Marginalisation and Education

Schooling for Children on the Bihar Jharkhand Border Between Katihar and Sahibganj Districts

Meera Samson and Neha Gupta

(with Sunil Saroj and Sanjeev Pillai)

Collaborative Research and Dissemination (CORD) March 2011 -- March 2012

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Acknowledgements

We are delighted to have been able to undertake the study on ‘Marginalisation and Education: Schooling for Children on the Bihar Jharkhand Border between Katihar and Sahibganj Districts’. We completed a similar study on schooling on the Andhra Pradesh – Orissa border between Visakhapatnam and Koraput districts in 2010. For this we thank NEG-FIRE, and Marita Eshwaran in particular, for providing us with the opportunity.

This study was carried out with the support of NEG-FIRE’s partners – Purnea Social Service Society in Purnea district and Abhiyan in Sahibganj district, headed by Fr. Francis Tirkey and Mr. Subaan Khan, respectively. We thank both of them, and others in their team, for sharing their insights, facilitating meetings with district and block education authorities, and accompanying CORD persons during their initial visit to villages in the district. We also thank them for providing four persons who could be part of the field team – Kanhu Hansda, Hanju Marandi, and Ganesh Murmu from Katihar and Bishnu Kumar Bhagat from Sahibganj. We would also like to acknowledge the contribution of our other field investigators -- Jitendra Sahoo, Manoj Samantaray, Manas Ranjan Mishra, and Rashmi Kant Sahoo (from Orissa), and Pramila Srivastava, Sapna Bhatnagar and Suresh Kumar Goswami (from Rajasthan). We also thank Mr. Naveen Jha from Bal Mahila Kalyan in Katihar, for giving us his valuable time to share his experiences of working in villages in Katihar district.

The research was led by Meera Samson and Anuradha De, working closely with the larger CORD team of Neeru Sood, Rajeev Kumar, Neha Gupta, Sunil Saroj, and Sanjeev Pillai. Neha Gupta, Sunil Saroj, and Sanjeev Pillai also participated in the fieldwork. Sanjeev Kumar provided logistical support from Delhi.

The CORD team would like to thank Pratham for allowing us to use their learning achievement tests. They also thank Vimala Ramachandran for sharing her research tools with them. These fed into the tools for classroom and school observation that CORD developed for this research.

The team expresses its gratitude to the local authorities, teachers, parents and children who cooperated with them during the survey and also shared their opinions and experiences, thus making this study possible.

Finally, the authors of the study of schooling on the Bihar Jharkhand border wish to acknowledge the contribution of the CORD-NEG study of schooling on the Andhra-Orissa border which provided a framework when analysing the data and writing up this study.

Meera Samson and Neha Gupta March 2012

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EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

Background

The objective of the study was to study the schooling experience of children in inter-state border areas. 1 The two districts of Katihar and Sahibganj were carefully chosen for study because they share such a border. The study hypothesised that the access and quality of children’s schooling experience would be negatively impacted by their being based in border districts, far from the centres of power in the State capitals. Both Katihar and Jharkhand are relatively far from their respective State capitals (Katihar is 305 km from Patna and Sahibganj is 416 km from Ranchi). Literacy in the two districts is very low (54% both in Katihar and in Sahibganj, Census 2011).

The focus was to be particularly on the experience of children from marginalised communities, who would be most vulnerable to dropping out of school on account of both sociocultural and economic factors. Both districts have a high proportion of disadvantaged communities. Katihar has a high proportion of Muslims (43%), and small proportions of SCs (9%) and STs (6%). Sahibganj also has a high proportion of Muslims (31%), though less than in Katihar. It also has a large tribal population (29%) and a small dalit population (6%). Schooling is at a very nascent stage in these communities. Literacy rates are even lower than for the general population, as a whole. In 2001, while literacy rates for Katihar and Sahibganj were 35% and 38% respectively, literacy rates for Muslims were 25% and 30%, respectively, and literacy rates for Scheduled Tribes were 24% in both districts.

Secondary data indicates that both in Sahibganj and Katihar, access even to primary schooling is far from universal. The proportion of villages with primary schools in Sahibganj and Katihar was as low as 46% and 61%, respectively in 2001. The availability of upper primary schools was worse. Access to both primary and upper primary schools has improved greatly in the previous decade, but it is likely that there is still a shortfall. One should note that the schools are not accessible year-round. Much of Katihar district is flooded during the monsoon every year, and schools have to be closed for several months at a time. In addition, a large proportion of villages in both districts are not accessible through pakka roads, and the location of schools across fields, and in fields, makes it extremely difficult to access these schools when it rains. There are implications for maintaining the schools that have been set up in these districts – ensuring that good infrastructure and facilities are available and functional is difficult in remote and less- developed areas, as also in areas that are regularly flooded.

