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“An Audience with the Queen”: Indigenous Australians and the Crown, 1854-2017
2018 V “An audience with the Queen”: Indigenous Australians and the Crown, 1854-2017 Mark McKenna Article: “An audience with the Queen”: Indigenous Australians and the Crown, 1954-2017 “An audience with the Queen”: Indigenous Australians and the Crown, 1954- 2017 Mark McKenna Abstract: This article is the first substantial examination of the more recent historical relationship between Indigenous Australians and the Crown. While the earlier tradition of perceiving the Queen as benefactress has survived in Indigenous communities, it now co- exists with more critical and antagonistic views. After the High Court’s Mabo decision (1992), the passage of the Native Title Act (1993), and the federal government’s Apology to the Stolen Generations (2008), it is clear that the only avenues for seriously redressing Indigenous grievances lie within the courts and parliaments of Australia. The Australian monarch—either as a supportive voice, or as a vehicle for highlighting the failure of Australian governments— no longer holds any substantial political utility for Indigenous Australians. Monarchy has become largely irrelevant to the fate of future Indigenous claims for political and social justice. Keywords: monarchy, republic, Indigenous Australia n October 1999, a delegation of Indigenous leaders from Australia visited Queen Elizabeth II at Buckingham Palace. The ‘audience,’ which lasted for little more than an hour and was widely reported in the British and Australian press, was claimed to Ibe the first granted to Indigenous Australians by a reigning British monarch since 24 May 1793, when Bennelong, who had been captured by Governor Arthur Phillip in Sydney and later sailed with him to England, was presented to King George III.1 The 206-year hiatus was telling for more than one reason. -
Constitutional Law and Indigenous Australians: Challenge for a Parched Continent
2550 CONSTITUTIONAL LAW AND INDIGENOUS AUSTRALIANS: CHALLENGE FOR A PARCHED CONTINENT Law Council of Australia Old Parliament House, Canberra 22 July 2011 Constitutional Change: Recognition or Substantive Rights? The Hon. Michael Kirby AC CMG LAW COUNCIL OF AUSTRALIA OLD PARLIAMENT HOUSE, CANBERRA FRIDAY 22 JULY 2011 DISCUSSION FORUM CONSTITUTIONAL CHANGE: RECOGNITION OR SUBSTANTIVE RIGHTS? CONSTITUTIONAL LAW AND INDIGENOUS AUSTRALIANS: CHALLENGE FOR A PARCHED CONTINENT The Hon. Michael Kirby AC CMG GETTING TO YES IN AUSTRALIA It is a privilege for any Australian, especially of my generation, to gather in Old Parliament House. To speak in the building in which the parliamentary business of our nation was discharged for more than half a century. Here are found the portraits and the spirits of the famous Australians who led this country in peace and war. The Law Council of Australia deserves praise for summoning us to consider an issue of existential importance for our continental land: the provisions of the national Constitution as they concern the indigenous people: the Australian Aboriginals and Torres Strait Islanders. Let us, at the outset, pause to reflect on the respect we owe to them, both to their forebears and to their Posterity1. Let us do so sincerely as the New Zealanders do; not mechanically or perfunctorily. Wrongs have Justice of the High Court of Australia 1996-2009. Chairman of the Australian Law Reform Commission 1975-1984. Honorary Life Member of the Law Council of Australia. 1 The words used in the preamble to the Constitution of the United States of America: “To secure the blessings of Liberty to ourselves and our Posterity ...”. -
Table of Contents Chronology of Events
Table of Contents Chronology of Events .............................................................................................................................................................. 4 History- 1788 to 1900 .............................................................................................................................................. 5 Plenary ‘sovereign’ Parliaments ........................................................................................................................................ 5 History- Towards Federation- 1880 to 1990 ................................................................................................... 6 Federation (1901)...................................................................................................................................................... 7 Commonwealth of Australia Constitution Act 1900 (Imp) ...................................................................................... 7 Post Federation- 1901 to 1986 (Parliamentary Sovereignty) ................................................................... 8 ‘Balfour Declaration 1926’ [1.3.9E] .................................................................................................................................. 8 Statute of Westminster 1931 (UK) [1.3.11E] ................................................................................................................ 8 The Australia Acts .................................................................................................................................................................. -
