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The Role of Climatic and Environmental Factors in the Hunnic Phenomenon in South-East Europe

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The Role of Climatic and Environmental Factors in the Hunnic Phenomenon in South-East Europe The role of climatic and environmental factors in the Hunnic phenomenon in south-east Europe Abstract The causes of the Hunnic ‘phenomenon’ in south-east Europe and its impact on the populations of the late Roman provinces may be found in a complex web of climatic and environmental affordances, economic responses and resulting changes to social organisation. Multiple lines of evidence suggest that there was indeed an influx of people from regions north of the Black Sea or further east in the fourth century CE, but there is no indication of a large-scale migration from central Asia. It is possible that the climatic downturn and increased aridity in the 430s to 450s disrupted both the economic organisation of the incomers and that of the local Romanised population, requiring both to adopt new subsistence strategies. Such shared subsistence strategies may have engendered a sense of a shared identity. Rather than a clash of cultures, we see evidence of close integration and adaptive strategies to ancestral and newly encountered life-ways. Keywords: Huns, identity, subsistence, climatic downturn Dr Susanne Hakenbeck, Department of Archaeology, University of Cambridge, Cambridge CB2 3DZ; Email: [email protected] Introduction The Hunnic incursions into eastern and central Europe in the fourth and fifth centuries have historically been considered one of the key factors in bringing the Roman empire to an end, being the initial crisis that set in motion the so-called Great Migrations of ‘barbarian’ tribes1. Scholarship on the Huns has frequently posited them in a fundamental dichotomy between civilisation and barbarism, where the very fact that they were mobile and did not engage in agriculture contributed to their apparently barbarian nature. Relationships between nomadic-pastoral populations and empires are frequently conceptualised as violent and 1 Heather 1995 1 unstable2. In eastern-central Europe, the Hunnic migrations are one event in a sequence of incursions of nomadic populations; they were preceded by Scythians and followed by Avars and Magyars all the way to the Mongols3. To the far east of the steppes, there were also complex relationships between mobile groups and the Chinese empire4. In each case the narrative is of violence and sometimes conquest, and of raids for gold and other luxury goods, apparently motivated by an ‘infinite thirst for gold’5. However, the sources documenting these events are written from the perspectives of the settled populations, often by members of the elite with little direct experience of the peoples and events they described. The causes of the Hunnic ‘phenomenon’– their apparently sudden appearance, rapid military and political impact and sudden disappearance – and their impact on populations in the late Roman Danube frontier provinces are still poorly understood. Drawing on multiple strands of evidence – historical, archaeological and environmental – this chapter aims to advance an explanation. Historical accounts of the Huns According to written sources, the Huns came from to the east of the Sea of Azov, between the Volga and Don rivers6. Moving westwards, they are thought to have crossed the Volga in around 370 CE, causing the movement of Goths who resided there7. In the following fifty years the Huns are believed to have settled on the Great Hungarian Plain, east of the Danube, at times reaching as far as the Rhine and southern Scandinavia, though this is speculative8. In the first half of the fifth century, various sources indicate that Hunnic warbands were active in within the Roman empire, sometimes allied with Roman forces, sometimes engaged in raiding, and capitalising on local instabilities9. From the 430s – Attila came to power in 434 – the Huns increasingly demanded gold payments10 and then also the 2 Barfield 2001, Di Cosmo 2002, 6 3 Jackson 2014, Melyukova and Crookenden 1990, Schmauder 2015 4 Di Cosmo 2002 5 Ammianus Marcellinus, 31.2.11 6 Ammianus Marcellinus, 31.2.12–13; Jordanes, Get. 5 7 de la Vaissière 2015, 177, Maenchen-Helfen 1973, 18 8 Kelly 2014, 196 9 Kelly 2014, 197 10 Kelly 2014, 201 2 evacuation of a strip of Roman territory along the Danube11. In 451 Huns invaded France, resulting in the disastrous battle of the Catalaunian fields, and a year later they invaded northern Italy and sacked Aquileia. In 453, Attila died suddenly, choked to death by blood from a nosebleed12. This led to internecine fights for supremacy among Attila’s sons, and in 454 they were defeated in battle at the river Nedao13. By the 470s the Huns were no longer a significant force14. A number of historical sources tell us of the rapacious activities of the Huns, and of their greed, violence and untrustworthiness. Negative descriptions begin with Ammianus Marcellinus, a fourth-century military officer, who describes the Huns