We had also hypothesized that recruiting qualified and trained teachers to be appointed to schools in villages in the more remote blocks in Katihar and Sahibganj would be difficult. However, with a change in teacher recruitment policy, in both Bihar and Jharkhand, teacher education qualifications are not essential for entry into teaching, and teachers are recruited at village level at low salaries. Teachers are still in short supply, although a large number of posts have been filled.

1 NEG FIRE has been interested in issues of marginalization and education in inter-state border areas. What has struck them particularly in their work over the years are the language issues faced by children living in these areas.

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Secondary data is useful to give a macro picture of the districts as a whole. We get a picture of Katihar as a large densely-populated district with 16 blocks, with relatively high enrolment at primary level (GER of 153 in 2008-09), but a transition rate of only 49% between primary and upper primary levels. Sahibganj is much smaller, also densely populated though less than Katihar, with 9 blocks. It also has very high enrolment at primary level (GER of 181 in 2008-09), with a slightly higher transition rate between primary and upper primary of 66%. In both districts, schools had very high SCRs, indicating a huge shortfall in classrooms. PTRs were also high, reflecting that more teachers need to be appointed.

This study goes below district level, and provides credible ground-level data on the quality of schooling in a number of contiguous blocks on both sides of the border between Katihar and Sahibganj. The challenges in the educational system suggested by secondary data were extremely visible in our study.

Methodology

Main Components of the Study

School Survey: A detailed survey of all education facilities with primary grades was conducted in April-May 2011 in 30-32 villages selected randomly from 3 contiguous blocks in Katihar district, Bihar and 3 contiguous blocks in Sahibganj district, Jharkhand. Villages without any schools with primary grades were replaced. This phase used primarily quantitative survey methods. It constituted Phase I of the study. The school survey in Phase 1 of the study is useful for giving us a macro-picture of schooling in these blocks. We supplement these findings with insights from the village studies

Village Studies: The school survey was followed by a study of schooling in three villages in Manihari block (Katihar) and 3 villages in Sahibganj block (Sahibganj) (one week in each village). We selected villages with variations in levels of accessibility and literacy rates to get a range of schooling experiences for children. The idea was to supplement the overview of schooling obtained through the quantitative survey in Phase I with some in-depth understanding of factors which affect access and quality of schooling in these border areas. The village studies took place in May-June 2011, and constituted Phase II of the research.

A range of research tools were used to get information on the village as a whole and to get information on schooling in that village. In addition to teacher interviews and school and classroom observation, households of 20 children were randomly selected from the school register. These were visited for parent and child interviews, and to test all children in the 6-14 age group to get some indication of their levels of learning. Ten of the 20 randomly-selected children were tracked over 4 days – whether present in school, if not why -- to gain insights into nominal enrolment; regularity of attendance; strength of the attendance register; and causes for absence. Focus group discussions were also held with adolescent boys and girls to get their feedback about schooling in the village and work pressures on them.

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Findings 2

The border between Katihar and Sahibganj has become an inter-State border only since the formation of Jharkhand in 2000. There is a lot of movement between the two districts. Families travel regularly across the Ganga (on a somewhat unpredictable ferry service), from one district to the other, in search of work, to graze animals or meet relatives.

It may be of value to note that the kind of problems that may be found in other inter-state border areas are not necessarily shared by the Katihar-Sahibganj border, 3 and those that are shared can be because of reasons other than due to being border districts. 4 Katihar and Sahibganj districts share an inter-State border not only with each other but also with West Bengal. Bihar and Jharkhand were both part of the erstwhile Bengal Presidency. Migration to and from West Bengal is on-going in both Katihar and Sahibganj.

Katihar and Sahibganj have a history of being among the least-developed in the whole country. Katihar being regularly flood-affected causes further problems. Both districts have a high proportion of socially disadvantaged communities. Migration is commonly reported in both districts as a survival strategy. Katihar town is relatively well developed and in-migration is reported from villages in the district, from other districts in Bihar, from other States, and from neighbouring Nepal and Bangladesh. Migration of their ancestors from Sahibganj to Katihar was reported by Santhals in a Katihar village, on account of better access to irrigated land.

