Sechaba, Jun. 1980

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Page 1 of 38 Alternative title Sechaba Author/Creator African National Congress (Dar es Salaam, Tanzania) Publisher African National Congress (Dar es Salaam, Tanzania) Date 1980-06 Resource type Journals (Periodicals) Language English Subject Coverage (spatial) South Africa Coverage (temporal) 1980 Source Digital Imaging South Africa (DISA) Rights By kind permission of the African National Congress (ANC). Format extent 36 page(s) (length/size)

Page 2 of 38 SECHABAJUNE 1980official organ of the african national congress south africaLILIAN NGOYI1912-80

Page 3 of 38 African National CongressSouth Africa5 rue Ben M'hidi LarbiALGIERSAlgeriaThe RepresentativeAfrican National Congress -South Africa5 Ahmad Ashmat StreetZAMALEK CairoArab Republic of EgyptAfrican National CongressSouth AfricaP. O. Box 1791LUSAKAZambiaAfrican National Congress -South AfricaP. O. Box 2239DAR ES SALAAMTanzaniaThe RepresentativeAfrican National Congressof South Africa310 East 44th Street,NEW YORK, N. Y.NYC 10074 - USA.African National Congress -South AfricaBox 302Adelaide Postal Station,TORONTO - Ontario M5C-2J4CanadaAfrican National Congress -South AfricaP. O. Box 3523LUANDAPeople's Republic of AngolaThe RepresentativeAfrican National Congressof South AfricaFederal Government SpecialGuest HouseVictoria IslandLAGOSNigeriaThe RepresentativeAfrican National Congressof South Africa26 Avenue Albert SorroutDAKARSenegalAfrican National CongressSouth AfricaP. O. Box 680MOROGOROTanzaniaAfrican National Congress -South AfricaFlat 68 - Bhagat Singh MarketNEW DELHI - 1IndiaThe RepresentativeAfrican Notional Congressof South AfricaP. O. Box 2073S-103 12 STOCKHOLM 2SwedenThe RepresentativeAfrican National Congressof South AfricaVia Copo d'Africo 4700164 ROMEItalySECHABA Publications28 Penton Str.,LONDON N1 9 PREnglandDDR-1106 BERLINAngerweg 2WilhelmsruhPublished by the African Notional Congress of South Africa. P O So. 2119.Dar es Salaam,Tanzania.Printed at the Druckerei 'Erich Weinert', 20 Neubrandenburg, G.D.R.

Page 4 of 38 Page 5 of 38 SECHABAJune Issue 1980P.O. Box 3828 Penton StreetLondon N1 9PRTelegrams: MayibuyeTelex: 299555ANCSAGTelephone: 01-837-2012EDITORIAL:W E Say1 CONGRESS OF THE PEOPLE: I Was There 3 INSIDE SOUTH AFRICA 6 ARMY AND POLITICS: Part 3 11 SA & THE INDIAN OCEAN 14 CULTURE AND REVOLUTION 17 INTERVIEW: Abdullah Ibrahim 24 LETTER TO THE EDITOR 25 MA- -NGOYI: The Heroine 27fiend your orders now to:SECIIABA Publications, P.O. Box 323,''2S Penton Street. London N 1 9PR, IIK.All orders of 10 or more copies 50':discount.Kindle include a donation with your orderif possible.Sample copies of Sechaba available onn'

Page 6 of 38 EDITORIALWE SAY:.On March 9, 1980, the racist Prime Ministerof South Africa, P.W. Botha, surprised theworld with the announcement that hisgovernment had decided to summon aconference representative of all races in ourcountry to "deliberate about mattersaffecting South Africa". He gave as thereason for this decision the fact that theelection victory of President Mugabe'sZANU PF had changed the strategic situa-tion of South Africa.How should we understand this move?Does it mean that Botha and his lieutenantshave at last recognised the iniquity of thecolonial and racist apartheid system apdacknowledged the justice of our demandfor a united and democratic South Africa?Does this move therefore represent adecision by the white minority regimeto relinquish its monopoly of power?The answer to these questions was ofcourse given by Botha himself. For, in thesame speech of March 9th, he re-affirmedhis racist government's opposition to thedemocratic principle of one person onevote. He also pledged to maintain whiteminority domination, declaring that "theNational Party will defend the white man,his political rights, culture, and his right toself-determination." A quarter of a centuryago. Botha's predecessor, Hans Strydom,made a similar declaration:"Our (the apartheid Government's)policy is white domination, baaskap,separate development call it whatyou like".In other words, the apartheid regimestubbornly refuses to learn the simplelesson, so clearly demonstrated in recentyears in Mozambique, Angola and now inZimbabwe, that it is impossible to keep apeople in perpetual servitude.Under cover of "verligte" pronounce-ments P.W. Botha is faithfully followingin the footsteps of Portugal Caetano andRhodesia's Ian Smith. But he is haunted bythe spectre that, with the collapse of theapartheid regime's Zambesi River defenceline under the pending blows of the heroicpeople of Zimbabwe, the strategic situationof racist South Africa has deterioratedfurther - and dangerously, in favour of theSouth African liberation forces headed bythe African National Congress and itsallies. He knows that in this situation, inorder to "defend the white man and hispolitical rights", it is not sufficient toplace exclusive reliance on the "brave"police of Sharpeville, Soweto and Silvertonfame, or on the much-vaunted might ofthe racist army, which has not halted thepeople's march to victory, notwithstandingthat its exploits in Southern Africa duringthe past decade have already cost thiscontinent more than 30,000 innocentlives in Zimbabwe alone.Botha is therefore looking for ways andmeans of strengthening his white minorityregime and shielding it from the crushingblows the oppressed and exploited massesmust and will deliver in the pursuit ofliberty.By calling the proposed conference,Botha is inviting the Black people to becomehis political army for the defence of whiteminority domination. He wants us to lendlegitimacy to a crime against humanity,in return for meaningless andinconsequential reforms which have nothingto do with the only real question of SouthAfrican politics and international peace --the question of the transfer of power to themajority and the re-constitution of SouthAfrica as a united, democratic, non-racialand peace-loving country under the leader-ship of a people's government.Casting an imperialist eye over theindependent states of Southen and CentralAfrica, and armed with his expansionistplans for the economic and political domina

Page 7 of 38 tion of Africa, P.W. Botha is calling thisconference of ethnic groups, homeland'nations" and people with separate"identities" with the added aim of layinga foundation for his "Constellation ofSouthern African States", a goal which heknows must remain a remote dream in theabsence of a master-and-slave alliancebetween the racist regime and the victimsof oppression, exploitation and racism inSouth Africa. But there cen never be anysuch alliance.At a time when everywhere across ourborders, people's governments have beenor are being formed through the stubborndetermination of the people themselvesand their ensuring willingness to makesacrifices and pay the maximum price forthe liberation of their countries, we, inSouth Africa, can have nothing to do witha conference called ostensively to discussSouth Africa's future, but whose real andsole intention is. and which can only serve,to reinforce our colonial status, consolidatethe structures of apartheid, and ensure ourcontinued super-exploitation.We shall not betray Africa and theprogressive world. We shall not betray ourown heroes and martyrs, the men, women,youth and children who fell in the fightfor freedom. We shall not betray thenational leaders and captured militantswhose release from imprisonment hasbeen, and continues to be the subjectof world-wide demands and appeals bypeople from every walk of life.As against the apartheid regime's survivalstrategy, we have a strategy for victorywhose indispensable imperative is unityin action, a sustained and ever-growingattack and resistance on all fronts, andwhich requires constant consultations amongall our patriotic people at national, regionaland local levels, to ensure a co-ordinatedoffensive for the attainment of agreedstrategic and tactical goals.Following the heroic victory of thePatriots of Zimbabwe and the stunningdefeat of the forces of colonial-apartheiddomination, the order of the day for theoppressed and democrats of our countryis: Attack and once more attack withoutgiving the enemy the respite he seeks.We call on the international communityalso to intensify its offensive, to fightharder for the all-round and completeisolation of the criminal apartheid regimeand to step up its moral and materialsupport for the African National Congress.The captain of the fascist clique has openlyadmitted the stunning effectiveness of theworld solidarity movement in the struggleagaist apartheid tyranny and oppression.Now is the time to deliver more tellingblows.At the same time, it is of great impor-tance that the friends of the strugglingpeoples of Southern Africa should supportmore firmly than ever before the principledand patriotic positions of SWAPO, the soleand authentic representative of the peopleof Namibia, against the manoeuvres of thePretoria regime and its imperialist allies.The young republic of Zimbabwe needsassistance and support in the continuingstruggle to safeguard its independence andthe freedom of its people. The independentstates of Southern Africa remain still underthe menace of the sweet-talking Botha andhis bloodthirsty generals. The historicvictory in Zimbabwe has increased ratherthan diminished the aggressive intent of thePretoria regime against the peoples ofSouthern Africa. The committment of therest of peace-loving mankind to thestrengthening of the economic and defencecapacity of these countries must there-fore increase rather than diminish.The struggle continues!Victory is certain!Forward to a people's government!

Page 8 of 38 CAP -I WAS THEREOn the 25th anniversary of the Congressof the People, a delegate to that historicoccasion describes the work involved inits preparation and the atmosphere andspirit of Kliptown June 25-26, 1955.June 25 and 26 1955 are dates indeliblyimpressed on the minds and hearts ofevery Congress member who was active atthe time. They are the dates of the Congressof the People which was held at Kliptownto discuss and finally adopt the historicFreedom Charter which forms the basisof our policy today. On those two dayswe witnessed the climax of months ofeffort on the part of thousands of Congressmen and women throughout the countrystriving for the liberation of their countryfrom the yoke of apartheid.In the FreedomCharter they set out the details of thekind of South African society they wantedto see when the day of liberation dawned.The Congress of the People was broughtabout through the efforts of Joint CongressCommittees which were established through-out the country comprising the AfricanNational Congress, the SA Indian Congress,Coloured People's Organisation (later theSA Coloured People's Congress), and theCongress of Democrats whites whoidentified with the Congress movement.The SA Congress of Trade Unions (SACTU),formed in March 1955, was not yet partof the Joint Consultative Committee,though it passed a resolution of supportfor the COP campaign at its foundingcongress and fully associated itself withthe Congress Alliance. The South AfricanCommunist Party, although reconstitutedsince 1953, had not yet publicly declaredits existence so that, although its memberswere active in all the Congresses, it did notparticipate as a separate entity.Meetings to mobilise the people forthe COP and gather in their demands andwishes for incorporation in the Charterwere held everywhere - at factories atlunch-time, in the townships, villages andsuburbs in the evenings and over week-ends. Many of our best speakers had alreadybeen banned from attending meetingsunder the Suppression of CommunismAct, so in many places it was left to thesecond string to fill the gaps, and to doeven more because the number of peoplewho could be active publicly was restrictedby the bannings. The slogan for the Congressof the People "a delegate from every,town, every suburb, every village" --- waswhat we had in mind, and it was an idealthat came near to 100"'e' fulfillment.The meetings were held to elect dele-gates to the Congress and also to putforward the demands of the people forincorporation in the Freedom Charteritself. For this was a document whichwas intended to be our blueprint for thefuture South Africa, and it was the aimand hope of all of us that the people ofSouth Africa would take the chance tohelp create their own future. Day by dayas the meetings were held and the resolu-tions began to roll in it was remarkableto see the similarity of the demands voicedon all sides although not really surprisingwhen one considers that the people every-where suffered from the same disabilities.The complaint everywhere was first andforemost about the iniquitous pass laws,then about Bantu Education, forcedremovals, high rents.... Everywhere thepeople knew that until they had the rightto vote they would never have the powerto get what they wanted.Money also had to be collected to senddelegates up to the Congress in Kliptown.Our comrades collected money in pennies,in shillings and pounds,from audiences

