni­ versity of Chicago for research grants enabling me to spend 1970 in Britain where I did most of the research on John Wheatley, and to the staffs of the Mitchell Library in Glasgow and the Public Records Office whose help enabled me to accomplish so much research in a relatively short time.

It was while in Glasgow during leisurely talks with Iain McLean, now of the University of Newcastle-upon-Tyne, that I began to understand the peculiar nature of Clyde Labour.

Special thanks are also due Lord John Wheatley, nephew of the subject of this thesis and Lord Advocate of Scotland, and to James H. Dollan, son of the late Lord-Provost of Glasgow and a Scottish official of the Trades

Union Congress. Lord Wheatley's recollections of his uncle and the early

vii Scottish Labour movement like the hospitality in his home are most appreciated, and Mr. Dollan's memories of Glasgow Labour and loan of his father's unpublished manuscript were crucial to my understanding of

Wheatley's early life.

My wife Barbara listened to this paper read aloud for hours at a time, typed countless copies from my sometimes illegible hand-written drafts, and ultimately enabled me to complete this first part of Wheatley's biography.

She is an unfailing spring of encouragement, and our children Shawn and

Mark, a continuing source of joy and release. Vivian Gilbreth helped prepare the index and this preface. With such help, there is little excuse for the mistakes which no doubt remain. They are, of course, my own responsibility.

Gerry Gunnin

Dallas, Texas

Summer, 1986

PROLOGUE

On a blustery Sunday afternoon in November, 1909, the Catholic Socialist, John Wheatley, debated the Catholic littérateur and Liberal M. P., Hilaire Belloc. Gathered in the gas-lit auditorium of Glasgow's Pavilion Theatre were some 2000 men and women, mostly working-class Irish, who had paid admission to hear Wheatley, a local Catholic, and Belloc, a favorite of the Catholic lecture circuit, argue the question "Should Catholics Support Socialism?" The debate with Belloc was the most dramatic encounter of Wheatley's three-year-old crusade to counteract the arguments of Irish nationalists and Catholic priests who insisted that Socialism was irreligious and that the Irish workers' primary loyalty was to Home Rule and the Roman Catholic Church. Wheatley declared that Socialism was not inherently anti-Christian and would in fact improve the material life of working-class Catholics, thereby contributing to a more moral society. To educate the Catholic workers in the West of Scotland about Socialism, Wheatley had organized the Catholic Socialist Society, written Catholic Socialist pamphlets and articles, and debated local priests. Eventually Wheatley became a Socialist Town Councillor, a Labour M. P., and a Cabinet member in Britain's first Labour Government. Before his death in 1930, some believed that he would replace the fading James Ramsey MacDonald as leader of the Labour Party in Britain. Most histories of the Labour Party identify Wheatley as the intellectual force behind the "wild" Clydeside

1 2 delegation of M. P.'s whose serious commitment to Socialism so shocked

Westminster in 1922-1924. He is also celebrated as the most extreme

Socialist in the first Labour cabinet and the author of the only signif­ icant legislation enacted by the 1924 Labour Government, the Wheatley

Housing Act. Equally significant to his achievements on the national level, but rarely noted, were Wheatley's influence among the working-class

Catholics and his contribution to the development of an effective Labour movement in the West of Scotland.

At a time when workers in the mining and industrial districts of

England and Wales were gradually abandoning their traditional loyalty to the Liberal Party and adopting a Labour outlook, the Irish of Northwest

Lanarkshire and Glasgow were continuing to follow the advice of their nationalist organizers and priests to remain loyal to the Liberal Party, the champion of Home Rule, and to eschew Labour associations tainted with

Socialism. How the Catholic working men in the Clyde Valley transferred their loyalty to Labour politics and how they adopted Socialism was in large part the story of John Wheatley. He not only converted from Liberalism and

Irish Nationalism to Labour and Socialism himself, but through his Catholic

Socialism he also taught other Irish-Catholic workers to do the same.

Wheatley's achievement was only a limited part of the transformation of working-class politics occurring throughout Britain from the 1890s to the

1930s. But given the peculiar zeal of the Labour movement along the "Red

Clydeside" as well as Scottish Labour's impact on national Labour politics from the years of the war-time unrest to the Labour Party split in 1932,

Wheatley's achievement was a unique one. 3

John Wheatley's own conversion from Liberalism to Socialism and his untiring toil on behalf of an independent and socialist Labour movement occurred during the crucial decades when "Liberal and Radical Politics" were yielding to "Collectivist Politics."1 His own experience in fact summarized the transformation of countless other working-class Irishmen who grew up in mining and industrial towns and Irish homes, received their education from Catholic priests and Liberal politicians, and responded to the call of Socialist and Labour organizers to join a united Labour effort.

Those forty years from the 1890s to the 1930s witnessed both "the decline" of British Capitalism and "the downfall" of Liberalism and occasioned the rise of an effective Labour Party and the establishment of practical

Socialism. While the Socialist critique of capitalism challenged the

Liberal assumptions widely held during "the high noon of Victoria's reign," the working class organized trade unions and Labour parties to contest the middle and upper-class economic and political strongholds.2 In the early years of the period, most workers had little interest in, and in some cases

1Samuel H. Beer, British Politics in the Collectivist Age (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1966), pp. 33-125. For origin of the term "radical" see Elie Halevy, History of the English People in the Nineteenth Century, Vol. II: The Liberal Awakening (1815-1830) (London: Ernest Benn, Ltd., 1961), pp. 67-68. Simon MacCoby, The English Radical Tradition, 1763-1914 (London: Nicolas Kaye, 1952), pp. 1-15.

2Trevor Wilson, The Downfall of the Liberal Party, 1919-1935 (Ithaca, New York: Cornell University Press, 1966). Keith Hutchison, The Decline and Fall of British Capitalism (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1950). Henry Pelling, Origins of the Labour Party (2nd ed., London: Oxford University Press, 1965). Asa Briggs, Victorian People (New York: Harper and Row, 1955). 4 downright antipathy toward, social reform.1 Before 1930, however, working men had been won to social reform and had secured old age pensions, an eight hour day, compulsory health and unemployment insurance, and a progressive housing plan. In 1890 British working men were generally attached to the Liberal Party but had little "direct part in the government of the country."2 By 1930 the Labour Party had won enough mass support to form two Labour governments and replace the Liberal Party as the major party of the left in Britain.