Languages spoken by communities in the surveyed villages were less region-specific than community-specific. For example, Santhals in both districts reported speaking Santhali, and Shershawadi Muslims 5 in both districts reported speaking Thetee Bengali (a Bengali-based dialect). The issue of language problems caused by living on the border between States is relevant for children from Shershawadi families who speak at home the language both of a neighbouring State and a different country. The need for schooling in their mother-tongue is important both for these children and for children from tribal communities. Tribal communities live in a number of States, and their children have to learn in a language different from their own.

The school survey (Phase I of the study) indicated that in spite of improvements in school infrastructure and facilities, enormous gaps continue to exist in this area. Primary schools in Katihar were slightly better off than upper primary schools, though the situation in both was very poor. The SCR in the primary schools was 83, while the SCR in the upper primary schools was 95. There was access to drinking water but not to functional toilets. Cooked midday meals were observed only in 33% of schools.

2The findings of the school surveys are discussed in brief in sections A and B of the concluding Section 8. The village studies are discussed in brief in sections C and D of the same section. 3The language issues are quite different from those on the border between Visakhapatnam in Andhra Pradesh and Koraput in Orissa, for example. 4Both Koraput and Sahibganj have a high proportion of communities who are Scheduled Tribes. Some part of both districts have hilly, forested terrain where there are tribal populations. 5The Shershawadi community is reported to have migrated over the years from the northern part of West Bengal to Bihar and Jharkhand. 5

The situation in Sahibganj was slightly better than in Katihar. The Student Classroom Ratios (SCR) are below 50 in both primary and upper primary schools. Access to drinking water and to functional toilets is relatively high. Cooked midday meals were being served in 88% of schools.

In terms of teacher provision, primary schools were somewhat better off than the upper primary schools in both Katihar and Sahibganj. The Katihar primary schools had a PTR of 47 while upper primary schools had a PTR of 66. The Sahibganj primary schools had a PTR of 44 while upper primary schools had a PTR of 64 . The major strength of the teacher community in the Sahibganj schools was that close to 90% had teacher education qualifications. In Katihar, there was a huge backlog of untrained teachers. Forty-four per cent had no teacher education qualification.

The survey revealed how poorly the schools in Katihar are being run. A high proportion of teachers (39%) were not in school on the day of the survey. Teaching activity in the school was also very limited, even among the teachers who were present. The proportion of teachers present who were engaged in active teaching when the team arrived was low (21%) Teaching learning activities were generally restricted to rote learning or writing. Only one-third of schools were observed to have teaching learning activities for class 1 children when the team arrived. A very low proportion of children (12%) were observed to be attending school. However, attendance in the primary schools was observed to be slightly better than in the upper primary schools (24% and 7%, respectively).

In terms of school functioning, there were some encouraging features of the schools in Sahibganj. Four-fifths of teachers were present in school on the day of the school survey. Most schools also had Head-teachers / Acting Head-teachers present at the time of the survey. The proportion of teachers present who were engaged in active teaching when the team arrived was also comparatively high (67%), as was the proportion of schools observed with teaching learning activity for Class 1 children (63%). However, there were still very visible problems which remain. There is a need to reduce the absenteeism of teachers (20% of teachers were not in school on the day of the survey); ensure that teachers arrive in time and stay the length of the school day (only 51% of teachers were in school when the team arrived). Most damning is the low proportion of children observed to be present in school (31%). Here, too, attendance in the primary schools was observed to be slightly better than in the upper primary schools (42% and 24%, respectively).

In the village studies in Phase II of the study, researchers also came across examples of head- teachers and teachers behaving in a highly unaccountable manner – related to both their presence in school and their engagement in teaching activity even if present. Similarly, the attendance rates of children were also generally low. The researchers observed and heard that schools in the two districts were also closed at short notice due to extreme weather conditions (heat, cold and floods).

The village studies provided examples of different levels of functioning of schools. Based on observations by the team over the period of a week and feedback from parents, children, and adolescents, the team visited one small primary school in Sahibganj (Gajrasama) (only OBC children enrolled) which was functioning well. Two others were somewhat functional. Among

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these were a large primary school in Sonpur in Katihar (which was Muslim dominated but also had other social groups), and a large upper primary school in Mehergaon (student enrolment was a mix of social groups) in Sahibganj. Three schools were very dysfunctional – a primary school in Motipur (OBC dominated but also had other social groups) and a primary school in Sama (Santhal dominated), both in Katihar, and an Urdu upper primary school in Narjampur (only Muslim children enrolled) in Sahibganj. Motipur had little teaching activity but a functional midday meal. The others had hardly any teaching activity; irregular and poor quality midday meals; and a negligent environment which made children dislike going to school.