Page 9 of 38 at meetings, from their neighbours, frompeople in buses and trains. The sight of thedog-eared notes coming in from all overthe Western Cape, which was where Iworked - hundreds of them brought in byour comrades returning from meetings- was an assurance that our efforts weremeeting with a wholehearted response.And Head Office was besieged with bitsof paper posted from everywhere in thecountry setting out the demands of thepeople.When the great day of COP was uponus, we set out on our journey to Uptown,many of us travelling hundreds of miles,wondering what was going to happen. Forit was not as if we had been allowed tocampaign in peace. Every meeting waswatched by the special branch, ourorganisers were hounded and arrested,documents seized in raids.Not all the people's elected delegateswere able to reach the congress. Cars andlorries were stopped, contingents held backon one or other pretext until it was toolate to continue their journey. Yet in spiteof all the harassment and interference,about 3,000 delegates pierced the policecordon and arrived at Kliptown, just outsideJohannesburg, where a patch of openground had been prepared to seat the hugethrong. Just imagine the problems oforganisation - 3,000 delegates had to befed and housed. But from every point ofview the Congress was an outstandingsuccess. Politically, organisationally,emotionally, it was truly representative ofall the people in South Africa not likethat mockery called Parliament in CapeTown! Our Congress of the People reallybelonged to and spoke for the people ofour country, reflecting their aspirationsand hopes, their determination and courage,their faith in the future, their ability andinventiveness.I believe now, as I did then, that theFreedom Charter is a revolutionarydocument. It lays the foundation for thenational democratic revolution, stating inclear and simple terms the demands of thepeople demands which cannot be ful-filled unless the whole apartheid structureof South Africa as we know it today isoverturned. There are some who say theFreedom Charter is out of date becauseit is 25 years old. Of course nothing isimmutable. The Freedom Charter is notimmutable, it can be changed if the peoplewant to change it. But Freedom is notout of date, and the people's demand forfreedom has not changed. On the contrary,it has gained in intensity, and led the peopleto adopt new and more forceful methodsto achieve their objective. But that objectiveis still to destroy the apartheid state andbuild a new society - and the FreedomCharter still tells us what kind of societywe want to see in South Africa. Its wordsring as true today as when they were firstframed.But what of the days of the Congressof the People itself, those two days in 1955when the first real parliament of SouthAfrica was convened? Perhaps one can bestcompare COP to a festival - - except thatour business was serious, and except forthe presence of the special branch, peeringat the delegates through field glasses, takingnotes of the speeches, and finally on thesecond day surrounding the whole gatheringwith their uniformed police and militarymen armed with sten guns while the nameand address of every delegate was takendown.So why a festival? As one approachedKliptown (and I and others had driven1,000 miles to get there), one could seethe streams of other delegates arrivingsome in cars, some in buses, others incarts or on foot, many carrying bannersand wearing colourful national dressesfor a gala occasion. At the fenced-in-open-air forum of -the congress itself there werebanners displayed from all over SouthAfrica from Natal, East Cape, WestCape and other places. And of coursethere were many delegates there withoutdisplay of any sort to protect themselves;Viey had in fact to pretend they were notthere at all. These delegates were mainlyfrom the rural areas, liable to victimisationfrom employers and police if their presencewas discovered. But despite all the intimida-tion and danger, they were there.Before the congress started, groups ofpeople were singing freedom songs. Whenthe police staged their invasion on thesecond day and the delegates found them-

Page 10 of 38 selves surrounded, the tension was so greatthat a spark could have set off a conflagra-tion. But it was Ida Mntwana who keptthe crowd peaceful by starting the singingof freedom songs from the platform. Thebuzz of anger died down and the defiantsongs of freedom filled the air. The peoplecontinued with the business of thecongress, and the clauses of the FreedomCharter were discussed and adopted whilethe police were taking down names.Meal times were an important feature.We had signs up "soup with meat" and"soup without meat" to cater for thereligious scrupples or preferences of thedelegates. The police thought these signshad some hidden political significance,and they were later handed in as evidencein the treason trial which was the govern-ment's reply to COP. During these lunch-breaks, we met and mingled with delegatesfrom other centres, and made friendshipsand forged bonds which have endured tothis day and will continue to thrill usthroughout our lifetime.There were a lot of marvellous peopleat COP and a lot of marvellous peopleworked to make it a success ordinarymen and women who make South Africasuch an exciting place to live in. But I thinkof all the people with whom I workedfor COP, perhaps the most impressivewas the late John Mtini. He was a memberof the African National Congress, almost70 years old at that time, but young atheart, with the spirit, enthusiasm andenergy of someone 50 years his junior.He lived with his wife in a tiny pondokkiein Elsie's River, near Cape Town. Despiteailing health, he never spared himself.When the Congress called, he answered.Inspired by the whole concept of COP,he organised his whole area, and used tocome into the office with wads of 1 notesthat he had collected to help cover thecost of tansport. He himself collectedenough money to send 12 people to theCongress. He used to bring in his moneywith a wonderful smile of satisfaction onhis face, thrilled at the response of thepeople.The awards of Isitwalandwe, the speechesfrom the platform, the general atmosphereall contributed to make the week-end ofthe Congress of the People a trulymemorable one. People from all over SouthAfrica had come together, met one another,discussed their common problems, reachedtheir decisions, adopted the FreedomCharter. We had signposted the way toanother and better South Africa. COPWHEEL OF UNITYSymbol of the Congress of the Peopleand the Freedom Charter represented ashattering setback for the government -the time and effort they put into the treasontrial showed that. The people haddemonstrated they would never acceptapartheid, would never submit, wouldresist repression, would continue to rightfor liberation until final victory was wonand South Africa was set free. TheFreedom Charter has inspired the peoplein their struggles throughout the past 25years, and continues to inspire them.A Luta Continua! Amandla!

Page 11 of 38 ------inside South Africainside South Africainside South AfricaARMY IN SCHOOLSWhen the racist army and police werelet loose on the defenceless students andworkers of Soweto, Attridgeville, Gugu-lethu, Bonteheuwel and other areas ofthe country during the 1976 uprisings,hundreds of people died on the streetsand gutters of the locations and townshipsthroughout South Africa.Now, the very same police and armymuderers are imposed on the black peopleas teachers, doctors, advisers and so-calledprotectors. The Muldergate Scandal exposedthe regime's methods of using the army,police and apartheid propaganda agenciesto win back not only traditional allies inthe West but also the people of SouthAfrica and Namibia, which exposed theregime further in its attempts to makeapartheid respectable and acceptable. Itis therefore in this light that we have tosee the widespread use of racist armypersonnel in schools, hospitals, rural projectsand other "aid" activities. Apartheid hasfailed to win over the hearts and minds ofthe oppressed black people of South Africaand Namibia, Bantu education has collapsed.Black teachers have resigned en masse,schools have either been burnt to the groundor continue to be boycotted by thestudents. The regime is desperately searchingfor ways and means to give it anotherlease of life and it is to the army it hasturned for this kiss of life.The racist army has introduced a newscheme which is called Civil Action towhich selected white soldiers are recruitedafter they have completed their usualarmy training. Civil Action training takessix months to complete after which theycan work in "civilian areas", but as armypersonnel and it is mainly in the Bantustansthat these soldiers get their "on the spot"training. It is said that a Civil Action Unitworks under the control of the Bantustanofficials whilst the army is responsiblefor the maintenance of "discipline" andthe paying of salaries.In KwaZulu, 58 racist soldiers from theNatal Command under the control ofBrigadier Charles Lloyd serve as teachers,doctors, dentists, agricultural advisers,engineers, mechanics, sports organisers,lecturers, legal and financial advisors.Gazankulu is one of the main baseswhere Civil Action trainees are taughtand at Giyani the racist army runs anagricultural school. In BophuthatswanaBantustan, Brigadier Ferreira directs theNorth-Western Command and the CivilAction Unit. This group concentrateson working in schools, colleges, hospitals,and agricultural projects. The armypersonnel also teaches the puppets howto run the so-called "government adminis-trations". The major projects of this groupare at Taungs Agricultural College,Bathlaping High School, St Paul's MissionSchool and the Pingagore College. RacistArmy personnel can be found at 16 schoolsthroughout Bophutatswana as well as thesports facilities which they jointly run withblack teachers.In the Venda Bantustan, soldiers alsoteach at the Finyaswanda Trade Schoolas well as at the Arabi Agricultural Collegein Lebowa and the Sidlamafa Senior Schoolin Nelspruit.In the Orange Free State, racist soldiersenthusiastically organise school choirs, visitsto army camps, brass bands and otherprojects for the Black Communities.At the Potchefstroom Adult EducationCentre. racist soldiers also run sports groupsand night classes both for teachers andadults. The black principal of the AdultEducation Centre, Mr R.E. Muraka hasalready said that "the soldiers are doinga marvellous piece of work".