The Challenge of Informed Voting at Constitutional Referendums
368 UNSW Law Journal Volume 39(1) 15 THE CHALLENGE OF INFORMED VOTING AT CONSTITUTIONAL REFERENDUMS PAUL KILDEA* AND RODNEY SMITH** I INTRODUCTION As the push for a referendum on constitutional recognition of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples has gathered momentum, so has discussion of the importance of ensuring that Australians are well-prepared to cast a vote on the topic when the moment comes. There is broad acceptance that one of the highest priorities in this respect is building citizens’ capacities to cast informed votes. Both official reports and expert commentary have expressed concerns about Australians’ existing levels of knowledge and awareness of constitutional recognition, and the Constitution more broadly, and have proposed measures to address them. In September 2014, for instance, a government-appointed advisory panel cited survey data showing poor community awareness and understanding of Indigenous recognition and made the blunt assessment that ‘[t]he wider Australian public is not yet ready for a referendum’. 1 George Williams has written about a ‘disturbing lack of knowledge about the Constitution and Australian government’ and the need for public education on Indigenous recognition ‘so that voters can feel confident in embracing the change’. 2 An Expert Panel on Indigenous recognition recommended in 2012 that ‘[b]efore the referendum is held, there should be a properly resourced public education and awareness program’.3 * Lecturer, UNSW Law School, and Director, Referendums Project, Gilbert + Tobin Centre of Public Law. ** Professor, Department of Government and International Relations, University of Sydney. The authors thank the anonymous referees for their helpful comments. The research undertaken for this article was partly funded by the Electoral Regulation Research Network Research Collaborative Initiative, ‘The Challenge of Informed Voting in the 21st Century’. -
Australian Law Reform Commission the Judicial Power of The
Australian Law Reform Commission Discussion Paper 64 The judicial power of the Commonwealth A review of the Judiciary Act 1903 and related legislation You are invited to make a submission or comment on this Discussion Paper DP 64 December 2000 How to make comments or submissions You are invited to make comments or submissions on the issues raised in this Paper, which should be sent to The Secretary Australian Law Reform Commission Level 10, 131 York Street SYDNEY NSW 2000 (GPO Box 3708 SYDNEY NSW 1044) Phone: (02) 9284 6333 TTY: (02) 9284 6379 Fax: (02) 9284 6363 E-mail: [email protected] ALRC homepage: http://www.alrc.gov.au Closing date: 16 March 2001 It would be helpful if comments addressed specific issues or paragraphs in the Paper. Confidentiality Unless a submission is marked confidential, it will be made available to any person or organisation on request. If you want your submission, or any part of it, to be treated as confidential, please indicate this clearly. A request for access to a submission marked ‘confidential’ will be determined in accordance with the Freedom of Information Act 1982 (Cth). The Commission will include in its final report on this project a list of submissions received in response to this Paper. It may also refer to those submissions in the text of the report and other Commission publications. It may decide to publish them. If you do not want your submission or any part of it to be used in any one of these ways please indicate this clearly. © Commonwealth of Australia 2000 This work is copyright. -
1 Indigenous Recognition Or Is It a Doomed Mission?
Indigenous recognition or is it a doomed mission? Proposals to Constitutionally recognise Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples and their language are often divided into the symbolic as either amending the preamble or standalone provision(s) which acknowledge Indigenous identity and the more substantive such as a constitutional ban on racial discrimination or a First Nation’s voice to Parliament. While all Australian States have now adopted purely symbolic Indigenous recognition provisions, it has generally fallen out of favour at the national level. Are there any good reasons to adopt purely symbolic forms of Constitutional recognition? One should compare the experience of reforms in the Australian States. I Necessity and broader movements The present state of non-recognition of indigenous culture and language in the national Constitution can inflict harm and act as a form of oppression, As Taylor states, this can imprison individuals and groups in a false, distorted and reduced mode of being.1 Australian First Nation Peoples (FNP) as a minority group experience marginalisation from mainstream social, political and economic discourse.2 A preamble or standalone provision(s) recognising indigenous culture and language may assist in changing societal and legislative measures in favour of substantive equality. With the intended function of redeeming the document, unifying communities and reducing or eliminating barriers to entry in the otherwise marginalized activities. The proposal has national approval in principle by all major political parties, with intentions of furthering national reconciliation and to guard Australia’s reputation internationally through indigenous wellbeing.3 Instilling in the Constitution a restorative justice theory, whereby in the interests of equality indigenous are treated differently4 by their positive inclusion. -