The village studies were useful to throw light on the larger context within which the schools functioned. Schools were closed at short notice because of excessive heat while the study was on. We could see that with heavy rains villages and schools would be difficult to access, both for teachers and children. It was also useful to get more insights into the issue of absenteeism among teachers and the limited teaching activity that was observed in school. It was not that all teachers in the most accessible villages were punctual and were actively involved in teaching even when they knew they were being observed. It was not that all teachers in the most remote villages were absent or generally negligent. Lack of social distance (between upper OBC teachers and children) did seem to make a difference as in the very accessible village of Gajrasama in Sahibganj where the teachers were highly praised by the village community. However, the ongoing negligence of certain teachers appeared to be covered by their belonging to dominant communities and families. 6 This was irrespective of whether they were posted in the more accessible or the more remote villages.

Improving retention and learning depends on children attending school regularly and being taught regularly. Child tracking of 10 randomly selected enrolled children indicates some degree of double enrolment and nominal enrolment. There was little evidence of efforts to deal with children’s irregularity or of their dropping out altogether. There was also little evidence of education committees functioning in any type of monitoring role.

The consequences of the shortfall in school quality are heavy for all children, but some parents may be able to compensate by teaching the children themselves or by giving them private tuition or by sending them to another more functional school. Children from the Musahar and other dalit families, and from the poorer Santhal and Muslim households are severely impacted, since they are the most vulnerable to attending school irregularly and dropping out altogether. The children may experience a hostile and negligent school environment, which could be aggravated by the social distance between them and their teachers.7 Language issues are a barrier for children from many social groups, including the Santhals and Shershawadis. Children are also hardly exposed to the print medium. Parents are not able to teach their children at home. Schooling is not a well- established social norm. There may be little pressure on them to attend school regularly. Instead there may be pressure on them to pay more attention to work responsibilities, as their families

6 The communities are highly stratified by caste (including religion) and class. Complaints were voiced by certain groups in the community against individual teachers (there were complaints in five of the six villages). 7In Katihar and in Sahibganj, the largest group of teachers comprises males from the OBC communities. Increasingly teachers are being appointed from disadvantaged social groups. It can be very helpful for children to have teachers as role models from their own communities especially if the teachers are conscientious. 7

struggle to meet survival needs.8 This included children’s contribution to household chores and their participation in agriculture, 9 grazing animals, bringing water, collecting fodder and fuelwood, and in wage labour (both in their vicinity and in distant places 10 ). The outcome of poorly functioning schools and economically vulnerable families was clearly visible in children having made little progress in the 3 R’s in the 6 villages in which they were tested. Teachers in general need to be sensitive to socio-cultural and economic barriers to schooling which children from disadvantaged social groups face, and to look for ways they can compensate.

Recommendations

Access to primary schooling with a level of infrastructure and facilities mandated by RTE is not available to a majority of school-children in Bihar and Jharkhand, and even more so in Katihar and Sahibganj which are among the least educationally-developed of Bihar’s and Jharkhand’s districts. Every effort has been made to obtain and present an authentic picture. It is hoped that it will stir people into action, both within and outside the educational system.

Based on the study, a few suggestions 11 are made for future action: (1) Give parents more information about RTE; (2) Encourage parents concerned about the functioning of the local school to join SMCs; (3) Build the capacity of SMCs; (4) Increase awareness of the importance of diverse languages and cultures.

8 A large proportion of families were landless and depended on agricultural and non-agricultural wage labour opportunities for their survival. 9During harvest season children may be irregular because their labour is very much in demand both to supplement and to substitute for adult labour. During off season they may be irregular because they have migrated to other places or they may be busy holding the fort at home while adults look for work. 10 Children may migrate with their parents or with other family members. 11 These are discussed in greater detail in the concluding chapter. 8

Contents

Section 1: Introducing the States: Bihar and Jharkhand 11 1.1 Demographic Indicators in Bihar and Jharkhand 1.2 Political Developments in Bihar and Jharkhand 1.3 Limited Development in Bihar and Jharkhand

Section 2: Exploring Education in the the Two States 22 2.1 Educational Deprivation in Bihar and Jharkhand 2.2 Investments in Access and Quality of Schooling 2.3 Challenges