The critical period for these changes spanned the years from the mid-1890s to the end of World War I. But it is possible to isolate two earlier phases in the development of the working-class movement, a forma­ tive stage during industrialization and a more mature one during the final years of the "mid-Victorian boom." Seminal working-class political activity dates back to the Corresponding Societies of the late eighteenth century and the Chartist Association of the 1830s and 1840s, while Trade

Unions and Co-operatives had begun to replace Friendly Societies about

1825.3 Moreover, Robert Owen's enlightened management of his cotton mill near Glasgow and his writings about "a new view of society" introduced proto-Socialist ideas into the British social-intellectual milieu in the early decades of the century. By mid-century, Karl Marx had fled to

1Henry Pelling, Popular Politics and Society in Late Victorian Britain (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1968), pp. 1-16.

2Pelling, Origins of the Labour Party, p. 1.

3G. D. H. Cole and Raymond Postgate, The British Common People, 1746-1946 (New York: Barnes and Noble, 1961), pp. 152-153. See also E. P. Thompson, The Making of the English Working Class, Vintage (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1966). 5

London where he spent years reading government Blue Books and the financial sections of the Economist newspaper, the main sources for the historical section of Das Kapital. Although an English translation of the Communist

Manifesto appeared in 1851, most of his work only appeared in German and most of his ideas were too advanced to have much effect in Britain until after his death in 1883. By then a few intellectuals and working men had adopted Socialist views, but the masses of British workers—unenfranchised until 1884 and unpoliticized even then--deferentially acknowledged the political leadership of the "better classes."1

Both economic and constitutional circumstances after mid-century buttressed working-class loyalty to traditional parties. By the 1840s the initial shock of industrialization was over, and thereafter the material

life for all but Britain's "submerged tenth" improved.2 Money wages remained relatively stable or rose slightly from 1850 to the mid-1890s, while prices fell steadily. Consequently, the real wages of most British workers rose during the last half of nineteenth century, so that over the

1For comments on continuing working-class deference to Tory leadership, see Beer, British Politics, pp. 98-101.

2Though the workers' standard-of-living is a subject of frequent debate, both "pessimists" and "optimists" appear to agree that by the late 1840s working-class conditions had begun to improve. See the following discussions: E. J. Hobsbawm, "The British Standard of Living, 1790-1850," Economic History Review, X (1957). S. Pollard, "Investment, Consumption, and the Industrial Revolution," Economic History Review, XI (1958). R. M. Hartwell, "The Rising Standard of Living in England, 1800-50," Economic History Review, XIII (1961). Thompson, Making of the English Working Class, pp. 2, 189-212. 6 long-run. irregular employment was a more serious problem than wages.1

By the 1870s and 1880s a generation of relative prosperity had raised the level of expectations for a large segment of the working class. Freed by rising real wages from the problems of merely subsisting, workers began to seek other benefits including shorter hours and security of employment.

Increasingly, working men looked to Trade Unions to protect their gains and win further advances, and the Labour movement exhibited new life during the latter years of the mid-Victorian boom. In 1870 the Trades Union Congress

(T. U. C.) began annual meetings and used its Parliamentary Committee to lobby the Government in the Unions' interests.2 During the eighties and nineties, numerous county and district unions were organized in the

Scottish coalfields, and between 1889 and 1892 General Unions were estab­ lished and enrolled thousands of dock workers, carters, and other general labourers previously unenlisted in Unions.3 Though some of the organizers of the General Unions, and most of the founders of Miners' Unions in

Scotland, were Socialists, members of the British Labour Movement were generally unresponsive to Socialism and the stance of the Unions was

1William Ashworth, An Economic History of England, 1870-1939 (London: Methuen & Co., Ltd., 1960), pp. 3-45. Phyllis Deane and W. A. Cole, British Economic Growth, 1688-1959 (London: Cambridge University Press, 1964), pp. 340ff. John Clapham, An Economic History of Modern Britain, 1820-1929 (London: Cambridge University Press, 1926-37), II, 233, 450, 460-61.

2Pelling, Origins of the Labour Party, p. 4. W. H. B. Court, British Economic History, 1870-1914. Commentary and Documents (Cambridge: University Press, 1965), pp. 318-24.

3E. J. Hobsbawm, "General Labour Unions in Britain, 1889-1914," Labouring Men. Studies in the History of Labour, Anchor Books (Garden City, New York: Doubleday and Company, 1967), pp. 211-233. 7 gradualist and Liberal. Those Union leaders, like the Scottish miners' organizers Keir Hardie, Robert Smillie, and Robert Small who did embrace

Socialism in the eighties more often owed their views to Thomas Carlyle,

John Ruskin, and Henry George than to Marx and Engels.1 But more important

than either literary works or economic writings was the experience of life

in an industrial or mining district and the emotional response of a

political Radical to that experience.

Indeed, the primary intellectual and organizational impetus for

Socialism in Britain origniated, not among the workers, but in the middle class. Both Robert Owen and Friedrich Engels were successful textile manufacturers. Marx was not of the proletariat, and neither were the

founders of Britain's best-known Socialist bodies, the Social Democratic

Federation and the Fabian Society. They were middle and upper-class

Britons who realized that despite the material progress and prosperity of

the mid-Victorian era, there was a harsher side of life in the mining and

industrial districts from London to Glasgow, one not represented by the

Crystal Palace or the Golden Jubilee. In the early 1880s Henry George had toured Britain, decrying the poverty amid modern prosperity and attracting enthusiastic audiences, especially in Scotland where agricultural distress heightened his call for land reform. During the following decades the consciences of many middle-class men and women were deeply troubled by a host of pamphlets and books which revealed below the strata of the

1For a discussion of Ruskin and Carlyle's response to British industrial society, see Raymond Williams, Culture and Society 1780-1950, Torchbook (New York: Harper & Row Publishers, 1958), pp. 71-86, 130-158. Pelling, Origins of the Labour Party, pp. 10-11. 8 prospering classes the suffering of unskilled workers' children, the death rate among young workers, and the living conditions in British slums.

In The Bitter Cry of Outcast London, for example, Andrew Mearns in 1883 described the slum tenements, as "pestilential human rookeries" with

"poisonous and malodorous gases rising from accumulation . . . of sewage . . . rotten staircases . . . vermin . . . rude substitutes for furniture," where parents, three children, and four pigs might live in a single room.1 Charles Booth's eighteen-volume Life and Labours of the

People of London added the weight of statistical data and relatively objective analysis to the accumulating evidence of widespread poverty and alleged that thirty percent of all Londoners lived below subsistence stand­ ards. That such poverty was not unique to London was revealed in B.

