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FABIAN REVIEW the Quarterly Magazine of the Fabian Society Winter 2013 / Fabians.Org.Uk / £4.95 FABIAN REVIEW The quarterly magazine of the Fabian Society Winter 2013 / fabians.org.uk / £4.95 NO TIME TO LOSE Why 2014 is the last chance for Labour’s radicals, with Emma Burnell, Sunder Katwala and Labour MPs p8 / Mary Riddell interviews new shadow cabinet star Tristram Hunt p14 / Stewart Lansley writes that redistribution is not enough p18 / Colin Crouch explains how Labour can flourish in post-democracy p22 #fab14 Can Labour Change britain? FEATURING ED BALLS Fabian New Year Conference Saturday 25 January 2014 Institute of Education, 20 Bedford Way, London WC1H 0AL For more information and to buy tickets, visit www.fabians.org.uk Contents FABIAN REVIEW Volume 125—No. 4 Leader Andrew Harrop 2 Small footsteps to big changes Shortcuts Dianne Hayter 3 Bringing back socialism? Nick Butler 3 Labour into power Diana Johnson 4 Due north Sean Kippin 5 Reviving reform Lara Norris 6 Popular politics Andrea Westall 7 The power of association Feature Last chance saloon John Healey, David Lammy, Lucy 8 2014, Labour’s year of … Powell, Chi Onwurah, Steve Reed Sunder Katwala 10 Who will speak for England? Emma Burnell 12 Ever closer union? Interview Mary Riddell 14 Class wars Policy Pitch Karen Rowlingson 17 A savings safety net Essay Stewart Lansley 18 The economic imperative Feature Colin Crouch 22 The possibility of post-democracy Books Anya Pearson 25 Clean break 26 Fabian Society section FABIAN REVIEW FABIAN SOCIETY Editorial Finance and Operations Fabian Review is the quarterly journal of the 61 Petty France Head of Editorial, Ed Wallis Head of Finance and Fabian Society. Like all publications of the Fabian London SW1H 9EU Editorial Assistant, Operations, Phil Mutero Society, it represents not the collective view of 020 7227 4900 (main) Anya Pearson the Society, but only the views of the individual 020 7976 7153 (fax) Media and Communications Fabian Women’s Network writers. The responsibility of the Society is [email protected] Manager, Richard Speight Ivana Bartoletti, limited to approving its publications as worthy of www.fabians.org.uk [email protected] consideration within the Labour movement. Research General Secretary, Senior Researcher, Natan Doron Editor, Ed Wallis Andrew Harrop Researcher, Rob Tinker Editorial Assistant, Anya Pearson Deputy General Secretary, Printed by DG3, London E14 9TE Marcus Roberts Membership Designed by Soapbox, www.soapbox.co.uk Membership Officer, Events and Partnerships Giles Wright ISSN 1356 1812 Head of Events and Local Societies Officer, [email protected] Partnerships, Kate Godfrey Deborah Stoate 1 / Volume 125—No. 4 Leader © Kenn Goodall / bykenn.com © Kenn Goodall / bykenn.com Small footsteps to big changes Where once the belief in a gradual path to social progress was a cautious doctrine, now it makes Fabians the radicals—Andrew Harrop ABIANISM HAS NEVER been a dogmatic creed, which is not because we believe in small footsteps, but because we why the Society has been able to provide an intel- see them in a strategic context, where many incremen- Flectual home to so many famous political figures tal steps can form the road to transformative social and since it was founded, 130 years ago this January. But there economic change. has been an essence to Fabianism amid its diversity – a This is the perspective Labour must rediscover at the constellation of beliefs and an approach to politics – which start of 2014, for the time to plan for power is fast running must be at the heart of Labour politics in 2014 if the party out. In 2013 the party made real progress in defining its is to embrace a radical governing project. ‘doorstep’ offer. It set out a handful of clear reasons to In the first half of our history the Fabians’ defining vote Labour that mark it out from the coalition and which political project was collectivism: the Society famously it could start to implement in its first 100 days. But what championed the guiding hand of a strong, expert state; comes next? Promising to freeze energy bills cannot be but also promoted collectivism in the town hall and the seen as the risky outer limit of Labour’s economic ambi- workplace. In the second half of our life, from the 1950s, tions, but as a downpayment for five years of reforms to the hallmark of Fabianism has been its egalitarianism: reshape the relationship between government and market. it is Fabian thinkers who have continuously argued that The same is true across almost every area of policy: the fight against poverty and inequality is the first duty of Labour needs a radical five year programme of govern- Labour politics. These twin interests explain why today we ment, because nothing else will be sufficient to bring are as robust as ever in challenging all those who call into about the structural reforms we need if Britain is to be a question