Section 3: Katihar and Sahibganj 29 3.1 Focus on Katihar 3.2 Focus on Sahibganj 3.3 Comparing Katihar and Sahibganj 3.4 Main Components of the Study 3.5 Methodological Issues

Section 4: School Survey in Bihar (Selected Blocks, Katihar District) 39 4.1 Introduction 4.2 Enrolment in primary schools / upper primary schools 4.3 Infrastructure and Facilities in Schools with Primary Grades 4.4 Teachers 4.5 School Functioning on the Day of the Survey 4.6 Concluding Remarks

Section 5: Village Studies in Bihar (Manihari Block, Katihar District) 58 Part A. The Study Villages 5.1 Selection of Villages Based on Variations in Accessibility 5.2 Size and Social Composition of Villages 5.3 History and Social Dynamics in the Villages 5.4 Shifts in Attitudes towards Work and Education 5.5 Living Conditions 5.6 Livelihoods of Adults and Children 5.7 School participation of 6-14 year old in Selected Households 5.8 Child Tracking 5.9 Aspirations for the Future: Feedback from Adolescents 5.10 Pressures of Work and its Impact on Schooling: Feedback from Adolescents 5.11 Memories of Schooling: Feedback from Adolescents Part B. Schooling in the Village

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5.12 Enrolment and Attendance during Unannounced Visit to the School 5.13 Teachers: Appointments, Absenteeism, Social Background 5.14 School Infrastructure 5.15 Incentive Schemes: Textbooks, MDM, Others 5.16 School Functioning Based on Observations during Pre-Announced Visit (Day 2) 5.17 Classroom Observation 5.18 Tests of Reading and Number Recognition Part C. Some Comparisons Annexure: Village Maps, Manihari block

Section 6: School Survey in Jharkhand (Selected Blocks, Sahibganj District) 107 6.1 Introduction 6.2 Enrolment in primary schools / upper primary schools 6.3 Infrastructure and Facilities in Schools with Primary Grades 6.4 Teachers 6.5 School Functioning on the Day of the Survey 6.6 Concluding Remarks

Section 7: Village Studies in Jharkhand (Sahibganj Block, Sahibganj District) 124 Part A. The Study Villages 7.1 Selection of Villages Based on Variations in Accessibility 7.2 Size and Social composition of the Villages 7.3 History and Social Dynamics in the Three Villages 7.4 School Participation of 6-14 year olds in Selected Households 7.5 Child Tracking: Exploring Regularity of Children’s Attendance in School 7.6 Feedback from Adolescents on Schooling and Work Part B. Schooling in the Village 7.7 Enrolment and Attendance during Unannounced Visit to the School 7.8 Teachers: Appointments, Absenteeism, Social Background 7.9 Teachers’ Feedback on Children’s Attendance 7.10 School Infrastructure 7.11 Incentive Schemes: Textbooks, MDM, Others 7.12 School Functioning based on Observations during Pre-announced Visit 7.13 Classroom Observation (Pre-announced Visit – Day 2) 7.14 Test of Reading and Mathematical Ability/ Number Recognition Part C. Some Comparisons Annexure: Village Maps, Sahibganj block

Section 8. Overview and Concluding Remarks 168 Bibliography 196 Appendices 200

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Marginalisation and Education Schooling for Children on the Bihar Jharkhand Border Between Katihar and Sahibganj Districts 12

Section 1: Introducing the States – Bihar and Jharkhand

This study focuses on access and quality of schooling provision at primary level in blocks on the border between Katihar district, Bihar and Sahibganj district, Jharkhand, respectively. The first and second sections focus on the States of Bihar and Jharkhand to understand better the context in which these districts are placed. We begin by discussing the social composition of the population, particularly important in the context that the drive for the separate State of Jharkhand is based on social identity.We then trace the political history of the two States, to better understand the limited development which has taken place, and the constraints on development facing each State.

1.1 Demographic indicators in Bihar and Jharkhand

Bihar has a population of close to 83 million. Population density is very high – 880 persons per sq. km. Jharkhand’s population (27 million) is roughly one-third the population of its parent State. Population density is much lower (338 persons per sq km) than Bihar.

Table 1.1 Bihar and Jharkhand: Demographic Indicators Bihar Jharkhand

Total Population 82,878,796 26,945,829 Population Density (per sq km) 880 338 % Rural Population 89.5 79.1 ST Population 758,351 7,087,068 % ST population 0.9 26.3

SC Population 13,048,608 3,189,320

% SC population 16 11.8 Hindu population 69,076,919 18,475,681 % Hindu population 83.2 68.6 Muslim population 13,722,048 3,731,308 % Muslim population 16.5 13.8 Christian population 53,137 1,093,382 % Christian population 0.1 4.1 Other religions 146,405 3,645,458 % Other religions 0.2 13.5 Source. Census (2001).