Australias Constitution After Whitlam 1St Edition Ebook
AUSTRALIAS CONSTITUTION AFTER WHITLAM 1ST EDITION PDF, EPUB, EBOOK Brendan Lim | 9781107119468 | | | | | Australias Constitution after Whitlam 1st edition PDF Book Constitution would begin on March 4, For Prime Minister Gough Whitlam, and the parliamentary tradition that he invoked, national elections sufficiently legitimated even the most constitutionally transformative of his goals. From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. The Senate Opposition argued that a double dissolution was not justified on the grounds that:. Sawer, Geoffrey Views Read Edit View history. See Australian referendum Retirement of Judges. He had ridden into office on a election victory over Prime Minister John Howard that ended 12 years of coalition rule by the conservative Liberal Party of Australia and its junior partners, the Nationals, with one of the most dramatic vote swings in recent Australian electoral history. When Margaret Whitlam made a seemingly innocent comment to her husband, the then Prime Minister, Gough Whitlam, about what she was hearing on return from a good will visit to Japan, little did she realise what she had unleashed! In , a proposed preamble principally authored by the then Prime Minister John Howard was defeated in a referendum concurrent to that on a proposal to become a republic. Once this clear line of responsibility is interfered with as with the intervention of the Senate which is not an equitably representative body in the sense that the House is the powerful concept of representative and responsible government is weakened. The Trouble Begins. Ranga added it Jul 26, Constitution Day is observed on September 17, to commemorate the date the document was signed. -
The High Court of Australia: a Personal Impression of Its First 100 Years
—M.U.L.R— Mason— Title of Article — printed 14/12/03 at 13:17 — page 864 of 25 THE HIGH COURT OF AUSTRALIA: A PERSONAL IMPRESSION OF ITS FIRST 100 YEARS ∗ THE HON SIR ANTHONY MASON AC KBE [This article records my impressions of the High Court, its jurisprudence and the Justices up to the time when I became Chief Justice in 1987. For obvious reasons it would be invidious for me to record my impressions of the Court from that time onwards. The article reviews the work of the Court and endeavours to convey a picture of the contribution and personality of some of the individual Justices. The article concludes with the statement that the Court has achieved the high objectives of which Alfred Deakin spoke in his second reading speech on the introduction of the Judiciary Act 1903 (Cth). The Court has established its reputation as one of the world’s leading courts of final appeal and has fulfilled its role alongside the Parliament and the executive in our constitutional framework.] CONTENTS I Introduction.............................................................................................................864 II In the Beginning......................................................................................................865 III The Early High Court..............................................................................................866 IV Conflict with the Executive ....................................................................................867 V Conflict with the Privy Council ..............................................................................868 -
Constitutional Law Exam Notes and Cases
MLL323 – Constitutional Law Exam Notes and Cases Contents Page Topic 1 – Constitutional Concepts Page 6: History of Australian Constitution Page 7: Four Fetters Page 8: Federation Page 9: Post-Federation (1901-) Page 10: Parliamentary Sovereignty Page 11: Rule of Law Page 12: Individual Ministerial Responsibility Topic 2 – The Executive Page 15: Terminology Page 16: Important Conventions Page 17: Sources of Executive Powers Page 18: Prerogatives Page 19: Case: Tampa Case Page 20: Implied Nationhood Power Page 21: Test for Proportionality Page 22: State Executive Power Page 23: Whitlam Dismissal 1975 Page 25: Outcome of Whitlam Dismissal Topic 3 – The Legislative Page 27: Structure of Commonwealth Legislature Page 28: Case: First Territory Senators Case Page 29: Structure of Victorian Legislature Page 30: Duration of Parliaments Page 31: Case: Sykes v Cleary (1992) Page 32: Case: Sue v Hill (1999) Page 33: House of Representatives Page 34: Summary of Commonwealth Parliament Page 35: Summary of Victorian Parliament Topic 4 – Legislative Procedures Page 37: Passage of Bill through Parliament Page 38: Double Dissolution Page 39: PMA Case Page 40: Commonwealth Restrictive Legislative Procedures Page 41: Section 53 Page 42: Section 55 Page 43: State Restrictive Procedures Page 44: Marquet Case Page 45: Victoria Page 48: Senate’s Deferral of Supply Topic 5 – The Judiciary Page 50: Chapter III Constitution Page 51: Judciciary in Victoria Topic 6 – Characterisation Page 53: Doctrine of Implied Immunities Page 54: Engineers Case Page 55: Heads -