Page 12 of 38 inside South Africainside South Africainside South Africa0FORNever 604 v has ovr verb. 4 4te entirp Inatbnexiytenee io1) so much / i5 bghind In hi 011Oat Stake 00. _ VB 5trb*VLL#iethre t with a dedicationpt)rpose,~---IVY t9lfkirgy- -_about the marxigt5?Tm515 what I men!~o overeoM e thet pal onsl e"P2cing u5 0 isIn Klerksdorp. Stilfontein, Orkney andCarletonville the racist army also helpin 30 schools in these towns.In Soweto, armed racist soldiers havealso appeared in the schools. The WestRand Board (WRAB) maintains that thesoldiers are there only through the consentof the parents even though the parentshave denied that they were ever asked.Already racist soldiers are teaching at theUmoja Art Centre in Mofolo Park, AlafangSecondary School, Katlehong SecondarySchool and other schools in Soweto.In Namibia the situation is nearly thesame. The racists have committed them-selves to "establish a strong infra-structurein Namibia". In the Number 1 MilitaryArea which covers Kavango and WesternCaprivi, Colonel Gert Nel, Commander ofthe area has concentrated on supplyingteachers, doctors, farmers and tradesmenfor the area whereas Colonel J.J. Bischoff,the Officer Commanding the Number 2Military Area spent 8442,783 sinceSeptember 1975 on the purchasing anddistributing of 3,815 bibles in variouslanguages.In Namibia the racist army isconcentrating on the Ovamho Bantustanwhere they are busy at the OngwedivaTraining Centre coaching athletes, organisingextra mural classes and "giving a sense ofprotection to the local people". Otherinstitutions they work at are the Loalo-veld Primary School, Caprivi 'trainingCollege where the principal is a racist soldier,Kizito Catholic Primary School run by nuns,Katima Mulilo Hospital, Oshakati StateHospital (3 doctors and 3 dentists). EluwaSchool for the deaf, Ondagwa GovernmentComputor Centre, Agricultural projectsat Shadikongoro in Kavango and with theMinistry of Agriculture and Forestry nearthe Angolan Border.The attitudes of the people of SouthAfrica and Namibia have not been one ofpassive acceptance of these apartheid tactics.Throughout Namibia and South Africa therehave been widespread condemnations andthe refusal to cooperate with the fascistschemes. Students at the Umoja Art Centrein Mofolo Park immediately started to

Page 13 of 38 .. inside South Africa ... inside South Africa ... inside South Africa ...------boycott classes and said that they werenot prepared to go back until Mr "Frikkie"Visagie, the racist soldier was removed.Earlier a black teacher at the Centre hadbeen fired because the West Rand Boardaccused him of instigating the boycott.At a meeting organised by the SowetoCommittee of Ten and AZAPO, speakerafter speaker condemned the use of racisttroops in black schools when in fact thereis a shortage of teachers in white schools.In Namibia 700 students went on stike atthe Petrus Kaneb Secondary School wherethe students and parents were angered atthe recruitment of racist soldiers in theschool. This resulted in the formation ofthe Black Parents Society to oppose theuse of army personnel in Namibian schools.There is no doubt in any black person'smind at all that the whole excercise is toinfiltrate black schools as teachers, sports-masters and art teachers. Soldiers are letloose on the students to indoctrinate themby giving them irrelevant newspapers andmagazines such as the pro apartheid"Mmabatho Mail" from Perskor, "TheCitizen" and the army magazine called"The Warrior". Students are also threatenedby white principals and teachers who wear9mm pistols and two-way radios with whichthey can contact and report to the policeif the need ever arises.Botha when he outlined the racist long-term aims recently, spoke about the needfor a strong military and police force whichcould give the regime a reliable securityand intelligence service. Every scheme ofthe regime is a concerted effort tostrengthen itself against the massivemounting opposition to the fascist regimeand its inhuman laws. The days of theracists are numbered and sooner or laterprogress must triumph over reaction, thepeople over the regime, the Freedom Charterover the apartheid constitution.FREDANOODRAWhile the Apartheid regime desparatelysearches for ways and means of shieldingitself from the heavy blows of the advancingliberation struggle, the oppressed anddemocratic forces of our country arestepping up mass resistance to racist rule.A bold indication of their aspirations is thecurrent Free Mandela Campaign being wagedthroughout South Africa.The name of Nelson Mandela has becomea rallying point in South Africa; a symbolof resistance and hope, the embodimentof all that the oppressed masses are fightingfor. As Mandela himself said: "Above allwe want equal political rights becausewithout them our dissabilities will bepermanent."A petition launched by the "SundayPost' newspaper demanding his release,reached the 30,000 mark by the end of thethird week of the campaign.People's InitiativeThe victory of the patriotic forces inZimbabwe has been a profound inspirationfor the fighting people of South Africa.For the racists, the election results meantthe stepping up of Botha's vain manoeuvresto lend legitimacy to apartheid - especiallyhis call for a so-called conference with"acceptable" black "leaders" to "deliberatematters affecting South Africa". But thepeople seized the initiative!The enemies response to the campaignwas swift. At the March funeral of Comrade

Page 14 of 38 ------... inside South Africa ... inside South Africa ... inside South Africa ...------Lilian Ngoyi, hundreds of pamphletspurporting; to come from the ANC.' werefound in bundles at the Methodist Church,Orlando East. The faked leaflets declared:'Beware! People signing; the petition forthe release of Nelson Mandela are being;closely watched by the Security Police."Widest SpectrumIgnoring the threats of the racists, concertedefforts have been made to carry thecampaign to new levels throughout thecountry. The message is reaching and beingtaken up by the widest spectrum of organisa-tions and individuals. The young peopleare prominent in the campaign -- theywho have never known Mandela free. Butas Mandela's daughter Zinzi recently said:My father has been on Robben Island forover 15 years and it has been proved thatafter 15 years people still know who theirleader is."At a packed meeting; of more than2,500 students at the University of CapeTown, Mandela's other daughter. Zenanitold the audience:-The dilemma of ourcountry is having to accept that apartheidhas failed with its imposed solutions throughimposed leaders." After the meeting morethan 1.200 signatures were appended to theapetitions circulated in the hall. Soon afterthis activity 13 students from the universitywere arrested and charged with "furtheranceof communisin".Meanwhile in Matnelodi, Pretoria ameeting of the Congress of South AfricanStudents (Cosas) to discuss rent rises hadthe Free Mandela Campaign high on theagenda.Leading churchmen have also takenup the campaign. The secretary generalof the South African Council of Churches,Bishop Desmond Tutu called on all churchministers to circulate petitions in churcheach Sunday. "The church must give a

Page 15 of 38 ------inside South Africainside South Africainside South Africa------lead in this matter. These petitions mustbe drawn on ordinary paper and takento the offices of the Sunday Post as soonas possible", he said.In Natal, Diakonia, the inter-churchorganisation representing eight majordenominations, joined the campaign. Thebody called on local congregations to givetheir full support to the petition.The campaign is a purifying agent,drawing a demarcation line between thoseinterested in genuine liberation and thoseinterested in petty reforms - even someBantustan chiefs who are far from beingfriends of the liberation struggle are forcedto take sides.Enemy ResponseDespite the massive demand being madefor the release of Nelson Mandela, theregime as always stands fast to its fascistpolicies. This was underlined by an articlein the state's mouthpiece the 'Citizen'newspaper: "The Government does notconsider Mandela to be a political prisoner..the Government has no intention ofconsidering his release despite the present'coordinated agitation"'. In a speech tostudents at Stellenbosch University, PWBotha reiterated the regime's stand callingNelson Mandela "a criminal".Ideals and AspirationsWe are clear who the criminals are in SouthAfrica. The demand for the release ofMandela is one for a just and democraticsolution of the South African crisis; it isa rejection of apartheid and its Bantustans;a call for the implementation of thedemands enshrined in the Freedom Chartera document which expresses the idealsand aspirations of Nelson MAndela, WalterSisulu, Govan Mbeki, Ahmed Kathrada,Denis Goldberg and hundreds of politicalprisoners in South Africa. The demandfor Mandela's release is a realisation byour people that "if the Zimbabweans cando it, why can't we?"FOR THE UNCONDITIONAL RELEASEOF NELSON MANDELA AND ALLSA POLITICAL PRISONERS!CHAFOR SOUTH AFRICA'5SAKE CHANGE NOWFOR Your. CNILDREr45'SAKE Cmn6t10 __ if `uu can't read that. trN reading the %% rilin;, in the

Page 16 of 38 Ten years ago the SADF consisted entirelyof white male South Africans and until1972 the apartheid regime repeatedlystated that it has no intention of employingBlacks in the military. By 1977, however,the standard bearer of 'total strategy',General Malan, announced that 20'% ofSADF toops serving in the Namibian opera-tional area were black. At present theSADF is expanding the involvement ofblack South Africans in the apartheidwar machine as fast as it possibly can.It may seem surprising that the racistlaager has opened its ranks at a time whenthe tide of liberation is stronger than ever.A number of material and political factors,however, have made this sector of militaryplanning a crucial aspect of the apartheidstrategy for survival.The regime is dependent on white malesto manage the apartheid economy. Themomentum of struggle in Southern Africahas forced the SADF to continually increaseits conscription levels. The regime's military.manpower requirements - at presentestimated at about 180,000 troops inactive service at any given time are causingsevere stress in maintaining acontrolled economy. The SADF has thusbeen forced to explore alternative man-power arrangements.Of far more significance, however, arethe political considerations behind blackrecruitment. One of the key foundations ofBotha's present "total strategy" was laidout by the SADF in the early 1970's in itspolitical arguments for the recruitment ofblack troops. The involvement of all sectorsof the population in the military is in factnot a contradiction of traditional afrikanerideology. It is, the only logical developmentpossible within the apartheid masterplan.There is a need to protect the positions andstatus quo of bantustan puppet leaders.This can be done most 'legitimately' byemploying black troops. The establishmentof bantustan military forces is aimed atcreating protective buffer zones aroundthe regime s industrial heartland. In theattempt to win the hearts and minds ofthe black population, the SADF's deploy-ment of black troops is inextricably linkedto the regime's propaganda signiture tune:'We all need to fight against our commonenemy, communism"!The fact that since 1977 black troopshave represented at least 20^, of SADFoperational strength is of major significanceFor Blacks comprise less than 5'*: of totalSADF strength. The SADF is thus usingblack troops as cannon fodder in an attemptto create a totally false picture of thenature of the struggle being waged againstthe apartheid military state.At present blacks are being absorbedinto the military structure through a varietyof recruitment schemes. Approximately1.000 Coloureds are being enlisted eachyear into a 2-year period of national serviceduring which they are encouraged to join thePermanent Force. While this is portrayedas a voluntary system, what in fact existsis an economic draft with unemployedyouths being forced to 'volunteer'. A similarscheme exists for Indian youths withapproximately 150 being recruited eachyear. While Indians are only musteredin the Navy, Coloureds are deployed ininfantry, maintenance and service unitsin the army, as well as in service capacitiesin the SAAF and SA Navy.Africans are being recruited into twoapparently seperate structures: thepermanent force of the SA Army and thebantustan forces. 21 Battalion, based atLenz near Soweto. is responsible for thetraining of African infantry units whichhave been operational since 1978. fighting