Seebohn Rowntree's survey of York, where twenty-eight percent of the total population, and forty-three percent of the working class, lived in marginal poverty.2 In Glasgow, Dr. James B. Russell, the Medical Officer of Health from 1872 to 1892 disclosed that living and working conditions among the labourers in Britain's Second City were often as squalid as those in

London.3 Although many prosperous Britons feared lower-class agitation and responded to these disclosures of poverty from motives not entirely

1/Andrew Mearns/, The Bitter Cry of Outcast London (London: 1883) /sometimes attributed to W. C. Preston/. Most of the material for The Bitter Cry was drawn directly from G. R. Sims, How the Poor Live (London: 1883). K. S. Inglis, Churches and the Working Classes in Victorian England (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1963), p. 67.

2Booth's survey appeared from 1886 to 1903, and Rowntree's Poverty: A Study of Town Life appeared in 1901.

3James B. Russell, "On the Ticketed Houses of Glasgow," Proceedings of the Philosophical Society of Glasgow, XX (1888-1889), 12-16. 9

disinterested, reports like Booth's "grand inquest into the conditions of

the people of London" did contribute to a "Weltschmerz" among some profes­

sional and business classes and compelled other middle and upper-class

intellectuals to organize and join Socialist societies.1

Three such societies were organized in London during 1884. In that year, the Democratic Federation, a union of independent radical clubs

organized and presided over by Henry Mayer Hyndman, adopted a Socialist

program and changed its name to the Social Democratic Federation (S. D. F.).

As early as 1881 Hyndman, an old Etonian who never abandoned his top hat

and frock coat, had met Marx and published England for All which reflected

Marx's teachings but only gave credit to "a great thinker and original writer" without mentioning Marx's name. The book not only cost Hyndman the

support of many middle-class moderates because in it he proposed collec­

tivization of all property but also incurred for Hyndman the enmity of Marx

and Engels who accused him of plagiarism. The Social Democratic Federation was frequently torn by internal strife and was never strong numerically; but it included among its adherents at various times such well-known

English Socialists as E. Belfort Bax and William Morris.2 Dissidents from the S. D. F. were later to form the Socialist Labour Party which was active in Scotland during the first several decades of the twentieth

1Beatrice Webb, My Apprenticeship (New York: Longmans, Green, and Company, 1929), pp. 155, 216.

2Joseph Clayton, The Rise and Decline of Socialism in Great Britain, 1884-1929 (London: Faber & Gwyer, 1926), pp. 9-10. H. W. Lee and E. Archbold, Social-Democracy in Britain. Fifty Years of the Socialist Movement (London: Social Democratic Federation, 1935), pp. 41, 57. Pelling, Origins of the Labour Party, pp. 18-27. E. P. Thompson, William Morris. Romantic to Revolutionary (London: Lawrence & Wishart, 1955). 10 century, and the British Socialist Party which eventually became the

Communist Party of Britain.

Another group of men and women in London reconstituted an existing society along Socialist lines in 1884 and changed its name from the Fellow­ ship of the New Life to the Fabian Society. Their aim was to study Social­ ism and propagate plans for the reorganization of society, while waiting for the right moment to strike the decisive blow to "emancipate Land and

Industrial Capital from the individual and class" and place it in the community for "the general benefit."1 Led by Sidney Webb and Bernard Shaw, the Fabians therefore emphasized the education of society to Socialist opinions. It was also in 1884 that the Guild of St. Matthew adopted a

Socialist formula. Organized in 1877 by Stewart D. Headlam, the High

Church curate of Bethnal Green and a political Radical, the initial aim of the Guild was to reconcile Liberalism and the sacramental doctrine of High

Anglicanism. By the 1880s the Guild had gradually moved toward a program of economic reform, a tendency which was more noticeable after Headlam became a close friend of Henry George in 1881 and 1882.2 Although most of the Social Democrats and Fabians rejected revealed religion, members of the

Guild of St. Matthew and other Christian Socialist groups (the Christian

1Clayton, Rise and Decline of Socialism, p. 41.

2F. G. Bettany, Stewart Headlam: A Biography (London: John Murray, 1926), pp. 81, 84. Peter D'Alroy Jones, The Christian Socialist Revival, 1877-1914 (Princeton: The University Press, 1968), pp. 99-103. 11

Social Union and the Christian Socialist League) believed that Christianity could be used to reform the social order.1

None of these groups—secular or religious—provided a practical political plan for the workers, however, and they attracted little working- class support. The Guild gave "general support to the working-class move­ ment," but its programme was based essentially on land reform and the teachings of Henry George. Headlam's Socialism was no more than an ex­ tension of his Radicalism into economic reform, and like Headlam, most

Fabians had close ties with Liberal-Radicalism.2 In fact, the Fabians initially opposed a separate party for Labour, believing that it would vitiate Socialist "permeation" of the Liberal and Tory Parties. Moreover, the "drawing-room" atmosphere of the Fabian Society and the heterodoxy of its membership discouraged working-class participation. As for the

S. D. F. which had originally included some working-class Radicals in its membership, the number of workers in Federation branches steadily de­ clined, offended by the leadership's opposition to the Liberal Party, anti-clericalism, or doctrinaire Socialism.3 Until the late eighties,

1Webb, My Apprenticeship, pp. 83, 216. Ernest Belfort Bax, Reminiscences and Reflexions of a Mid and Late Victorian (New York: Thomas Seltzer, 1920), p. 14. For studies of Christian Socialists in the late nineteenth century, see Jones, Christian Socialist Revival, and Inglis, Churches and the Working Classes. Infra, pp. 119-120.

2Inglis, Churches and the Working Classes, p. 273, citing the auto­ biography of Conrad Noel, a clergyman more radical than Headlam. Also Bettany, Stewart Headlam, p. 136; and Pelling, Origins of the Labour Party, p. 53.

3Pelling, Origins of the Labour Party, pp. 23-24, 51. 12 therefore, there was little direct connection between Socialism and the working class. Most workers vaguely attributed the improvement of the workers' life and their enfranchisement to the traditional parties, especially the party of Gladstone who had championed working-class suffrage since the 1860s.1

That working men were being slowly included in the British polit­ ical system no doubt enhanced Liberal prestige among the politically- conscious workers. The Reform Bills of 1867 and 1884 extended the franchise to slightly more than half of Britain's adult male workers, and from the late 1860s, some workers argued that the Labour movement should be represented at Westminster by M. P.s from the working class. In 1868 and

1869 a few working men sought direct participation in Parliament through the London Working Men's Association and then the more ambitious Labour

Representation League, but several obstacles hindered their efforts. In those days before salaries for M. P.s, finding a working man who could afford to sit at Westminster was extremely difficult. The cost of financ­ ing the Labour candidate's campaign and "nursing" his constituency after a successful contest further restrained working-class political aspirations.2 It is not surprising therefore that few workers' leaders seriously believed it practicable to organize an independent Labour party until the late 1880s and the 1890s. Rather, most remained loyal to the

1Ibid., pp. 6-7. Philip Magnus, Gladstone (London: John Murray, 1954), pp. 160-164.