Slavery and Constitutional Invalidity: Rethinking Kruger and Bray
2008 Slavery and Constitutional Validity: Rethinking Kruger and Bray 645 SLAVERY AND CONSTITUTIONAL INVALIDITY: RETHINKING KRUGER AND BRAY STEPHEN GRAY∗ I INTRODUCTION The purpose of this article is to consider what might seem an extraordinary proposition: that ‘protective’ legislation such as the Aboriginals Ordinance 1918–1953 (NT) might be found constitutionally invalid, in whole or in part, for breach of 19th century British anti-slavery laws.1 It has been argued elsewhere, and will consequently not be argued in detail here, that the conditions under which some, indeed many, Aboriginal people lived and worked during the period in which such Ordinances were in force can be regarded as amounting to ‘slavery’.2 Aboriginal people who gave evidence to the 2006 report of the Senate Standing Committee on Legal and Constitutional ∗ BA, LLB (Hons) (Monash), LLM (Melb), PhD; Faculty of Law, Monash University. The author wishes to thank Professor Jeff Goldsworthy for his helpful comments and analysis of a piece on which this article is based. Thanks also to Ms Melissa Castan and to the anonymous reviewers and editors of the article. 1 The first of these passed by the UK Parliament was An Act for the Abolition of the Slave Trade 1807, 47 Geo III c36. This was followed by further legislative measures in 1824, 1833 and 1843. Under section 10 of the Slave Trade Act 1824 5 Geo IV c113, it was an offence to ‘deal or trade in slaves or persons intended to be dealt with as slaves’. These provisions were primarily directed at the international slave trade, particularly that coming out of Africa. -
Upholding the Australian Constitution, Volume 15
Upholding the Australian Constitution Volume Fifteen Proceedings of the Fifteenth Conference of The Samuel Griffith Society Stamford Plaza Adelaide Hotel, North Terrace, Adelaide, 23–25 May, 2003 © Copyright 2003 by The Samuel Griffith Society. All rights reserved. Table of Contents Foreword John Stone Dinner Address Hon Justice Ian Callinan, AC The Law: Past and Present Tense Introductory Remarks John Stone Chapter One Hon Len King, AC, QC An Experiment in Constitutional Reform – South Australia’s Constitutional Convention 2003 Chapter Two Hon Trevor Griffin The South Australian Constitutional Framework – Good, Bad or What? Chapter Three Professor Geoffrey de Q Walker The Advance of Direct Democracy Chapter Four Hon Peter Reith Let’s Give Democracy a Chance: Some Suggestions Chapter Five Professor Peter Howell South Australia and Federation Chapter Six Professor Philip Ayres John Latham in Owen Dixon’s Eyes i Chapter Seven Rt Hon Sir Harry Gibbs, GCMG, AC, KBE Teoh : Some Reflections Chapter Eight Hon Senator Nick Minchin Voluntary Voting Chapter Nine Julian Leeser Don’t! You’ll Just Encourage Them Chapter Ten Dr Geoffrey Partington Hindmarsh Island and the Fabrication of Aboriginal Mythology Chapter Eleven Keith Windschuttle Mabo and the Fabrication of Aboriginal History Concluding Remarks Rt Hon Sir Harry Gibbs, GCMG, AC, KBE Appendix I Professor David Flint, AM Presentation to Sir Harry Gibbs Appendix II Contributors ii Foreword John Stone The fifteenth Conference of The Samuel Griffith Society, which was held in Adelaide in May, 2003 coincided, as it happened, with the lead-up to the South Australian Constitutional Convention, and it was appropriate, therefore, that the program should mark that fact by the inclusion of four papers having to do with that (at the time of writing, still impending) event. -
Last Month When I Was Watching the Chris
Last month when I was watching the Chris Smith TV show one evening there appeared a clip showing Prince Charles at the Davos meeting shaking hands with Greta Thunberg (no problem) and then going along a row of important attendees, including Mike Pence, the Vice-President of the USA and shaking their hands and making the occasional comment. When he arrived at Mike Pence, who held out his hand for a handshake, the Prince deliberately passed him by and shook the hand of the next person, with Vice-President Pence looking flabbergasted at this obvious snub. I could not believe it – here was the person who is to be the next Head of State of Australia displaying contempt for a high ranking representative of an important ally not just of Australia but also Britain and other Commonwealth countries. Up to that point I had not taken much notice of Prince Charles’ views on plants, homoeopathy, etc, but this was something that could not be ignored. In 2010, my wife and I were visiting some friends in Canada and while there I read the local newspapers. In one paper there was an article about how the Canadian Government should consider having in place a succession plan for when the Queen died and Prince Charles took over the Monarchy. Like Australia, Canada is signatory to the Statute of Westminster 1931 which requires for Commonwealth countries sharing the Queen as Head of State “…that any alteration in the law touching the Succession to the Throne or the Royal Style and Titles shall hereafter require the assent as well of Parliaments of all the Dominions as of the Parliament of the United Kingdom”.