Page 17 of 38 alongside white army units in Namibia,Transvaal and Natal. This Battalion hasalso trained the initial cadres of the threebantustan forces now in existence.In typical apartheid fashion, Africans,Coloureds and Indians are deployed in theirown 'racially pure' units, under thecommand of white officers. The SADFhas not launched into the training of thesetroops without taking certain precautionsto ensure their "loyalty". Volunteers arevetted by psychologists, ethnologists andsenior SADF personnel to check theirrecord and "personality" before beingrecruited. Training programmes devote alarge portion of time to a variety ofindoctrination techniques. Extensive propa-ganda within the SADF is aimed at makingblack troops feel "part of the family".PARATUS, the official journal of the SADF,12 carries a regular propaganda column writtenby a black journalist. Pay, though notequal to Whites' is higher than Blacks canexpect to earn almost anywhere else and,given that most recruits were previouslyunemployed and a significantly largeproportion of them are married men withdependents to support, money is a strongincentive for them not to step out of lineand run the risk of losing their lucrativeemployment.It is in the SADF's bantustan strategy,however, that the fraudulent machinationsof the apartheid militarists are clearlyexposed. While the Transkei, relativelygeographically isolated from the escalatingarmed struggle on the northern bordersand urban areas, has been allowed a certaindegree of independence in its militaryplanning, the strategically located "home-lands" that surround South Africa'sindustrial complexes in the Transvaal and

Page 18 of 38 Natal are major focusses for SADF planning.Bophuthatswana is a case in point:The geographic position of Bophutha-tswana makes it a key factor in the SADF'scounter-insurgency strategy. In a nutshell,the strategy for establishing the Transkeianmilitary was based on the need for legiti-mising the granting of "independence"and the maintenance of the status quoof the Mantanzima regime against possibleinternal dissension. In Bophuthatswanathe overriding priority is the establishmentof a force that can be used by the SADFin defending areas of the North WesternTransvaal and North Western Cape. Theimportance of this is all too clear, given theescalation of the activities of l'mkhontoSizwe in this area.ter an initial statement in 1976, PWBotha announced in January 1977 that theSADF under the leadership of Brig FECvan den Bergh, OC NW Command, wouldassist the bantustan in the formation of adefence force. The Chief Minister ofBophuthatswana, Mangope, stated that everycountry had a right to defend its sovereigntyand that in the "dangerous world of todaythe formation of a defence force to defendBophuthatswana against Communistinsurgency was a matter of the highestpriority."Two intakes of recruits, in Februan-and May were trained in 1977 and by thetime of "independence" in December,the unit, now known as the Bophutha-tswana National Guard, had a strength of221 men.At "independence", the Bophuthatswana'government" was restructured with statecontrol being enforced through an executivepresidency and 9 governmental departments.The military was put under the commandnot of a Department of Defence (as is thecase in the Traskei), but under the "Officeof the Military Adviser and Operations"directly controlled by the president whoin turn was obviously controlled by themilitary adviser. Mangope appointed him-self as Chief of the Defence Force.According to an official statement:` It was decided that the BophuthatswanaDefence Force nucleus be formed as a unitof the NW Command ....Chief Mangopeappointed a Defence Committee toformulate defence policy. The OC NWCommand was appointed as the MilitaryAdviser responsible for establishing andtraining the unit ...A Defence Headquarterscommands the defence structure, whichconsists of the National Guard, under whichrifle. constuction and support companieswill fall. There is also a Military Band andan Advanced Training Wing. It will laterbe possible for either the rifle or construc-tion element to be separated from theNational Guard and to become an infantrybattalion or engineer regiment in its ownright after having been strengthened by theaddition of further companies, in whichcase the new unit will have its own unitheadquarters and support company."In June 1977, a senior defencespokesman revealed that at that stage 3separate PF battalions were being plannedwith about 700 troops in each.By 1978 a number of senior SADFofficers had been permanently transferredto the Bophuthatswana National Guard.The 2 most senior commanders, J vanNiekerk (OC Bophuthatswana NationalGuard) and A.1P du Plessis (Chief StaffOfficer Operations), carry the rank ofLieutenant Colonel (Lt Col), a rank notused in the SADF. This is obviosly a super-ficial attempt to make the National Guardappear to be an independent force.According to official sources, the trainingof the National Guard incorporates thedevelopment and expansion of "Tswanamilitary culture". Tswana ethnologists havebeen employed to integrate Tswana customsinto the defence force. For instance, therank of captain" has been dropped, asthe Afrikaans word "Kaptein" can alsorefer to a tribal chief.What is of particular significance is theimportance that has been attached to theestablishment of an engineer constructionunit. This appears clearly to be aimed atthe rapid development of a network ofmilitary roads in the area which will greatlyenhance the SADF's counter-insurgencyoperational ability along the Botswanaborder..a,..,.,:...., a. - -i --4... ., . . .: ,:. ,r- ..h . -:+* 13

Page 19 of 38 SA 5 iNf INDIAN OCEANThe following paper was presented by theAfrican National Congress at a Conferenceorganised by the World Peace Council onPeace and Security in Asia. It was held inNew Delhi, 22-25 March, 1980.It is not for the first time that we air ourviews on this topic and avoid repetitionwe shall concentrate on those aspectswhich we feel are of vital importance inthe understanding of the dangerous roleracist South Africa is playing in the regionof the Indian Ocean.The Western countries have alwaysseen racist South Africa to be of strategicimportance but the problem has alwaysbeen the reaction of the so-called "thirdworld" countries and the socialist countries.That is why they find themselves in apolitical dilemma; either collusion with oropposition to Apartheid in other words,with to support the present policy of theregime or advocate for a change in thestatus quo. They have invariably opted forthe first option.On the other hand the South Africanracists use the country's strategic impor-tance as a most effective deterrent againstWestern intervention (and in particulareconomic sanctions): the West must depend.on South Africa to defeat the so-called"communist expansion" in Africa. Thisargument conceals one fundamental truthnamely that in actual fact racist SouthAfrica's importance reflects the scope ofits dependence on the West. Racist SouthAfrica depends on the West for its defencei.e. the presence of Western warships in theIndian Ocean and it also relies on Westernmarkets for 89% of its mineral production.Even its acts of aggression are dependenton this aid: the fiasco in Angola in 1975/76 when Western aid was not availableis enough proof of this.The thesis of the so-called "strategicbalance of forces between East and Westin the Southern Hemisphere" serves tohighlight the extent of South Africa'svulnerability rather than the importanceof racist South Africa because the balanceis obviously shifting in favour of the progres-sive forces in Southern Africa. Changes ofa historic nature are taking place in theregion of Southern Africa.The South African NavyBefore 1970 five of its eight principalships dated from World War 11: its navalcapability depended on renewed armssales from the West. The question thenarises could South Africa manage toundertake mid-ocean operations withoutlong-range naval reconnaissance support inthe absence of replacements? It is thenobvious that for the West the credibilityof South Africa's Navy arose not from theprojections of its naval planners but frompolitical considerations. Therefore, politicaland military considerations are indivisable.South Africa's navy has been modernisedand expanded. 38%o of the South Africanarmaments is spent abroad primarily onnaval and airforce equipment. Many westerncountries are involved in this process of'modernisation" and "expansion". For thesake of brevity we shall cite two countries,namely Italy aild Israel. A state ownedItalian radar and missile company is refittingSouth African President Kruger- classfrigates with the Albatross shipbome anti-aircraft/anti-missile system. In late 1974Israel supplied the South African navywith three Reshef type patrol boats. TheReshefs as well as missile boats now beingbuilt under Israeli licence in Durban areeach fitted with an OTO Melara 76mmgun, an Italian state-owned production.

Page 20 of 38 d' IYC4rJt!.Q:r.: -44.0 . . . .The South African navy has beenchanging its role from that of monitoringmerchant ships and strategic missles to a"defecsive policy" to "protect" its coastsand harbours hence the formation ofa unit of marines.Futile ArgumentsInternational imperialism and the racistSouth African regime distort the factsabout the situation in Southern Africa.They tell us that the threat to South Africacomes from Moscow. Yet we all know thatthe real threat to the regime comesinternally from the black masses of ourpeople.They try to use this argument as ajustification for the so-called protection ofthe sea-lanes. There is a lot of shadow-boxing in most of the arguments aboutthe Cape route: while the West and SouthAfrica are concerned with an externalthreat ("Soviet threat") to their securityinterests at the Cape, South Africa facesan internal threat to its position there.Against this threat South Africa's frontiersare no defence of the regime's legitimacynor an argument for non-interferencein its sovereignty. Another sinister aspectof this problem is the question of Bantustansand attempts to make Africans lose theirSouth African citizenship. This is anotherattempt to justify the argument that thisinternal threat is indeed an external threat!When we consider that South Africa'sregular forces are maintained for internalsecurity and, therefore, the conflict thatarises in South Africa is more of an intra-state insurgency rather than an interstateconflict the hollowness of the argumentabout external threat becomes obvious.Ironically, there is much talk about the"political reliability" of South Africa andthis dovetails with racist South Africa'sclaim that it is keeping the Cape "in trustfor the Free World". This "politicalreliability" tends to mean the old colonialorder in the guise of apartheid.Racist South Africa has been the onlycountry on that part of the African conti-nent to protest at the so-called Sovietpresence in the Indian Ocean and to defendthe expansion of the American base atDiego Garcia. This is not surprising forracist South Africa is not an African state.The Indian OceanThe militarisation of the Indian Oceanmeans free flow of raw materials at theCape and access to them that is theWest's economic interests cover the mineralreseWes of South Africa; it also meansthat the defence of the oil route is coupledwith the "right" of the West to exploitthe mineral and human reserves insideSouth Africa. This is all the more so, becausein Southern Africa the "interception"of the region's raw materials can obviouslybe undertaken at sea as its railway systemruns from the interior to the coast. (Thedisruption of the region's transport infra-structure is an important aspect of ourstruggle). By the way this has repercussionson independent Africa!Talking about the oil route it is impor-tant to note that 2300 vessels pass theCape every month and in the year whichended on 31st March 1978 South Africa'sports provided docking and repair facilitiesfor 12,55-1 ships.This problem of the Indian Ocean cannotbe divorced from the thinking behindthe establishment of the Simonstownbase which meant Britain's presence insupport of South Africa's strategic positionin Southern Africa and white rule withinSouth Africa. In actual fact Simonstown'simportance stemmed from the support itgave Britain's forward deployment in theMiddle East and the "protection" of thetankers in the Persian Gulf rather than anyprotection it offered them at the Cape.One can say with certainty that theSouth African Navv has a "counterinsurgency" function:- the strategic signifi-cance of South Africa rests firmly on itscounterrevolutionary role and its regionalrole in Southern Africa.Imperialist ManoeuvresWe have already stated that racist SouthAfrica is incapable of conducting its owndefence without Western military aid.Let us take the case of U.S. tactics as anexample. It is said that racist South Africaowns 20 per cent of one of the most