12 The authors wish to thank Anuradha De for valuable comments on the draft report. 11

Hindus (numbering 69 million) are a very high proportion in Bihar (83%), of whom approximately 21.5% are “general castes”, 13 45.2% are OBCs 14 and 15.8% are SCs. Jharkhand’s population includes 69% Hindus (numbering 19 million); SCs are 12% of population in Jharkhand. Data for OBCs in Jharkhand is not available from NSS 55 th Round for 1999-2000 as it was for Bihar. But NSS 61 st Round, 2004-05 indicates that 46% of the Hindus in rural Jharkhand and 42% in urban Jharkhand are OBCs, while the proportion of “general caste” Hindus is as high as 37% in urban Jharkhand and as low as 11% in rural Jharkhand.

Ninety three of Bihar’s 13 million SCs are from 6 groups. The two largest are Chamar (31.3%) and Dusadh (30.9%). 15 Close to all of Jharkhand’s 3 million SCs (86%) belong to 8 groups. The three largest are Chamar (26%), Bhuiya (21%), and Dusadh (11%). 16

STs in Bihar (numbering 8 lakhs) are only 1% of the population. 87% of Bihar’s STs belong to 5 groups: Santhals are the largest group, close to half (48.5%). The other groups are Kharwar, Oraon, Munda, and Gond. STs (numbering 71 lakhs) are 26% of the population in Jharkhand. Close to all Jharkhand’s STs (i.e. 89% of the total) belong to 8 groups. Here too Santhals (34%) are the largest group. Oraon (20%), Munda (15%), and Ho (11%) are also significant in size. 17

Minorities form a large constituency in Bihar and Jharkhand. In Bihar, Muslims (numbering 14 million) are 16.5% of the population, and Christians and other religious groups are very small proportions. Jharkhand’s population includes 14% Muslims (numbering 4 million), 4% Christians and 14% who have been classified as Other Religions (numbering 4 million) (likely to refer to tribals who are animists 18 ; also referred to as Sarnas).

Official languages

The official languages of Bihar are Hindi and Urdu, and other local dialects are Bhojpuri, Magahi, and Maithili. It is suggested that dialects vary more by social group than by region.

Although Hindi is the official state language, the tribal people of Jharkhand speak a number of languages 19 belonging to two major language families: the Austro-Asiatic languages which include Santhali, Mundari, Ho, Kharia, Bhumij ; and the Dravidian languages which include

13 See footnote 7 in Sanjay Kumar et al. (2008), which gives the basis for this calculation. He uses Census 2001 data for proportions of SC, ST, and Muslims, and NSS 55 th Round data, 1999-2000 for proportions of OBCs among Hindus, and calculates proportion of “general castes” from this. His calculations seem to match estimates given by NSS 61 st Round, 2004-05 which gives the proportion of “general castes” in rural Bihar as 16.3% and in urban Bihar as 30.3%. 14 This proportion is from NSS 55 th Round, 1999-2000. NSS 61 st Round, 2004-05 give the proportion of OBCs in rural Bihar as 59.9% and in urban Bihar as 57.6% (GOI, 2007) 15 The remaining in this group of six are Musahar, Pasi, Dhobi, and Bhuiya. 16 The rest are Dhobi, Bhogta, Baurri, Turi and Rajwas. 17 The other groups which form part of the 8 main groups are Kharia, Bhumij, Lohra, and Kharwar. 18 “Animism encompasses the beliefs that there is no separation between the spiritual and physicalworld, and souls or spirits exist, not only in humans, but also in all other animals, plants, rocks, natural phenomena such as thunder, geographic features such as mountains or rivers, or other entities of the natural environment.” Excerpted from http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Animism 19 http://www.akhra.org.in/adivasi_languages.php is a website dedicated to saving adivasi languages of Jharkhand from extinction. 12

Oraon (Kurukh), Korwa, and Paharia (Malto). It is likely that this also applies to tribal groups in Bihar.