2Henry Pelling, The Social Geography of Elections, 1885-1910 (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1967), pp. 10-12. 13 traditional parties, using what organized working-class support they could muster to pressure Tories and Liberals. In 1874, for example, the first two working men elected to the House of Commons, the Scottish Miner's organizer Alexander McDonald and the General Secretary of the Northumberland

Miners' Association Thomas Burt, campaigned as Liberals and generally voted with the Liberal M. P.s.1

The alliance between the Liberal Party and Labour had fundamental limitations, however, not the least of which was the unwillingness of middle-class Liberals in the constituencies to allow working men to rep- resent them at Westminster.2 Moreover, by the late eighties, an increasing number of Trade Union leaders were chaffing under the Lib-Lab agreements which called working men to support Liberal candidates whose record as an employer or as working-class representatives in the House of Commons reflect­ ed too little sympathy for the workers. Such restiveness with Lib-Lab compromises informed James Keir Hardie's verbal assault on Henry Broadhurst at the annual meeting of the Trades Union Congress in 1887. A Liberal

M. P. since 1884 and the secretary of the T. U. C. Parliamentary Committee,

Broadhurst was the very picture of Liberal-Labour co-operation, and

Hardie's unexpected attack on Broadhurst for supporting a Liberal candidate who allegedly employed sweated labour startled the conference. Bristling with the indignation borne of a grueling life in a mid-Lanarkshire mining village, Hardie's criticism of Lib-Lab politics was a testimony to his

1Pelling, Origins of the Labour Party, pp. 2-4. R. Page Arnot, A History of the Scottish Miners (London: George Allen & Unwin, 1955), pp. 56, 62-64. Roy Gregory, Miners and British Politics, 1906-1914 (London: Oxford University Press, 1968), pp. 16, 74-75.

2Beer, British Politics, p. 157. 14 increasing political consciousness. Since young manhood, he had sought ways to improve the miners' life, first through Temperance societies, and later through the Unions. By 1887 the teachings of Henry George and assort­ ed Socialist pamphleteers had worked on his early experiences of working- class squalor and had led him to adopt an emotional and undogmatic

Socialism. Now in 1887 he advocated an independent working-class politics, urging the delegates to make labour problems their first concern. Though

Broadhurst effectively put down Hardie's revolt at the T. U. C., the attack was a harbinger of the agitation for an independent working-class position which would eventually dominate Labour politics.1

Events in mid-Lanark soon vindicated Hardie's demand for a separate Labour party. Adopted as a miners' candidate in a by-election in that West Scottish constituency in late 1887, Hardie sought the endorse­ ment of the local Liberal Association. The Liberals refused to endorse him, but he sturdily fought the contest anyway, losing by some 6400 votes.

Disappointed that he, a local miner, could not get the support of the

Liberal Party and that he should lose so overwhelmingly, he joined with members of the Scottish Land and Labour League to organize the Scottish

Labour Party. In 1888, at the inaugural conference in Glasgow, the party

pledged "to educate the people politically, and to secure the election

to Parliament of members pledged to its programme." Though not

avowedly Socialist, the Party's manifesto demanded, along with Radical

political reforms, general economic changes, including nationalization

of railroads and an eight-hour day. Most important was the spirit

1Pelling, Origins of the Labour Party, pp. 62-65. 15

of the Party's constitution which made labour problems the Party's pre­

eminent concerns and which urged workers of all political persuasions to

join the effort to return Members to Parliament who would commit themselves

to a definite Labour programme. The Scottish Labour Party mirrored the

fundamental weaknesses of the Labour movement in Scotland in 1888 and

subsequent years, notably continuing working-class loyalty to Radical

politics and Irish devotion to the party of Home Rule. Yet there was in

the new Labour party the seminal idea for the Independent Labour Party which Hardie helped to organize in 1893.1

Founded at Bradford in the heart of the Yorkshire textile district, where, as elsewhere in the North of Britain, the drive for an independent

Labour movement was stronger than in the South, the Independent Labour

Party was from the beginning Socialist in objectives, if not in name.

Though rejecting the title "Socialist Labour Party" urged by the more doctrinaire delegates, the Bradford convention adopted a programme which advocated "the collective ownership of the means of production, distribu­ tion, and exchange." Moreover, the delegates demanded specific economic reforms including the abolition of piecework, graduated income tax, re­ munerative work for the unemployed, and free "unsectarian" education to the university level. The insistence that the new Party adopt a programme of economic reform, while refusing to use the term "Socialist" in its name, reflected both the I. L. P. delegates' commitment to redressing

1The foregoing discussion is heavily dependent on Pelling, Origins of the Labour Party, pp. 65-70. Also Richard Poirier, The Advent of the British Labour Party (New York: Columbia University Press, 1958), pp. 44-47. 16 working-class grievances and their sensitivity to the general workers' level of social and political consciousness. Recognizing the need to win the support of workers whose social and political awareness ranged from

Tory Radicalism to Socialism and from a hatred of social reform derived from unhappy experiences with the Poor Law to the advocacy of land and railroad nationalization, the I. L. P. convention deliberately avoided dogmatic Socialist statements.1 Despite efforts to make the I. L. P.'s appeal as broad as possible, however, the new party was notably unsuccessful in 1895 when, participating in its first General Election, it lost all twenty-eight seats it contested. But economic change and legal decisions in Britain after 1895 combined to impel workers to use political action to defend their unions and economic position.

From the early 1890s, the Unions encountered increasing opposition from industrial management, which combined in employers' federations and used the courts to resist the new Unionism. The legal judgments reflected the double-standard operating against the workers in the Law Courts. In

1893 a court ruled against boycotts, and during the succeeding decade,

British courts prohibited workers from picketing and union officials from publishing blacklists of non-union firms. Even before the Taff Vale (1901) and Osborne (1909) decisions, therefore, workers were finding the unions, their most effective means of class action, under serious attack. That the decisions reflected different standards for workers and employers was clear.

1Pelling, Popular Politics and Society, pp. 1-10; Origins of the Labour Party, pp. 115-120. 17

The Law Lords condemned the Unions' boycotts and blacklists, but sanctioned them when instigated by a shipowner's cartel. The Osborne judgment placed obstacles in the path of union officers, but not in the way of railway company directors, who wished to sit in Parliament.1

The judgments left the Unions without some of their principal weapons, and after Taff Vale, virtually enjoined the strike and subjected Union funds to confiscation. Moreover, a rise in prices, beginning about 1896 and contin­ uing without commensurate increase in money wages until shortly before the outbreak of World War I, cut into the workers' real wages, and created economic conditions which intensified the workers' need for strong Unions.