Page 21 of 38 advanced weapons research in America:that is the Space Research an enterprisestraddling the U.S.' Canadian border. Thisenterprise has been secretly supplyingSouth Africa with one of the most sophis-ticated and deadly artillery systems ina deal estimated to be worth $50 million.It sold 53ooo long range 155mm howitzershells and an advanced artillery system toSouth Africa.It is said that at least 12 of the employeesof Space Research Corp. were sent to aremote military range in central SouthAfrica 60 miles west of Kimberly toaid in the design, development and testingof the advanced weapons systems.The fact that the U.S. Defence Depart-ment, State Department, CIA and countrieslike Canada, Britain, Belgium, Israel, SpaceCapital International NV "a Dutch-basedfront for South Africa" were involved,was a violation of the UN arms embargobanning the sale of arms to the whiteminority ruled country of South Africa.The very fact that the shipments of ballis-tics testing equipment and demonstrationprojectiles - code named "Miami" -- werefrom Canada via Spain to South Africashows that the whole act was deliberateand calculated.Secondly it is interesting to note thatlast September South Africa exploded atwo to three kiloton blast and this resemblesthe nuclear products developed by SpaceResearch.The militarisation of the Indian Oceansubmits the sovereign states in this regionto the whims and pressure of racist SouthAfrica and international imperialism andthis is a threat to the lives of millions ofpeople who cannot defend themselves.The Indian Ocean is about 4000 mileslong and 4000 miles wide; there are 37countries, littoral and hinterland, whichsurround it and this constitutes one thirdof the world's population. The increasingimportance of oil, the abundance of rawmaterials in the hinterland and littoralcountries; the enormous economic interestsof Western powers in many Indian Oceancountries; the very rich fishing zone itrepresents these are some of the reasonsfor this increasing militarisation.Diego Garcia is situated in the heart ofthis region. In 1965 the U.K. formed theBritish Indian Ocean Territory (BIOT)comprising the following islands: Aldabra,Farquar, Desroches and the Chagos Arche-pelago of which Diego Garcia is part. In1966 * the U.K. leased Diego Garcia to theU.S. for a period of 50 years. It is said thatthe U.S. is interested only in communica-tion facilities but we know that Pentagon'splans involve a great deal more than justcommunications. The enlarged runway isbeing considered for landing B 52 bombersand there is a possibility of stationingswing-wing F 111's capable of carryingnuclear weapons. What about nuclearsubmarines and aircraft carriers? DiegoGarcia is being literally transformed intoa nuclear base.France is also very much involved inbuilding up a military defence complex inthe Indian Ocean. She is claiming a halfa dozen tiny islands off the coast ofMadagascar with a total area of about50km: rive of these islands are claimed byMadagascar and one by Mauritius. Franceplans to build a sophisticated electronicdetection system to plot all shipping move-ments as far north as the Gulf-States; airstrips are to be built and supply pointsfor submarines, and missiles will be sitedhere.The strategy of imperialism is changingfrom that of open territorial occupationto that of encirclement: in the IndianOcean there are three vital bases - DiegoGarcia operated by Americans; Tangeh,Singapore, operated clandestinely by theAustralians and the Simonstown base inSouth Africa. We should not forget thatthe narrowest point between the continentalland masses of Latin America and Africais only 1,250 miles.In conclusion we suggest that the fightto dismantle the military bases in the IndianOcean needs a concerted effort of all peace-loving people, acts of solidarity, buildinga network of economic and commercialrelations; consultations in various fields:technical, professional, cultural etc. andcharting out policies of common interestand the demilitarisation of the IndianOcean may be one of them.

Page 22 of 38 CUITUREBRfVOLIITIONIn this article an artist and member ofthe African National Congress looks at therole of culture in the revolutionary processand calls for more effort to be put intothis sphere of all-round political work.South Africa is in a state of war. War wasdeclared on all the people of South Africa,when the first piece of land was forciblyappropriated as property of foreign colonialpowers. '.'die blood and sweat of our peoplecombined with the riches of our usurpedlands, were exploited to produce mountainsof wealth for the invaders. Now this landand all its material, human and spiritualwealth must be reclaimed. This monumentaltask demands the time, labour and brainsof all freedom lovers, and especially SouthAfricans.In the Freedom Charter the African NationalCongress of South Africa, articulated thebest conscious and unconscious aspirationsof the people of South Africa regardingthe correct ideological perspective impera-tive for justice to prevail in South Africa:THE DOORS OF LEARNING ANDCULTURE SHALL BE OPENED!THE GOVERNMENT SHALLDISCOVER AND ENCOURAGENATIONAL TALENT FOR THEENHANCEMENT OF OUR CULTURALLIFE;ALL CULTURAL TREASURES OFMANKIND SHALL BE OPEN TO ALLBY FREE EXCHANGE OF BOOKS`IDEAS AND CONTACT WITH OTHERLANDS;THE AIM OF EDUCATION SHALL BETO TEACH THE YOUTH TO LOVETHEIR PEOPLE AND THEIRCULTURE, TO HONOUR HUMANBROTHERHOOD, LIBERTY ANDPEACE;EDUCATION SHALL BE FREE,COMPULSORY AND EQUAL FOR ALLCHILDREN;HIGHER EDUCATION ANDTECHNICAL TRAINING SHALL 13EOPENED TO ALL BY MEANS OFSTATE ALLOWANCES ANDSCHOLARSHIPS AWARDED ON THEBASIS OF MERIT;ADULT ILLITERACY SHALL BEENDED BY A MASS STATEEDUCATION PLAN;THE COLOUR BAR IN CIii.TURALLIFE IN SPORT AND IN EDUCATIONSHALL BE ABOLISHED!This is indeed an all-embracing, educationalcultural programme, which needsimplementation even before seizure ofstate power.When UMkhonto we Sizwe (Spear of theNation) was formed, our movement hadrecognised the necessity of the militanwing, with its crucial task of executing anarmed struggle, as the decisive and inevitablemeans available to us to win independence.A new imperative arose. The liberationmovement had to take very seriously thesection relating to culture in the FREEDOMCHARTER and systematically had toconsider the role of culture as a nodalpoint in our present struggle.Liberation Struggle and CultureThe African National Congress of South

Page 23 of 38 Africa has a bright record of incorporatingculture and various art forms in its politicalwork. We have been edified by the deter-mined poetry that has constantly appearedin SECIIABA. The same publication hason occasion discussed South African artistsand their contributions to the developmentof our culture. So strong at times was thelink between culture and politics, so clearwas our movement's perception of thisinterrelation that the ANC of South Africa,without any fan fair or flag-waving, wasinstrumental in the setting up of Dorkay[louse. So strong has been the desire inartists too to be part of the movementthat many an artist has spent valuabletime away from his regular professionalactivities raising funds or assisting thevarious Offices of our organisation. Evenoil that historic day, 1955?6th .tune,in Kliptown, South Africa- when theFREEDOM CHARTER was adopted at theCongress of the People, various artisticgroups including the lluddleston Bandwgistered their endorsement to the mostdemocratic statement from that highlyrepresentative gathering in the history ofSouth Africa.But then, here was the problem. Artists\%ere always "brought in" Or "drawn into"the act almost incidentally, because theywere South Africans, instead of being anintergral part of our struggle. But thisdesire to be 'part of" has no doubt alwaysbeen there. Perhaps, too long, and fromwhatever their distance, artists have onlyidentified. While there is virtue even inthis, distant and occasional identificationbecomes a hidrance to effectiveprogramming and directed long-rangeplanning. Ours is the artists' andeducationists' struggle as well as the workers'and peasants', as well as political leaders',as well as the soldiers'. We suspect that ourartists want to be more than extra-addedattraction to embellish political rallies.They want to carry the political messagein a cultural form just as seriously andespecially consciously as our politicalleaden' committment to projecting thecorrect ideological outlook on our struggle.Short of this approach, artists will berelegated to a lower political status sincethey would have been defined as all emotionand no reason or all heart and no brain.In rejecting this split between politicsand art, deliberately fostered and perpetuat-ed by western education, we subscribeto a philosophy that asserts and promotesthe harmony between politics and productsof man's creativity. We do not accept thehypocritical view-point that education canbe non-political. We do not belive in themuch publicised myth of "art for art'ssake" and conclude that a more aptdescription of much western "abstract"art would be art for profit's sake. There-fore a clearly mapped out culturalprogramme would of necessity entail and orassume some political and ideologicaldevelopment for artists consistent withthe ANC of South Africa's goal of nationalliberation and to end exploitation of manby man. In the words of one of our songsin the ANC. "unzima lomthwalo ufunasihlangane". "it is heavy this burden, Itwants us to unite".On the cultural plane the song is alreadytaking concrete form. When the ANC ofCultural performance in Amsterdam

Page 24 of 38 South Africa was able to pool togetherartists such as dancers, writers, musicians(vocalists and instrumentalists) teachers,nurses and soldiers and when the movementsent all these from different parts of theworld as representatives of our strugglingpeople as well as our liberation movementto FESTAC 77' in Nigeria, a dramatic pagewas added to the history of the movement.As problem-ridden as FESTAC was for theAMANDLA BAND in Nigeria, even thoughthere were a few hurdles and impedimentsin East Africa and Zambia for our artists,yet something happened to the spirit ofeveryone involved. "We can't stop now"one said. "Let's record together" suggestedmusicians to poets. And yet another; "Weneed to formalise this association".In the end one thing became crystalclear - "a baby has been born" said the oneman on the drums. Our baby! There is apoint of recognition here. The artists werein fact expressing a response to the newworld situation. Consciously or perhapsunconsciously they were saying that wecannot be bystanders, when history pointsa finger at us to proceed where Angolaleft off. Not exactly left off, for, as theAngolans state, "a luta continua" and"a vitoria e certa". So dare we linger inour regular routine or continue to dobusiness as usual or standby as history isbeing made every day in our part of theworld. No, we dare not, unless we wish toperish. Yet perish we will not for that'snot what SOWETO 1976 teaches. Nordoes the experience of other people in theirstruggles suggest that. We are part of amoving, changing world!Die as a tribe, born as a nation .So, while we understand that victory inSouth Africa under the leadership of theANC is ours, we must never loose sight ofthe fact that no revolution has ever beenwon without harnessing culture to ideologyon the people's turbulent voyage tofreedom. To name but a few; take thefather of the Vietnamese revolution, 1IoChi Minh! Side by side his gun, he organisedhis people for action against imperialistaggression through his pen as well as hisbrilliant analysis and exemplary dedication.He commited his artistryto the revolution.Why not us? And then, what of Chile'sPablo Neruda? So revolutionary was hiswriting that not even the Noble Prize Litera-ture Committee could forever ignore him!Close to home, there is the late PresidentAgostinho Neto of the People's Republicof Angola. From a poem of his, one canteach aspects of the history of plunderand exploitation and then almost withincredible lucidity unite reason and emotion,thus laying the basis for the armed struggle.Some of our artists have been doing thisalready, on their own. Why not all of us?And collectively! We are of the same stuff!During the liberation struggle inMozambique, as the FRELIMO militantsmoved from national group to another,teaching all about exploitation and thereasons why and the methods how, theirobjective was capitalised in the slogan'we must die as a tribe and be born as anation". Well, did they mean death ofcultural expressions for some nationalgroups? No! And this has immediate rele-vance for anyone working in the area ofculture from South Africa. FRELIMOrecognised that there were different ethnicor regional cultures that obtain in Mozam-bique and the same applies to South Africa.Operating on the principle of mutualenrichment based on equality and respect,our aim should be to work with the totalityof our heritage, bringing out and heighten-ing that which is best in each given culturalgroup and in that process of interaction andsharing, universalise them, so that ultimatelythose acceptable artistic traditions andvalues become the wealth and pride ofall our people, regardless of their culturalorigins. This notion is diametrically opposedto Bantustanisation of our culture. Ithowever does mean that each one of ourcultural traditions must be studied andanalysed, so that the most progressive,humanistic and democratic elements areextolled. We will not defend a tribe, buteven with our life will defend the nation.Likewise all reactionary, negative andundemocratic ones should be exposed forwhat they are and negated. Essentially,we are advocating the invention of some-thing new or even novel. We simply wantto work for the development of the best