egalitarianism or the agency of the state. fairer, greener, more prosperous country in 20 years’ time. But above all Fabian thought has been defined by its The party must prepare for a huge increase in private and orientation to the future. The society is the home of a left public investment; a five year scheme of total tax reform; version of the Enlightenment tradition which champions much faster progress on decarbonising the economy; the social progress, rationality, expertise and evidence. This building of millions of new homes; the labour market and is reflected in the long-termist slant of our politics: our social security reforms required to narrow inequalities; and inclination to begin by asking how the world could look in major political reforms to reconnect people with politics. many decades time and then to work backwards, setting It won’t be possible to govern as radicals if Labour’s clear goals and seeking practical and specific tools to bring offer is stripped bare, with nothing beneath a few headline them to realisation. promises on a pledgecard. Nor does any of this fit neatly The Fabian belief in the gradual, long-term path to under the anti-statist banner of Blue Labour, because the social progress was once a cautious doctrine, in opposi- left can only bring about deep structural change through tion to revolutionary utopianism. But now it makes us strategic, long-term state activism. It is only by re-em- the radicals, in contrast to the left’s social conservatives bracing its Fabian roots that Labour can come to power in and timid managerialists. Fabian gradualism is distinct, 2015 as a government ready to transform Britain. F 2 / Fabian Review Shortcuts loan). The disadvantaged are often less able the low paid or those on benefit, so seeing to shop around and are disproportionately them not simply in their working lives, but hit by big price hikes. For example, poorer as patients, clients, shoppers, passengers, households that rely on Economy 7 tariffs, tenants or savers, and protecting their which offer one tariff during the day and interests, helps exactly those whose access to cheaper electricity at night, may shortly have a more equal and rewarded life has always to pay up to 35 per cent more for their night- been our focus. BRINGING BACK SOCIALISM? time electricity bills than 13 months ago. So does democratic socialism form a Today, Labour’s democratic Furthermore, for all consumers many cru- framework for Labour today? Of course. socialism means helping those cial markets are not as competitive as they We remain committed to democracy, and to should be. The Big Six energy companies, increasing participation in the democratic without consumer power get a fairer retail banks, transport providers – consum- process by all – including the Paxmans and deal, writes Dianne Hayter ers are constrained in exercising choice and Brands, but particularly the young. switching providers for something better. And we remain determined to shift One only has to think of people seeking to power and economic strength from vested buy or rent in a distorted housing market. interests to all citizens. Call it what you will. I remember, just after Tony Blair was elected House prices have risen nearly 6 per cent in It’s what I stand for. F leader of the Labour party, hearing of his a year, whilst private rents are now exclud- support for socialism. In fact, he spoke of ing all but the very rich from central London. Dianne Hayter is a Labour peer it as two words: ‘social’ ‘ism’, making the In other markets – with lawyers, or buying case that Labour’s concern was for a better pension products – either because the society which we all worked to improve. outcomes are long term, or because a client For myself, I like the words ‘democratic’ lacks sufficient knowledge in the service or ‘parliamentary’ preceding socialism, as it being offered, they haven’t the information marks out that changes come with the will required to shop around. of the people, who must be persuaded and vote for the policies we favour in our march We remain committed to democracy, towards a fairer, more equal and just society. Concern by the ‘haves’ for the ‘have nots’ and to increasing participation in the democratic process by all – including is again in vogue, but where I differ from LABOUR INTO POWER some earlier generations is in defining the the Paxmans and Brands, but Labour will find allies in the civil ‘have nots’ in terms of power as well as in particularly the young their economic relationships. So class, yes, service if it replaces the current remains important (since that is pre- culture of blame with a period eminently about power) but so does gender, In all these cases, society must in some age, ethnicity – and being a consumer, the way ‘stand in the shoes’ of consumers, and of stability and respect, argues purchaser or recipient of goods and services.
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