thus: They all have compact, strong limbs and thick necks, and are so monstrously ugly and misshapen, that one might take them for two-legged beasts or for the stumps, rough-hewn into images, that are used in putting sides to bridges. But although they have the form of men, however ugly, they are so hardy in their mode of life that they have no need of fire nor of savoury food, but eat the roots of wild plants and the half-raw flesh of any kind of animal whatever, which they put between their thighs and the backs of their horses, and thus warm it a little. […]15 Later writers elaborated on this, with Jordanes describing Attila as ‘a man born into the world to shake the nations, the scourge of all lands, who in some way terrified all mankind by the dreadful rumours noised abroad concerning him’16. By their appearance and behaviour, the Huns seemed in every way opposed to Roman civilisation. This negative image was perpetuated in historical scholarship and has persisted in the popular imagination into the present day17. Yet these descriptions of the Huns were largely not based on eye-witness accounts. A critical analysis of the textual sources reveals that late Roman writers drew on established 11 Priscus, fr. 7.2 (Carolla) 12 Jordanes, Get. 49 13 Jordanes, Get. 50 14 Kelly 2014, 202 15 Ammianus Marcellinus, Res gestae, 31.2 16 Jordanes, Get. 35 17 Kelly 2009, 221f., Pahl 2007 3 conventions when describing nomadic groups, reaching back to Herodotus18. Greek and Roman writers had long engaged with the peoples living beyond their frontiers in the creation of a universe that was Mediterranean-centric, both geographically and morally19. Ammianus Marcellinus describes the Huns as less than human, because they do not engage in agriculture and do not live in permanent settlements, since the pursuit of agriculture was central to Roman ordered existence. It was an economic necessity but also a sign of virtue20. Ancient ethnographic writings served ‘to other’ populations beyond the Roman empire, and there could be no greater ‘other’ than peoples constantly on the move and unwilling to farm the land. Huns and Xiongnu: is there a link? The apparently alien nature of the Huns in central Europe is often linked to their assumed origins in central Asia, adding a racial dimension to their ‘othering’. Ancient ethnographic sources were vague about the homeland of the Huns prior to their engagement with the Roman empire, suggesting only a location east of the Sea of Azov, between the Volga and Don rivers21. However, since the eighteenth century, the Huns have often been equated with the central Asian Xiongnu, a nomadic group mentioned in Chinese sources as being active in the eastern steppes from the first century BCE to the third century CE22. Since then there has been considerable debate about the plausibility of this link, on the basis of written, phonological and archaeological evidence23. Archaeological research in the culture-historical tradition aimed to identify ethnic and tribal groups by apparently characteristic items of material culture, usually from graves. The innumerable groups mentioned in written sources in late antiquity and the early medieval period were associated with particular jewellery styles or burial with weapons, and the distribution of such artefacts was then used to attempt to track the groups’ movements. 18 Richter 1974, Schubert 2007 19 Kulikowski 2018, 154 20 Kronenberg 2009, 94f., Nelson 1998, 89 21 Ammianus Marcellinus, 31.2.12–13; Jordanes, Get. 5 22 De Guignes 1756, vi 23 e.g. Alföldi 1932, de la Vaissière 2015, 178f., De Takács 1935, Hirth 1900, Maenchen-Helfen 1944, Maenchen-Helfen 1973, 451 4 While this approach has been criticised extensively, both because it makes use of ahistorical concepts of ethnicity and because of its simplistic interpretations of material culture24, it has nevertheless been used to try to connect European Huns and Xiongnu through archaeological evidence25. Yet, the Huns have defied even conventional attempts to pin them down. Early works recognised the heterogeneity of material culture derived from central Asia or the steppes north of the Black Sea26. More recent research has increased the evidence but also the great variability of the material27. The most characteristic items are bronze mirrors and cauldrons, as well as component parts of composite bows with very widely scattered find spots28 (Fig. 1). Other items, such as narrow longswords, gold diadems and particular jewellery types, have a more defined distribution north of the Sea of Azov and along the middle Volga29. None of these form a clear link with the archaeological evidence associated with the Xiongnu, whose burial practices and grave goods are quite different30. 24 Brather 2002, Hakenbeck 2011, Von Rummel 2010 25 Hayashi 2014, Jettmar 1953, Tomka 2008 26 Bóna 1991, Werner 1956 27 Anke 1998 28 Anke 1998, 17f., 55f., Masek 2017 29 Anke 1998, 31f., 93f. 30 Brosseder 2018, 184 5 Fig. 1: An example of a ‘Hunnic’ cauldron, found in Törtel in Hungary in 1869 (photo by György Klösz, public domain).
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