Bereft of effective Unions at the very time they were most needed, British workers turned increasingly to political action to restore and protect their Unions.2

It was by no means certain, however, that the Independent Labour

Party—or any other working-class movement for political activity separate from the Liberal Party--would be the principal beneficiary of increased labour political interest. Nonetheless the Socialist leaders in the

I. L. P. and Unions expanded their efforts to organize workers in the

Unions, co-operatives, and Socialist societies for joint political activity.

As early as 1894 there had been talk in Liverpool of a "Labour Representation

1Standish Meacham, "'The Sense of an Impending Clash:' English Working-Class Unrest before the First World War," American Historical Review, LXXVII (December, 1972), 1341, 1352-53.

2Pelling, Origins of the Labour Party, pp. 200, 213-15. Frank Bealey and Henry Pelling, Labour and Politics 1900-1906 (London: Macmillan & Co., 1958), pp. 13-15. 18

Committee" which would unite Union and Socialist political efforts. In

1897 the Scottish Union leaders led their members to form a Scottish Trade

Union Congress to protest efforts of conservative members in the British

T. U. C. to resist growing Socialist influence. In 1899 the Scottish

T. U. C. passed a resolution urging the creation of a special committee

"to decide upon united working-class action in the next election." Several months later, in a vote which revealed the growing strength of Socialists in the British Unions, the British T. U. C. followed the Scottish Congress' leadership by adopting a call for united Labour-Socialist action.1 The conference of workers and Socialists which met at London's Memorial Hall in February, 1900, to form the Labour Representation Committee (L. R. C.) thus represented the conversion of major Trade Unions to joint political action with Socialist organizations.

Meanwhile the outbreak of the Boer War in October, 1899, which most

Labour leaders eventually opposed, and the collapse of Liberal opposition to the War, convinced even more working-class groups that they must support a Labour party that was independent of the Liberals. The Taff Vale decision of 1901, leaving the Unions' treasuries vulnerable and making the strike weapon, therefore, impracticable, helped to consolidate the workers' growing interest in politics. The political effects of Taff Vale were evident from increasing strength of the Labour Representation Committee.

In 1901 the membership of groups affiliated to the L. R. C. numbered about

375,000; by 1902, the total was 469,000. The unexpected success of

1Bealey and Pelling, Labour and Politics, pp. 12-16. The vote was 546,000 in favor of joint Labour-Socialist political action, and 434,000 against. Pelling, Origins of the Labour Party, pp. 204-206. 19 several candidates endorsed by the L. R. C. in by-elections during 1902 and 1903 indicated the latent strength of joint Labour efforts. When in

1906 the Labour Representation Committee returned twenty-nine candidates to

Parliament in the General Election and adopted a new name, "the Labour

Party," the basic vehicle for carrying the working-class vote was available.

The task of mobilizing that vote for Labour candidates was to be a lengthy one, however, for despite the advanced opinion of many Labour leaders, traditional loyalties prevented the rank and file from moving en masse to Labour politics. Indeed, both the Conservative and Liberal Parties had working-class reforms to their credit, and before 1900, the Conservative

Party had, if anything, a better record in specifically working-class legislation than the Liberal Party. But social reform did not guarantee the Conservatives working-class support, because for many workers, social reform was associated with the hated Poor Law or government interference in their lives as by the removal of slum tenements without providing alternate housing.1 Indeed neither the promise of social reform nor advocacy of

Socialism was likely to secure the working-class vote to any party during the Edwardian Age.2 The mass of workers responded more readily to symbols than to political promises or Socialist ideology, and the Liberal Party

1Pelling, Popular Politics and Society, pp. 1-6.

2The historian of British Labour, Henry Pelling observed that "by and large the electors did not respond to general ideological appeals or even to prospects of personal betterment, if these lay outside their immediate experience. The concern caused by rising prices or unemploy­ ment, and the fear of the repetition of these evils could influence them, but little else counted." Pelling, Social Geography of British Elections, p. 22. 20 appeared to have in William E. Gladstone, the working-class franchise, and Tariff Reform the important symbols on its side. The Conservative

Party's identification as the representative of the Landed and Church

Establishment subverted its appeal among the workers generally. Moreover, the Tory policy of protective tariffs further damaged Conservative prestige among workers convinced that high tariffs meant dear bread, while Unionist opposition to Home Rule damned the party among Irish labourers. In districts where Irish immigrants composed a large Catholic minority and represented cheap wage competition for non-Catholic workers, however, the working-class majority often went to the Conservative candidate who sym­ bolized opposition to the Irish. Despite the appeal of the Conservative

Party among certain elements of the working class, the labour vote in most constituencies appears to have gone to Liberal candidates.

The Liberal Party was especially strong in the mining districts, the slums of large cities, and among the Scottish and Welsh Nonconformists and Irish Catholics.1 In most countries miners have adopted Radical politics and usually supported the party of change. For miners in late

Victorian Britain then, as for politically Radical workers in the cities,

the Liberal Party was the only reasonable option until the effective establishment of a Labour party. Moreover, by the 1890s, most workers who

remained within the pale of organized religion were either Nonconformist or

Roman Catholic. Among both religious groups, the Liberal Party--

1Michael Kinnear, The British Voter. An Atlas and Survey since 1885 (Ithaca, New York: Cornell University Press, 1968), pp. 13-34, 132. Gregory, Miners and British Politics, pp. 4-7. S. M. Lipset, Political Man (Garden City, New York: Doubleday & Company, 1963), pp. 232-234. Pelling, Social Geography of British Elections, p. 431. 21

representing Gladstone and the Chapel's views on education and licensing

or Gladstone and Home Rule—was the favorite.1 That the bulk of

politically-conscious workers continued to be loyal to the Liberal Party

even after the founding of the Independent Labour Party in 1893, and that

after 1906 they hesitated to adopt the candidates of a new and unproven

Labour Party was not entirely unreasonable. The workers had developed a

loyalty to the Liberal Party which was habitual and not easily dissolved

by the novel appeals of Labour candidates or by the promises of a Labour

Party, which to some workers still appeared to be a Labour lobby, instead

of a serious party.2 But, in fact, the increasing class consciousness of workers from the mid-1890s, continuing losses in "the wages bargain" and

the Courts, and declining prestige of the Liberal Party was eroding the workers' habitual loyalties and gradually pushing then toward independent

Labour politics. These changes occurred more rapidly within some segments of the working-class than others. The slowest among those groups who were reluctant to transfer their loyalty to the Labour Party were the Irish in the West of Scotland, where priests, Catholic journalists, and nationalist organizers demanded continued support of the party of Home

Rule.3

The Irish in the mining and industrial towns along the Clyde

River and in Glasgow were usually the poorest group in the working class

1Pelling, Popular Politics and Society, ch. 2. Pelling, Social Geography of British Elections, pp. 430-431.