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Page 26 of 38 and to use this politically.Colonial CultureLike the imperative of Umkhonto weSizwe, a clearly defined and designed roleof culture in the ANC of South Africa isa must. In a sense culture must be seen asa two pronged revolver, one mouth forthe bullet and the other for education.All exploiters make sure that the processof exploitation is accompanied by a culturalideological offensive on those it wants tosubjugate. After physically wanting toremove the African from his African frameof reference, slavery then proceeded tostrip the slave of his clothing, language,food and sense of self, while simultaneouslyimposing a foreign world outlook throughthe oppressor's own culture. Undercolonialism a foreign religion was forceddown the throats of colonial workers tonegate or compete with the existing formsof religion, under the most fantastic pretextthat colonial peoples had no culture, noreligion, no ethics. Colonial education hadthe primary aim of instilling the oppressors'cultural values, the better to ravage theresources and the labour of the colonised.The only difference between Shepstone's"detribalisation" policy and the "retribalisa-tion" Bantustan scheme of the presentracist regime in South Africa is one ofstyle rather than essence. Mines, farms,industry and prospects for profits in SouthAfrica made and still make the oppressordistort our culture, degenerate all aspectsof it, save those that would promote hismaterial interests. It has been pointed outthat in the epoch of imperialism, the moreadvanced nations exploit and plunder the"less advanced" peoples. Thus uneveneconomic and political developments gohand in hand with uneven cultural develop-ment.Role of CultureWe cannot lose sight of the fact that ourstruggle in South Africa and indeed thewhole of Southern Africa is against:a) Colonialism (devised for capitalistexploitation):b) Capitalism (private appropriation of thefuture of other people's labour by thosewho do not themselves produce all thiswealth but "own" the land they stole,to force others to work it);c) Apartheid or racism (justification andrationale for preferring someone becauseof their different colour for thisexploitation from the Western worldand them claiming God "science" andmorality for this insanity) ;d) Imperialism (a higher stage of expansionand consolidation of capitalismuniversally) ande) national oppression and "tribal" divisionsCultural workers, educators must under-stand this and after understanding DOsomething abour it! Lenin once said "Forart to get closer to the people and thepeople to art, we must start by raisinggeneral educational and cultural standards".To do this we have to denounce the heritageof the exploiter, we must fight theprejudices that the South African systemmethodically unleashes on our people,reeducate them into accepting superiorsystmes of justice, attainable not in thehereafter, but down here on the ground.Always we must remember that cultureis a document of history. It records thepast, reflects the present and can projectthe future. The present and especially thefuture should be our major concern. Buthow do we adequately master these withouta winning and guiding ideology the pastcan seem inevitable "given the natureof Man" as apologists for exploitationoften mislead. The present so precepitousthat be tempted to echo negative ideasforgetting that every cultural expressionhas an ideological base.Western MediaOur people are influenced by strongermedia, the cinema. Again this is not new,that all the movie pictures are from theWest. They are used to recruit people tothe mines. During World War II, they wereused to recruit soldiers by fabricatinglies about African heroes. Unbeknown tothem, people assimilate American culture,they are imbued with the falsehood of the

Page 27 of 38 "Let us proceed as cultural warriors"superiority of the "American Way of Life",thus affecting every aspect of life, ourpsyche. As a result of this socialisationprocess, we become (because we are poor)imitations of cultural agents of imperialism.We have many a time applauded the cowboyafter he killed or escaped from being killedby Native Americans (American Indians),whose lands the forefathers of the cowboystole. The methods used in gang movieshelp to season and give an "Americantouch" to our high crime rate, itself aresult of the social conditions and themiriad of frustrations these breed. Acampaign against these is also necessaryagainst this slavish emulation and invitationof the West. Culture which is a vehicleand product of creation becomes a destruc-tive force resulting in "creatures" andspiritual and moral poverty.There is the phenomenon of the "newrich" in Soweto and places like "BeverleyHills" - - named after the prestigious residen-tial place for movie stars in Hollywood.Here people live much like the victims ofUSA oppression inside the USA where"'conspicuous consumption"' determines thevalue of a person. They have totallyembraced the hopelessness of the situationand the only sources of fulfillment comesfrom annual trips to Europe, USA andJapan (Home away from home) and thoseweek-end trips across the border to feel andact human (white) in the notoriousCASINOS - another importation of westerndecadence. These "big shots" superficial,

Page 28 of 38 pretentious and pompous try to make upfor the down-trodden condition of themajority of the people, for the alienationexperienced by all Africans by becomingconsumers. Because their shortsightednessand self indulgence detracts them from thestruggle for liberation, their identity bringsthem closer to the oppressor than to theBlacks. Victims themselves, they are alsoresults of a cultural offensive which goeshand in hand with imperialism.Cultural DecadenceWith the advent of the Bantustans thereis forced exodus from the urban to therural areas. Even though labour require-ments might place reins on numbers, wesuspect that even that rural cultural sourcemight be polluted. To some extent thisis already happening. Witness, the picturein Drum of an African woman dancerat the so-called independence celebrationsin the Transkei displaying a speciallydesigned "bloomers", legs up in the air,doing 'indlamu".We have seen how our oppressors haveused some of our actors and actresses inthis cultural offensive in plays like IMTOMBI. The show was so determinedlyunAfrican (all the pretentions and elaboratecostumes not withstanding) that it bogglesthe mind to fully comprehend how ourartists could allow themselves to be violatedto that degree without knowing what wasat stake. IPI--TOMBI was one of the vulgarcommercial advertisements of the Vorsterregime's lie that "Things have changed inSouth Africa". "Come and see our happyfoolish Natives" should have been themost appropriate title. Besides, behindall those songs sang by Africans is theunmistakable voice phrasing, inflexlion ofa white arranger -- guilty of plagiarism.Behind the busy and undecided gimmicksthat masquerade as "indlamu" is an anti-African mind, depraved, disdainful andlecherous the choreographer. WhichAfrican culture in South Africa couldever accomodate or tolerate in its danceform the site of an African woman legswide apart, gyrating across the stage to thesound of drums until she reaches a manon his back and as she wiggles across hisface, he is exhausted from drooling.Programme of ActionWe believe that the ri-spemsibility for ourmovement is to work out a plan of actionfor our people pertaining to culture. Wehave to map our a cultural strategy, shapeits results, anticipate problems and thedesired response and action. Ecergetically,the plan must he executed. And all thisdepends on all of its, for we are the move-ment. WE \Il'ST WIN.We need an all embracing programmeof action with a political content arevolutionary one. Our programme ofaction must he deliberately and pointedlydirected at propagandising. This means wemust educate, reeducate and negate theenemy's propaganda. We must organise foraction. We must organise to raise fundsto finance our struggle. We must organiseto will.Indeed a new baby is bom. %kill itsurvive? In a way this is a moot question,because some South Africans have alreadystarted nurturing it. 'e need more handsand heads. Therefore wherever we are,what ever our cultural medium, togetherlet us arm and preceed almost as culturalwarriors inside all(] outside the countryand help to facilitate our victor'.In a sense this is already being donethe cultural renaissance which is noticeablethroughout the countn. is a proof of this.Our organisations being banned, politicalleaders arrested, detained and killed underdetention the people have devised newforms of cultural expression and creatednew political platforms. The interest theANC shows in our culture (plays, gum-boot dance, poetry, choral music, politicalsongs, art and sculplure) shows that in themain we have grasped the spirit of thepeople. The task is to shorten our spearsand have a firm grip on our shields. Likethe warriors of the past, let us dance towardsthe enemy. I.et its jive to freedom.

Page 29 of 38 ABN[[AN IBRAHIM SPEAKSSechaba interviews Abdullah Ibrahim -1)ollar Brand on the eve of a highlysuccessful benefit concert held in Londonrecently.Ilow did you come to be a musician, artistand pianist?Well, looking back, I think that for all ofus from South Africa, music is an integralpart of our day-to-day living. I remembermy grandmother was a pianist in the localchurch. In South Africa there is music allaround you, especially when you are young.Like everybody else in South Africa, I wasexposed to a rich and varied musical culture.I started piano lessons when I was aboutseven %cars of age with the local schoolteacher. When I went to High school Istarted playing in Dance Bands I used t-)play traditional music. At that time it wa-called Marabee. I remeber that time ir,Johannesburg - the Harlem Swingsters,the late Sol Klaaste, Peter Resant, ' Ntemi.Philiso. African jazz was just starting atthat time. In fact one of my first tourswas with Dambuza. I remember we calledit the Manhattan Brothers. We playedall the traditional songs like Magwalandini.I was very young at that time but it was arich experience for me to get a good back-ground into our tradition.Can you tell us what it was that broughtYOU to realise your position as a black manin South Africa?I think the realisation is there even beforebirth. Its with your family and with thenation. I think as a musician it became clearto me very early that it was impossiblefor me to earn a living and just contributeas effectively as I could to society becauseof the Apartheid system. That's why weleft South Africa for the first time in 1962.In fact we went back there because we24 thought that perhaps being closer to thepeople would be a better way to contribute.Of course in 1976, when we were thereduring the uprisings we realised we hadalways known there was only one answerand that was the armed struggle. I thinkevery black man has made up his mindabout that.I am a South African and I want tocontribute to my society in my own countryand I am stopped from doing this. The nextthing is that I have to play a concert and Ican't bring in my own mother. She is notallowed to come and listen to the concertbecause the Boers will only give me a permitto play to them only. I said no way. Iwould never play to segregated audiences.So the realisation as to what I am as aSouth African and a Black has partly comethrough the music but basically like every-body else it has come from what Iexperienced socially, politically,economically.You arc playing for the ANC tonight, youknow what the AA'C stands for and whatthe people should do. What is your messageto our people, especially the artists?t don t see myself as playing for the ANC.It is my Government. I regard the ANCas my Government. I think the problemwith a lot of our musicians stems fromthinking too much in terms or beingprofessional musicians in terms of westerncommercialism. At this moment it is moreimportant for us to relate what we aredoing towards the struggle, because morethan anyone else our people do look up tous, especially the young people. The libera-tion struggle is there to create a new societyand as musicians we should really rethinkour position.DIy personal feeling is that it is a timeof sacrifice. We see it at all levels thechildren, young people, our leaders, thepeople who have been in prison for decades,others who have lost their lives like SolomonMahlangu it's a sacrifice. Others like