1.2 Political History

Common political history till 2000

Jharkhand and present-day Bihar lie in India’s eastern zone, Jharkhand to the south of Bihar. Together they formed the pre-divided state of Bihar till 2000. We begin with discussing their common history. 20

During most of British India, Bihar was a part of the Presidency of Bengal. When separated from the Bengal Presidency in 1912, Bihar and Orissa comprised a single province. Later in 1935, Orissa became a separate province. In 1956, the southeast district of Purulia was incorporated from the state of Bihar into the state of West Bengal. From 1956 to 2000, Bihar comprised a land area of 173.9 thousand sq. km.

The rise of the middle castes

Bihar has had a politically vibrant history. It was witness to numerous isolated peasant uprisings in the 19 th and 20 th century, 21 and later it was from Bihar that Mahatma Gandhi launched his civil disobedience movement in 1917. Many people from Bihar became leading participants in India’s struggle for Independence. Post independence, in the fifties and the sixties, the Congress Party dominated by upper castes was in power, but there were factions within the Congress Party battling for power, each dependent on the numerical strength of the middle castes to bolster their claims to lead the State. 22 An important development was the abolition of the zamindari system in 1950 by the Congress Party. While this helped some tenants to move to a status of middle peasants, many ex-zamindars continued to hold onto their land on the pretext that they needed it for personal cultivation, and the abolition actually led to an increase in landlessness with tenant cultivators pushed off the land. At the same time, it did create a new class of middle peasantry. In the fifties and sixties, Bihar saw considerable growth in the socialist movement, and the setting up of a number of socialist parties, based on the political mobilisation of the OBCs. A key leader, who set up the Praja Socialist Party, was Ram Manohar Lohia. It is suggested 23 that the phase of dominance of Bihar’s politics by the upper castes lasted till 1967.

Kumar et al. suggest that the next phase in Bihar’s political development lasted roughly from 1967 to 1990. Over time, even within the Congress Party, there was an increase in the level of OBC representation, primarily among the upper levels of the OBCs – the Yadavs, Kurmis and Koeris, and a fall in the representation of the upper castes. In 1974, Jayaprakash Narayan led the Bihar Movement, and gave a call for peaceful Total Revolution. 24 These developments led to the

20 See www.bihar.nic.in 21 See Robin (2009a). 22 Op.cit. 23 See Kumar et al. (2008). 24 Together with V. M. Tarkunde, he founded the Citizens for Democracy in 1974 and the People's Union for Civil Liberties in 1976, to uphold and defend civil liberties. 13

strengthening of the political voice of backward castes in India. 25 From 1975 to 1977, a state of emergency was declared in the country by Indira Gandhi, and civil liberties were suspended. In 1977, the Congress Party suffered a defeat at the hands of the Janata Party coalition at the Centre. In Bihar, too, the Janata Party won the elections. Karpoori Thakur, the Chief Minsiter, decided to implement the recommendations of the State Backward Classes Commission for the reservation of 25 percent of the administrative posts for the OBC. From 1980 to 1990, a Congress-led coalition was again in power.

In the third phase of political development in Bihar, post-1990, the middle castes have been dominant. The Janata Dal came to power in the state in 1990, a coalition of OBCs, dalits and Muslims, when Lalu Prasad Yadav became the Bihar Chief Minister, a leader from the upper OBCs. Lalu’s reign (first as a member of the Janata Dal, and later as the supremo of the Rashtriya Janata Dal, which he formed in 1997) lasted from 1994 to 2005, during which time his wife, Rabri Devi was also Chief Minister. The period of their rule saw a further rise of the middle castes in Bihar. Kumar et al. argue that “the politics of symbolism combined with Laloo’s rhetoric skill gave the masses a sense of pride and dignity”. However, his identity-based politics with a neglect of development concerns is seen as contributing to his being defeated in the 2005 elections. His dalit and Muslim vote-banks deserted him. It was during his term, that Jharkhand was finally given Statehood.

Political developments in Bihar post 2005

Post the formation of Jharkhand in 2000, Bihar covers a land area of 94.2 thousand sq. km. Its financial situation is reported to have worsened after division from the mineral-rich districts that came together to form Jharkhand.