2Pelling, Social Geography of British Elections, p. 15. Bealey and Pelling, Labour and Politics, p. 282. Beer, British Politics, pp. 109-113.

3For a sampling of other groups slow to abandon Liberal politics for Labour, see Gregory, Miners and British Politics, pp. 104-177. 22 and the natural object of Socialist interest. Moreover, as a large working-class minority, the Irish were essential to the joint Labour effort. For a century the Irish working man had been emigrating to

Scotland in response to the demand for cheap labour. As early as the

French Wars, 1795-1815, the rate of Irish emigration to Scotland increased significantly as agricultural improvement projects in Berwick, Roxburgh, and the Lothians drew hundreds of Irish labourers to the strenuous work of en­ closing, ditching, and draining.1 But emigration from Ireland to Scotland was greatest during the second and third quarters of the nineteenth century when large-scale industrialization in west and central Scotland coincided with the Irish famine of the late 1840s, and Irish economic depressions in the early 1860s and late 1870s. Both "push and pull" forces—economic distress in Ireland and employment opportunity in the growing Scottish

industries--combined, therefore, to encourage Irishmen to risk the move to a new home, a risk made more tolerable by the cheap shuttle service from

Sligo, Dublin, and Belfast to West Scottish ports. To the mining villages of Lanarkshire and industrial locations along the Clyde and in Glasgow, the

Irish workers came, joining the native Lowland Scotch and migrant

Highlanders who concentrated wherever labour was needed.2

1James Handley, "Scotland," Great Britain, Vol. IV of A History of Irish Catholicism, ed. by Patrick J. Corish (Dublin: Gill and Son, 1968), p. 3.

2The role of mining and manufacturing in determining population distribution is discussed in Emrys Jones, Human Geography. An Introduction to Man and His World (New York: Frederick A. Praeger, 1966) and Edgar M. Hoover, The Location of Economic Activity (New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company, 1948), pp. 105-112. 23

Reflecting industrial growth and the consequent labour migration and concentration, the population of Lanarkshire, the county in which most of the industrial development occurred and in which Glasgow is situated, increased dramatically in the nineteenth century. In 1801 the population of Lanark was 147,000, about 97% of the total population of Scotland; by

1901 the Lanarkshire population numbered 1,240,000, that is, about 30% of the Scottish population. In 1931 there were nearly 250,000 more people in the towns and villages of Lanark than there had been in 1901, in all

1,586,000; and half of these lived in the Glasgow conurbation.1

The exact Irish percentage of this population is impossible to infer from extant sources. There are no accurate figures for Irish immigra­ tion before 1853, and the decennial censuses for Great Britain did not dis­ tinguish the national origins of the population until 1841, and thereafter only for first generation immigrants. During the intercensal years, 1841-

1851, a period including the Great Irish Famine, the number of Irish-born living in Great Britain doubled. Already in 1841 the Irish composed a larger percentage of the total population of Scotland (4.87.) than England and Wales (1.9%), and emigration during that decade increased the Irish presence in Scotland (7.2%) as compared to that in the South of

Britain (2.9%).2 Although exact figures are impossible to obtain, it is

1Great Britain, Census Office, Abstract of the Answers and Returns, Made Persuant to an Act, 1801, 1901, 1931 (London: His Majesty's Stationery Office, 1801, 1901, 1932).

2R. H. Campbell and J. B. A. Dow, Source Book of Scottish Economic and Social History (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1968), p. 6. Handley, "Scotland," p. 24. John Denvir, The Irish in Britain from the Earliest Time to the Fall and Death of Parnell (London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner, & Co., 1892), pp. 114, 152, 383-385. 24 clear that in the second half of the century, tens of thousands of Irish left their native land. Most went to North America, but many could afford only passage to British ports. From the late 1870s the rate of Irish emigration fell and did not increase significantly until after 1900 when war materiel industries along the Clyde again increased the demand for cheap labour. By 1891 the Irish in Scotland numbered nearly a half million, and as had been true since the 1840s, roughly three-quarters of Scotland's

Irish lived in the Clyde Valley.1

For the immigrants, Ireland was a vivid memory, and for many of them it remained "home" into the second generation.2 The immigrant's continuing interest in the political and social affairs of Ireland was maintained by communication with relatives who stayed behind and to whom the immigrants sometimes sent a little money; newspaper reports of Irish nationalists Charles Stewart Parnell, Michael Davitt, and John Redmond; and

1Glasgow Observer, November 21, 1885. Of the total number of Irish in Scotland, nearly half of them, lived in Lanarkshire alone. Denvir, Irish in Britain, pp. 116, 446. The Census of 1881 reported 781,000 Irish-born in Britain, of which 219,000 lived in Scotland, 115,085 in Lanarkshire and 62,555 in Glasgow. But these figures relate only to first generation immigrants. Denvir, Irish in Britain, p. 446. Another ordinal estimate of the number of Irish can be based on the number of Catholics in Scotland as reported in the Catholic yearbooks, since nearly all Catholics in Scot­ land were recent Irish immigrants. The Western Catholic Calender for 1900 (Glasgow: Hugh Margey, 1900), basing its calculations on the 1881 census, estimated the Catholic population of the Archdiocese of Glasgow to be about 350,000.