Page 30 of 38 James Mange have just been sentenced to:1 bdulluh Ibrahimcieafh. It is a time of sacrifice in the sensethat we have to redirect our energies towardsthe struggle. As a unit we will be muchmore effective instead of dissipating ourenergies in search of our own personal,grandeur.~t2TE~10, Iff EDITOR:Another reader contributeson the questionof unity in our struAWlc in response to theletter by !'.,\'. in the March 1980 issueof SEC'l1.1F1A.C,'ongratulations to P\ for his thoughtfulnote oil the question of unify in our libera-tion struggle: a topic which certainly meritsan ongoing discussion. I wholeheartedlyagree with the broad sweep of P\' ssubmission: more especially his insistencethat. at the end of the day, it is politicswhich remains in command and not adminis.tralive and mechanical considerations. Inthis connection it is worth recalling thetrenchant remarks of \larcellino dos Santosin an interview published Iiy tit(. AfricanCommunist ( Ith Quarter 1973):..When we speak about unity %%e nwae.in the first place, unity of the. peopi,not just groups who claim to represent Ipeople. Every situation generate, nume e-iiindividuals and groups whoa ha%v 11-.,amhition to exploit a strw,,ely for theirown ends. The real question is: whae ;represented by tit organisation" It fnllw,. -that unity hetween organisations only !:;.meaning if they have a real base ameen::;the people, otherwise it is purel\ formaland does not serve tit(- interests of a peoplv.Such a kind of unity may even serve -divide the people rather than unite 014,111Unit% is a complex process. It is tnvce rachieved easily and its basis i, always isthe process of transformation. ()ne 11.1to know at each stage what the platfeer -.of unity is. In Frelimo in 196:1 %%hatthe base of unity'.' It was to eliminwforeign oppression. Later Iho, worn oppre .lion came to include even internal gnmp.who wanted to replace foreign Oppre,seowith their own. So the base of unit\ ;,continuously changing. When we ask 1%%,,or more groups to unite. ,.\e hake teeestablish the base of this unity and tl:base must he determined by the level ofdevelopment of the stru"et"h :wd Owobjective realities. II is not o rtoutat Io taii,just of unity in principle."P\ correctly emphasise, tllal Ow 11,11ifront which we have alw;e\, enl;ht t.:encourage must embrace not only lhee,eforces which already accept the 'tratvt:!(and tactical policies and leadership of' ti;(ANC but also those hoe '-are willies; I(,co-operate with us on a minimum polilicaprogramme" and even those unwillin, tdo so but who show a readiness (tutel. Iwould acid- a potentiall for "coo-opera:ewith us and confront tit(, enemy oil certainissues".'These principles are the bread and butte:of united front politics. I however ha%e afew reservations about the way P\ applie-them to the Black Alliance. The questionwhich he poses in relation to the blteckalliance is a loaded one. We are scold Iassume as "given" that tit(- parties in%ol, ~-,'function within the Apartheid slructur-atld that the largest contingent. Inkatha.is inalienably (my emphasis) linked to theregime's bantustan programme. To (Iii,

Page 31 of 38 loaded question there can of course onlyhe one answer; they are irredemiably ontile other side.Surely it is at least arguable that theLabour Party succeeded in making un-workable the specific apartheid structureof the Coloured Representative Councilby its relatively consistent tactic ofrejectionist participation. The regime hasnow been forced to abolish the C.R.C.In the course of its struggle experience,tile Labour Party has been moving closerand closer to a public acceptance of theANC as tile key organ of the liberationstruggle. Also, despite the reservationwhich Buthelezi's inconsistent and oftenanti-popular manouevres incite, is itsufficient to dismiss the Inkatha movementas being 'inalienably' lost to the enemybecause of its link with the bantustanprogramme? Do we dismiss as irrelevanttile consistent opposition by Inkatha tothe regime's so called "independence 'programme which (and there is no spaceto elaborate the reasons) constitutes one oftile most vital platforms around which thepopular masses must he mobilised andunited.PN correctly stresses the need to mobiliseour people --who have to live in theBantustans. Can we talk seriously of doingthis job effectively without harnessing thetens of thousands who are organised intolegal movements which they see as vehiclesfor resisting the worst excesses of thebantustan policies'?It is impossible in this short contributionto argue out fully the thorny question oforganisations which "function within theapartheid structures". But we should surelyavoid the over-simplified conclusion (a laUnity movement) that mechanicallydismisses participation as collaborationistunder any and all circumstances. As statedby the ANC Strategy and Tactics:"The revolutionary-sounding phrase doesnot always reflect the revolutionary policy,and revolutionary-sounding policy is notalways the spring board for revolutionaryadvance. Indeed what appears to be"militant" and -'revolutionary" can oftenbe counter-revolutionary. It is surely aquestion of whether, in the given concretesituation, the course or policy advocatedwill aid or impede the prospects of theconquest of power."Coming back to the Black Alliance letme say at once that as presently constitutedit cannot be regarded as the instrument(which it claims to be) for the implementa-tion of the policy pioneered by the ANCand its allies; the calling of a trulyrepresentative non-racial convention etc.But the route which PN takes to drive usto this conclusion has pitfalls which coulddivert us into discounting any future roleat all in this area for organisations like theLabour Party and Inkatha. The task ofpreparing the ground for a conventionmust be undertaken by a much morebroadly-based popular movement than isthe case with the present Black Alliance.My quarrel with PN is that his ambiguousformulations clearly imply that organisa-tions like Inkatha and the Labour Partymust be written off as standing squarelyon the side of those who are working thesystem. Such an approach has, I believe,many harmful implications not only inrelation to the convention question butfor the whole area which PN tackles sowell -- the creation of a broadly basedunited front. Can we be so adamant thatthe organisations in question have nopotential to be drawn into such a front?If we adopt such an over-simplified approachthen we will no doubt contribute to drivingthem `inalienably" into the enemy camp.J.S.

Page 32 of 38 MA=aN60YI ME HEROINEExtracts from obituary by the NationalExecutive Committee of the AfricanNational Congress.The National Executive Committee and allthe members of the African NationalCongress of South Africa have leamt withdeep sorrow of the sad passing away of oneof the beloved and internationally knownleaders of the struggling people of SouthAfrica, Comrade Lilian Masediba Ngoyi.She died on the 13th of March, 1980 atthe age of 68 after a short illness.Ma-Ngoyi, as she was affectionatelyknown by all her comrades in struggleand millions of the followers of the AfricanNational Congress, has always been in thefront ranks of our revolutionary struggle,occupying leading positions as the firstPresident of the African National CongressWomen's League, and as second Presidentof the Federation of South African Women.She was also a leading member of theNational Executive Committee of ourorganisation.Throughout the decade of the 50's,which was a particularly turbulent periodin the political life of the entire country,Lilian was a participant in all the majorpolicy decisions of the African NationalCongress, guiding the entire oppressedpopulation into battle against the draconianpolicies of the fascist Nationalist Partygovernment. She was the prominent leaderof the militant women's campaigns, bothin the urban areas and in the rural backyardsof our country, fighting against theextention of the hated pass laws to ourwomenfolk.In her dual capacity as President of theFederation of South African Women andalso President of the African NationalCongress Women's League, she led a historicmarch in which more than 20,000 womenof all races participated on the 9th ofAugust, 1956 to protest against the passlaws for women.During the middle fifties she, togetherwith two other women leaders, visitedthe headquarters of the Women's Inter-national Democratic Federation, based inthe German Democratic Republic. Fromthere she visited several socialist countries,including the Soviet Union.We owe our unshakable positions withinthe ranks of the international democraticmovement to leaders such as Lilian Ngoyi,who were able to convincingly explain theprogressive policies of the African NationalCongress. Our international relations havealways been guided by the loyalty of ourmovement to the ideals pursued by theprogressive anti-imperialist movement ofthe peoples of the whole world.Consistent with the regime's agressivepolicies towards the national liberationmovement of our people, Lilian has hadher fair share of persecution at the hangsof the fascist regime. She was arrested andcharged of High Treason together with155 other leaders of our revolutionarymovement at the end of 1956. She hadalso been subjected to various types ofbannings, which restricted her t,,) theconfines of her Mzimhlophe home inSoweto.Our movement, in lasting memory ofher contribution, respectfully dips itsrevolutionary banners and pledges tocontinue her life-long work until finalvictory.HAMBA KAHLE 'MA-NGOYI!Below we report on the funeral of ComradeLilian Ngoyi which was held in Sowetoand became an expression not only of thelove and respect felt by our people forher as a person but their support for thecause she dedicated her life to. 27

Page 33 of 38 On Satuday 22nd March, more than 2,000mourners of all races came to Sowetofrom all over South Africa to pay theirlast respects to one of South Africa's bestwomen fighters - Mrs Lilian MasedibaNgoyi.In a moving funeral service lasting forfour hours, hundreds of mourners - - manydressed in ANC colours - packed theMethodist Church in Orlando East, whilehundreds listened outside as speaker afterspeaker paid tribute to the heroine of thepeople. They also heard messages from ourimprisoned leader Nelson Mandela, fromthe Soviet Women's Committee in Moscow,the Hungarian Solidarity Committee, theBritish Anti-Apartheid Movement and otherprogressive and democratic forces all overthe world. Messages also came fromZimbabwe and Lusaka and individualsabroad.Funeral ServiceAmong the speakers was Mrs Helen Josepha long time friend and comrade -- whoworked with her as secretary of theFederation of South African Women, wascharged with her in many trials and likeher, was jailed in the 60's and is currentlystill under a banning order. She was howevergiven permission to attend the funeraland address the service.The various speakers at the servicecalled upon black South African womento take part in the liberation struggle.Bishop Tutu, Secretary of the South AfricanCouncil of Churches urged the black womento lead the struggle when he said:"Ourliberation waits for you mothers. Men willcatch the disease of determination fromyou. Sisters, mothers, women, our liberationis in your hands. Men and the nation arewaiting for you to say that you have hadenough." He also told the gathering thatno one in South Africa would be free ifeverybody was not free. "For the past300 years blacks had been oppressed butGod heard their cries and sent them leaderssuch as Nelson Mandela, Govan Mbeki,Walter Sisulu and Mrs Ngoyi."Another speaker, Fanyana Mazibuko,secretary of the Soweto Teachers ActionCommittee, called on "all daughters ofAfrica to take up her spear and carry onfighting. Don't let it rot, it's the onlyconsolation for Africa ... the burden wouldbe less if there were more people and morewomen who were prepared to carry theyoke and pick up the spear".A spokesman for the Writers' Associa-tion of South Africa (WASA) calledComrade Lillian a mother, a leader andan inspiring woman. He also said:"Thechallenge is not so much on the men, buton women to start where MaNgoyi left off."A representative for the Azanian People'sOrganisation, Mr. T. Nkoana, highlightedthe "significant contribution and themarked sacrifices this beloved daughterof Africa made towards getting the threeessentials for freedom: peace, justice andreconciliation". He also called on womento play a major role in the struggle:"Theconcrete conditions of the black man'ssituation demands that no energy mustbe wasted in the kitchen. All humanresources must be mobilised. Let our blackwomen move out of the vast networkof domestic traditions and occupyhonourable places in the community".Dr Motlana chairman of the Committeeof Ten, said the liberation stuggle wasentering its third phase. The first phasewas an armed one - when "thieves fromEurope" took the land from black people.The second phase was the "politics ofprotest" which had ended with the studentsuprising of 1976. It was time for blackpeople to make a move. Liberation wouldnot be presented to them - black peoplehave to go out and get it."During the service, members of thesecurity police stood at the church yardgate and took photographs of mournersentering and leaving the yard. When thecortege left for the cemetery most of thepolice cars drove in front of the processionwhile others parked at strategic pointsalong the route to the cemetery. Keepinga distance away was Soweto's CID Chief,Colonel Steve Lenn.The ProcessionAfter the service, the coffin draped

Page 34 of 38 The horse-drawn cart earring the flag-draped coffin of Comrade Ngoyi 29

Page 35 of 38 in the black, green and gold colours ofthe ANC - was carried out of the churchand placed on a horse-drawn cart overwhich fluttered a large flag in ANC colours.The slow procession many people wereon foot - took two hours to wend its waythrough Soweto to the cemetery. Duringthe procession the mourners sang thefreedom songs of the ANC. Some formermembers of the ANC donned the black,green and gold colours of the ANC and someof the mourners earried small flags withthe ANC colours.When the procession neared the MorokaPolice Station some of the mourners stoppedand made remarks about police.GraveyardAt the Avalon cemetery, the singing becamelouder and the ANC salutes (clenched fists)were given. The Green and Black flag of theFederation of South African Women washoisted high as the heroine of the peoplewas finally laid to rest.Other ServicesIn Durban, Mrs Albertina Lutuli, wifeof the late president of the ANC, ChiefAlbert Lutuli led a prayer service for MrsNgoyi at the Betty Street CongregationalChurch. The service was characterised bysinging of freedom songs, poetry andspeeches by former ANC members andwomen such as Mrs T. Gwala, who partici-pated in the anti-pass law demonstrationswith Mrs Ngoyi. More than 300 peopleattended. Memorial services were alsoheld in all ANC missions abroad and inthe camps.Regime's Fears ExposedMore than 40 students of the Universityof Witwatersrand were refused permissionby the West Rand Administration Boardto attend Mrs Ngoyi's funeral. Also someof Mrs Ngoyi's banned colleagues, includingMrs Albertina Sisulu, were also refusedpermission to attend the funeral.This funeral has re-affirmed that ourmovement is rooted in the masses.A young student who met Lilian Ngoyiin 1975 gives his impressions of hercontribution to our struggle and herinfluence on the young gneration of fighters.Immediately on hearing of Mama Lil Ngoyi'sdeath my mind quickly flashed back to1975. when the address I had receivedfrom a close friend of hers took me to herhome in Mzimhlope. That was to be thebeginning of my acquaintance with herfor the following three years.On learning who I was she immediatelyfelt at home, without any waste of timeshe started analysing the situation in relationto our struggle for liberation. Since shetalked authoratively, with confidence,combined with her experiences, one couldlearn a lot within a short space of time.She could give one details about the historyof the ANC in the liberation struggle,facts which could leave one clear aboutfactors which made the African NationalCongress to be the powerful liberatoryforce it is today.Her experiences in the struggle sum upher dedication, determination and self-lessness. She once left her critically illmother in bed to participate in campaigns.She would look back at those historicyears, like in 1956, when she led 20,000women in a demonstration against the passlaws; when the Union Castle ship suddenlyhad to return back to the Cape Townport on SB orders when they discoveredshe was on board - without a correctpassport and on an ANC mission for thatmatter; when she passed through a thickroadblock on guard for her by pretendingto be an ordinary expectant mother, herfaked big tummy was full of pamphletsto be distributed.Her missions and experiences includetravelling around Europe sent by the ANC.The one which left an indellible memoryon her was the visit to the Soviet Union,where she was honoured for being a righterfor freedom for her people.When her first banning order came in1961, she had already played her partin setting our revolutionary struggle aflame.She remained the same determined and

Page 36 of 38 dedicated fighter she used to be. The South Her death is not only a loss to her family,African government tried to break her relatives, the ANC and the people of Southmoral, to corrupt her, but Mama Lili Africa but also to all people throughoutfrustrated them. the world striving for peace, love and justiceShortly after her banning order had for all mankind. She is one of the peopleexpired, she addressed the 1974 Sharpe- who instead of being banned, could haveville Commemoration, organised jointly by been listened to, instead of being tried inSASO and BPC. Every word she uttered the Treason Trial could have been consultedduring her speech was mak:ng up for the for advice, this could have saved our countnrest of the years when she was silenced. from the present explosive situation. \owShe was as powerful, revolutionary and she is gone.determined as she used to be in the 50's. My only regret about Alama Lili's deathWith all those banning orders on her is that she died when the "sun-rays of Newand police surveillance, she continued South Africa" were already burning theto be an integral part of the revolutionary white racist regime out of its seats. shestruggle for the freedom of the people of should have been there to see themSouth Africa. She was a symbol of resistance eventually being completely burned out.inside the country, an inspiration to young Though she is dead, her selflessness,revolutionaries coming after her. She was contribution, dedication and determinationa mother, friend, colleague and a comrade, lives with us, to guide us in our struggleShe fitted everywhere. for the total liberation of South Africa.She summed up her unwavering confi- What she fought for will definately bt.dence in the outcome of the struggle by accomplished by the remaining strugglingsaying "if I die, I'll die a happy person comrades under our vanguard movementbecause I have already seen the rays of the African National Congress of Southour new South Africa rising". Africa.BOOK REVIEWVICES FROM ANG01APoems from Angola; translated by AfichaelWolfers, Heineman Press 1979.Jose Marti, the outstanding Cuban revolu-tionary and poet once stated: "To thrillall hearts by the vibrations of your own youmust have the germs and inspirations ofhumanity. To walk among the multitudeswho suffer with love in your heart, andsong in your lips, you must hear all thegroans, witness all the agonies, feel all thejoys and be inspired with the passionscommon to all. Above all you must liveamong a suffering people." The credibilityof these moving words is the independenceof Angola itself."Poems from Angola" is a selectedand translated work of 22 poets includingthose of the late comrade President :veto.In this collection the specific vision andnature of the poetic utterances is heavilydrawn from the African traditional poetryfree from all inhibitions and restrictionslaid down by "sophisticated "civilisation".The African poetic 'ancestral isin" becomesvivid and clear. Obviously these credibleartists could only be produced by Angola.Although coming from different back-grounds, the common purpose of thesepoets is to unify the sometimes scatteredconscience of their people and inspire itto further heights. These extemporaneouslycomposed poems did indeed serve thebasic demand of the revolutionary struggleand are moulded by it. The insight of theartists into the dramas enacted in the inner

Page 37 of 38 lives of those who are anonymous andineffable. The working class is indicatedby their conscious usage of heavilyconventionalised, rigid and fatal artisticexpression, rich with emotions, humane-ness and sentimentality.President Neto himself at the head ofthis cultural out-pouringin the history o1Angola. shows great vision of the future,,ven during his imprisonment. Listen to this:"Rhythm in bleeding cracks of unshod feetRhythmRhythmRhythmOh grievious voice of Africa"Here Neto amidst the great sufferingstill see the forward movement of Africa.lie recollects all the anxieties, miseries andfrustrations of his people. Yet to his thidis a passing phase for:-IN MENburns the desireTo make the supreme effortSo that menShall be reborn in everymen1Vhilst in Aljube Prison in October 1960,Neto still saw life through the small prisonwindow and predicted the future soonlliantly:'We must returnto liberated AngolaIndependent Angola"It is of much significance that this poem+: actually seen appearing thrice underdifferent titles by other authors expressingthe same wish to return back to their nativeAngola. There's no doubt that this poemis a song of all exiles. The same messageis derived from Alexandra Daskalos:'When I dieDu not give me flowersbut the breezeI want the anguish of the seasI want the quaf the white foamOf a wave rolling home"The images used in this peotry are amanifestation of a people in struggle. Notonly does the nature of the poet's artisticVornmitment take on a similar tone, butin all the poems the message is not thatabstract. To be precise, the message isnot too abstract for the simpleminded andnot too simple for the abstractminded.Their favourite theme is about thein torn nailscontract labourers; a feature ofpre-independent Angola; Alexandra Daskeloscaptures the imagination of a contractworker far from home without any contactwith his family. lie wants to write a letterhome:'A letter that would be brought to youby a passing windA letter that the cushaos and coffee treesThe hyenas and buffaloesThe aligator and graylingsCould understand IfYet he curses the fact that he can notwrite this letter because his wife cannotread.Indeed these poets do capture the moodand sentiments of the Angolan people.They did not tend to be abstruse or fullof allusions which only the highly educatedcould understand. The talk of resistanceis not theoretical all were activeparticipants in the war of liberation inAngola..Going through the book is in itselfan enriching experience. It gives subtlerovertones to the hardlife all revolutionarieshave to live in order to create a better onefor the suffering majority. It makes thePoet's adventure and imagination of thefuture so beautiful and interesting. Thisis given credence of by Africa's great andgigantic paces and irreversible strides toliberty and social progress.The importance of these poetic contri-butions by Angolan patriots, can only befully grasped by looking at today'sindependent Angola. It was in the battle-,,round where their poetry "sheared offits romantic looks and hanged its REDvest in the glorious tree in ANGOLA".In conclusion one must commend thetranslator and editor of these poemsMichael Wolfers for his tireless and sustainedefforts for having preserved the poeticcontent and substance of these works.This poetry of the messag- of our Angolancomrades will be transported to all landsand reach an even wider readership whichthey so much deserve.,tiflrhtuanazi F.

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