2David Kirkwood, My Life of Revolt (London: George C. Harrap, 1935), p. 84. William Gallacher, The Last Memoirs (London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1966), p. 30. 25 propaganda of nationalist organizations like the Order of Ancient Hiberians,

Irish National League, and United Irish League. Ireland's nationalist organizations had their counterparts among the Irish in Britain. Thus the

Home Rule Association and Home Rule League had active organizers in Great

Britain to encourage support for the nationalist cause through the Home

Government Confederation.1 In the 1880s efforts to unify and discipline the assorted nationalist organizations led to the formation of the Irish

National League (I. N. L.) which also had branches in Britain. Throughout the Irish communities of Scotland, nationalist organizers founded I. N. L. branches and named them after heroes of the Irish movement. The local

I. N. L. branches sent delegates to conventions where, meeting with

Catholic clergymen, they chose Home Rule candidates for the parliamentary elections. By 1890 I. N. L. efforts "to mobilize the Irish vote in British cities to serve the interests of Irish nationalism" appeared to be succeed­ ing, but the Parnell-O'Shea affair effectively split the Home Rule movement in Britain as in Ireland. Irish National League branches in Glasgow and

Lanarkshire did not escape division and intramural hostility, and local

Catholic journalists and leaders bemoaned the paralysis of the movement in those years after the fall of Parnell (1890) and the failure of Gladstone's second Home Rule Bill (1892). The process of reuniting the nationalist movement was to take some years, but in 1900 the antagonistic groups were

1Lawrence J. McCaffrey, The Irish Question 1800-1922 (Lexington, Kentucky: The University of Kentucky Press, 1968), pp. 105, 116. J. C. Beckett, The Making of Modern Ireland, 1603-1923 (London: Faber, 1966), pp. 405-418. 26 formally joined again in the United Irish League which continued to demand of Irishmen primary commitment to the nationalist cause.

Perhaps the most effective agents evoking memories of Ireland and contributing to the immigrants' continuing interest in Irish affairs after they had been living abroad for several generations were the sermons and pastoral advice of the Roman Catholic clergy in Scotland. The Irish in the

West of Scotland remained practicing Catholics, perhaps adhering all the more rigidly to their faith because they were Catholics in a dominantly

Protestant--and sometimes anti-Catholic—nation. Among Irish-Catholic immigrants after the 1860s, piety was probably greater, and reliance on clerical advice, in all likelihood, enhanced, because of the devotional revolution in the Roman Catholic Church in Ireland which appears to have transformed the Irish from nominal Catholics into practicing Catholics between 1850 and 1875.1 In any case, the Catholic priest in Scotland exercised effective authority over the Irish community, overseeing not only

the Irish families' religious, moral, and social views, but also influencing

their political opinions. The response of the Catholic leaders--clergymen,

journalists, and educators--to political and social issues was guided by

their determination to look after the interests of the Church in a some­

times hostile environment and, after 1885, by their desire to see Ireland

gain Home Rule.2

1Emmet Larkin, "The Devotional Revolution in Ireland, 1850-75," American Historical Review, LXXII (June, 1972), 625-652.

2Pelling, Popular Politics and Society, pp. 31-33. 27

The teachings of the Catholic Church and press were, however,

often irrelevant and always inimical to the Orangemen and Scotch Prot­

estants within the working class. Continuing anti-Catholic bias among

British workers exacerbated their resentment of Irish labourers whose willingness to work for cheap wages drove the wages for all unskilled and

semi-skilled workers down. By the twentieth century the antagonism between

Catholic and Protestant was gradually becoming traditional rather than

personal, and it eventually found a "safety-valve" in supporting the Celtic

football team, with a majority of Protestant players, or the Rangers, a dominantly Catholic team.1 Nonetheless, Catholic-Protestant divisions within the working class continued to vitiate the joint Labour effort.

Sometimes fragmented by religious antagonism, the working class in Scotland was also divided by differences in income and skill levels.

Even for those Irishmen born in Scotland of Irish parents, loyalty to Ireland and isolation from their Scotch co-workers must have been strengthened by concentration in the poorest wards of Glasgow and its out­

lying districts. Congregation in Irish quarters no doubt reinforced the immigrants' traditional interests and attitudes, and the absence of contact in daily life with the Scotch working men hampered mutual understanding and sympathy. Although by 1900 the Irish "ghettoes" seem to have been dis­ appearing as Irish families were diffused among the rest of the labouring population,2 another factor contributing to working class fragmentation

1Kirkwood, My Life of Revolt, p. 84.

2Denvir, Irish in Britain, pp. 116, 398. 28 continued to be operative. The status consciousness separating skilled and unskilled workers exacerbated divisions within the working class.

Throughout the nineteenth century most of the immigrants had been agricul­ tural labourers before leaving Ireland and consequently had few marketable industrial skills. That many of the immigrants in the wave of the 1840s were from the poorest social stratum of Irish society is indirectly sub­ stantiated by the decrease in the poorest class of houses in Ireland from

1841 to 1851 when single-room mud houses were reduced by three-fourths.1

The census of 1891 estimated that most of the Irish were "engaged in the rougher kinds of unskilled labour" and that proportionately few of them were skilled workers.2 Having come from "a culture of poverty" in Ireland, concentrated in the poorest areas in Scotland, and able to compete for only the meanest jobs, the Irish only slowly acquired the incomes and attained the skills and life-styles necessary to efface their alien origins and to achieve upward social mobility.3

As the poorest group in the community, the Irish workers might have been most amenable to the Socialist criticism of the capitalist economic structure. That they did not readily adopt a Socialist outlook or Labour politics was a consequence in part of the factors which generally

1D. A. E. Harkness, "Irish Emigration," in Imre Ferenczi, (ed.), International Migrations, II (New York: National Bureau of Economic Research, 1929), 227-261.

2Great Britain, Census Office, Abstract of Answers and Returns, 1891.

3See Inglis, Churches and the Working Classes, p. 121, for a similar phenomenon in England and Wales. Also Pelling, Popular Politics and Society, p. 32. 29 hindered Socialist propaganda and Labour organization among all unskilled workers--preoccupation with sustaining life on subsistence-level wages, distrust of politicians and propagandists, identification of Socialists as middle-class intellectuals, disinterest in ideology, and undeveloped or immature political and class consciousness.1 But there were other elements of overwhelming influence structuring the Irish workers' social and polit­ ical attitudes. The Irish communities in Britain provided their own gratifications--the family, Roman Catholic Church, and nationalist societies.

Moreover, the Catholic and nationalist institutions gave to the Irish people a specific identity in an alien world. To the extent that the Irish working class in Scotland had any political interests beyond their own immediate economic plight, therefore, it was natural enough for those interests to be dominated by the Irish question and the welfare of the Catholic Church. It was, in part, because the Irish subculture had its own identity and sat­ isfactions, and because the Irish political consciousness was focused on an

Irish political frame of reference, that the Irish in the West of Scotland long resisted conversion to Labour politics.

Though the voting behaviour of the Irish is difficult to deduce with any accuracy and though the franchise no doubt discriminated against the Irish who of all groups in the community were least likely to be

1Hugh Munro's novel of the Glasgow shipyards in the late 1920s reflects the continuing effect of these factors. The Clydesiders (London: Transworld Publishers, 1963), pp. 137-139. Also on this point, note the debate about the relative class-consciousness of "labour aristocracy" and unskilled workers in Hobsbawm, "The Labour Aristocracy in Nineteenth- Century Britain," Labouring Men, pp. 321-370. Pelling, Popular Politics and Society, pp. 37-61. Thompson, Making of English Working Class, pp. 12-13. 30 householders, contemporary analysts believed, and the polling record tends to support the view, that the Irish vote was, after 1886, generally a

Liberal vote.1 Historians of the working class have come to expect def­ erence and loyalty to the traditional parties among British workers in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. But while the non-Irish working-class voter was gradually shifting his allegiance to the newly organized Labour parties, the Irish voter in the Archdiocese of Glasgow remained loyal to Liberal candidates in national and local elections. The operative difference appears to have been the Irish workers' continuing obedience to both the exhortations of their nationalist leaders who demanded supreme loyalty to the Home Rule cause and the admonitions of Catholic priests who condemned Socialism. The Labour Party itself was not officially a Socialist party until 1918, of course, but to many Catholics who feared

Socialism for personal economic, religious, or nationalist reasons, the membership of I. L. P. branches and individual Socialists in the Labour

Party tainted it and disqualified it from Catholic support.

Although the Catholic Church had been influenced by the Christian

Socialism of the nineteenth century,2 like other churches in Britain, the dominant institutional stance of the Catholic Church toward social problems was to seek voluntaristic, individualistic, and charitable solutions within

1Infra, pp. 66-68. On the difficulties of ascertaining voting patterns, see Pelling, Social Geography of British Elections, pp. 1-6.

2Georgiana Putnam McEntee, The Social Catholic Movement in Great Britain (New York: Macmillan Co., 1927). Inglis, Churches and the Working Classes, pp. 119-142. 31 the framework of orthodox Liberal economics. Adopting a position which generally accepted and approved the existing economic structure, Catholics in Scotland like Christians elsewhere encountered the Socialist challenge that social justice could not be achieved until the economic basis of society was changed.1

In the ensuing argument between the "cultural Christians" and the

Socialists, several alternative positions were possible. The Socialist ideology--and with it some of the working class--could be preempted by

Secularists or Atheists who argued that the working class should abandon the superstitions of the Church. Such secularist-Socialists were especially common on the Continent where Socialism tended to be aggressively anti­ clerical and anti-Catholic. Even in Britain, however, the anti-clerical

Socialist was not unknown, although these secularist-Socialists, such as

E. Belfort Bax, Edward Aveling, H. M. Hyndman, and Robert Blatchford, had little influence on the working class. If by 1900 the British working class was seldom devout or pietistic, neither was it aggressively anti-Christian.2

In the struggle between the churches and the Socialists for the allegiance of the British workers, some Christians denied that it was possible for an individual to be both Christian and Socialist. Suspicion

1H. Richard Niebuhr, Christ and Culture (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1951), pp. 102-103, 138-140.

2Marty Marty, The Modern Schism (New York: Harper & Row, 1969), pp. 59-94. Henry Pelling, A Short History of the Labour Party (London: Macmillan Co., 1961), pp. 125-144. E. R. Wickham, Church and People in an Industrial City (London: Lutterworth Press, 1964), pp. 150ff. 32 of collectivist thought was perhaps natural to an institution which had identified private property, individualism, and hard work as essentially

Christian. Moreover, the churches in Britain pointed to the anti-Christian activities of continental Socialists and to the materialistic philosophy of

Marx as evidence of the inherent antagonism between Christianity and

Socialism.

During the period from the mid-1880s to the 1910s, many of the

Catholic clergy in Scotland adopted an anti-Socialist stance.1 Although claiming to be interested in the problems of the Irish poor, Catholic clergymen were generally suspicious of Socialism and ready to believe the worst of its adherents. Catholic critics of Socialism frequently cited the encyclicals of Pius IX and Leo XIII to substantiate their assertions that

Catholics could not be Socialist. It was on this issue that in 1906 John

Wheatley joined issue with Catholic anti-Socialists, rejecting the anti-

Socialist pronouncements of the clergy and Catholic writers and advocating instead a Catholic Socialism.

A Catholic from the Irish working class in the West of Scotland,

Wheatley appealed to Irish workers to support Socialist objectives and

Labour politics. Wheatley alleged that only when the Irish labourers had their own effective town councillors and members of Parliament could their social and nationalist goals be achieved. In the movement of the Irish working class of Scotland from Liberal to Labour politics, Wheatley is

1See Emmet Larkin, "Socialism and Catholicism in Ireland," Church History, XXXIII (December, 1964), 462-483, which demonstrates a similar dispute in Ireland. 33

the transitional figure. He demonstrated to the working-class Catholic

the possibility of being both a loyal Catholic and an advocate of Socialist

Labour objectives. If the anti-Socialist forces had won the debate and had retained the allegiance of the Irish labourers, the working class of

Britain might have been even more fragmented than it was, the Irish working class might have remained outside the Scottish Labour movement, and the

Labour Party in Britain might have been a very different political organization in consequence.

John Wheatley's Catholic Socialist Society illustrates, moreover, the continuing importance of religion in the life of British workers after

"the Modern Schism" when they were secularized by "everydayishness."1 In the light of his Catholic Socialism, the myriad of religious Socialist organizations from the Labour Church to the Catholic Social Guild and the

Socialist Sunday Schools are more easily understood as essential elements in the working class movement before World War I. Furthermore, an exam­ ination of the career of the young John Wheatley provides insight into the significant achievements of a Labour leader during those years before he gained national recognition. Although there are many studies of leaders of the Labour Party, such studies concentrate on the lives of the individuals after they become national figures. While a detailed study of John

Wheatley and Catholic Socialism may be only a limited contribution to the understanding of the whole British Labour movement, what one loses in breadth may perhaps be gained in depth. The Catholic Socialist Society

1Marty, The Modern Schism, pp. 59-63. 34 actually represents a peculiar but important aspect of the Labour movement in its formative years, and the early life of Wheatley reveals much about the making of a Labour leader. In fine, a study of John Wheatley as a miner in the Lanarkshire coal pits, a Catholic-Socialist propagandist, and a Parish and then Town Councillor provides a vivid picture of what the early Labour movement and its leaders were about. References Broady, Maurice . Special collection of pamphlets and typescripts presented by Baillie David Gibson, Councillor Henry J. Crone, Sir Patrick Dollan, and Mr. Maurice Broady. Special Collections, University of Glasgow. Dollan, James A. Private interview with the son of Patrick Dollan. Glasgow, July 28, 1970. Dollan, Patrick J. Autobiography. 1952–1953. (Typed.) Highton, H. E. R. Papers of H. E. R. Highton, President of the Glasgow Trade Council. Department of Economic History Collection, University of Glasgow. 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