In 2005, after a period of President’s rule, Nitish Kumar of JD (U), and as part of the NDA (National Democratic Alliance), became the Bihar Chief Minister. Also from the upper OBCs (specifically a Kurmi), he has been credited with combining identity-based politics 26 with a visible commitment 27 to reducing corruption, and improving infrastructure, and law and order. This has led to him being re-elected with a majority in the 2011 elections, and he is currently in his second term. While he is taking visible interest in the education sector, 28 there are questions about some current education policies in the State. The State has moved from recruiting teachers on the basis of professional teacher qualifications and placing them on a salary scale in keeping with the Pay Commissions (a system of state and district level teacher recruitment of qualified teachers) to recruitment of panchayat teachers – a very low-paid teacher cadre. The system of teacher recruitment through the panchayat is reported 29 to lend itself to the recruitment of those individuals who can pay the highest commissions to the sarpanch, or those who are have politically powerful friends and family, and thus works counter to increased teacher

25 Kumar et al. (2008). 26 Successful efforts to win over some vote banks of rivals – mahadalits / Muslims. 27 See Nagaraj and Rahman (2011) and Misra (2011) where it is suggested that the changes are not as wide-ranging or as deep as they appear, and hence may make only a marginal dent on the challenges that need to be dealt with in any efforts to change the face of Bihar. 28 Newspapers give accounts of the Chief Minister taking steps to deal with fake school admissions in the State. See “Nitish Kumar orders inquiry into fake school admissions”, Indo-Asian News Service, January 13, 2012. 29 Based on conversations in the field. 14

accountability in the school. In addition, the low salaries (reportedly also irregular) will disincentivise individuals who would have liked to become teachers but are able to find better paid work.

The state is reported to be in deep fiscal crisis. Bihar’s Chief Minister has requested that the state be given “Special Category Status” 30 which would enable it (1) to receive a higher proportion of central assistance as grant rather than loan, and (2) to attract private investment through providing a tax holiday from income tax, customs and excise duty. This proposal is currently under consideration by the Centre. 31

Political developments in Jharkhand

A new state “Jharkhand”, 32 comprising a land area of 79.3 thousand sq. km., was created out of 18 districts of Bihar in 2000 after a long struggle for statehood, 33 led from the mid-eighties onwards by the Jharkhand Mukti Morcha (JMM). Once the bifurcation occurred, a BJP coalition (BJP plus Janata Dal (United)) came into power, based on elections which had been held in Bihar in 2000. The state had its first elections in February 2005. Opposing the BJP coalition was the JMM-Congress coalition and the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD). The elections were held in the shadow of a Naxal call to boycott the elections. The election resulted in a BJP coalition returning to power.

Jharkhand has been marked by political instability (see excerpts from an article in the national newspaper The Hindu) , which has played a major role in the lack of development it has experienced since it was set up. Robin 34 points out that although the STs are “quantitatively well- represented in the Jharkhand Legislative Assembly” because of seats reserved for them, they do not constitute a homogeneous group as they are part of different parties: “the Santhals and the Oraons have a sizeable presence within the JMM and the INC, the Mundas constitute the largest ST group in the BJP–JD(U) alliance”. He highlights how “as a legacy of the politics in Bihar, the OBCs (Other Backward Classes) represent an important electorate in Jharkhand”. Their representation increased between the years 2000 and 2005; half the OBC legislators belong to the BJP–JD(U) alliance. Within the OBC category, the Kurmis have become increasingly powerful, and are in all the political parties. They are the second largest group after the Santhals. Based on his analysis, Robin notes that the Jharkhand political scenario is becoming “increasingly polarised between the tribals versus the non-tribals (mostly the OBCs)” such that “the tribal identity of the state can be challenged.”

30 States under this category have a low resource base and are not in a position to mobilise resources for their developmental needs, even though the per capita income of some of these states is relatively high. 31 Source. Newspaper articles in national dailies. 32 Jharkhand means the “forested tract”. See Areeparambil (1996). 33 The long struggle is well documented by Cyril Robin, who describes the ebbs and flows within the 80 year-old movement, and the divisions, and joining of ranks, of Christian and non-Christian tribals, and the varying extent to which different tribal groups were drawn into the movement (see Robin, 2009b). 34 See Robin (2009b). 15

Jharkhand's Revolving Door

“It might seem easier waltzing through the complex passageways of a labyrinth than tracking the political processes that have entertained the nation by producing a procession of governments — eight in ten years — in Jharkhand. The State's revolving door has once again deposited the Bharatiya Janata Party's Arjun Munda, who twice before donned the role, in the chief ministerial chair. Mr. Munda is unlikely to know how he got there considering the legion of names thrown up in the course of several rounds of on-again, off-again negotiations between the Jharkhand Mukti Morcha and the BJP…Originally cast as an ideological opponent of the BJP, the JMM has shown itself capable of plumbing the depths to grab power [variously aligning itself with the Congress, the BJP, and the UPA]. Given the State's rocky political history and given the brevity of his own previous tenures, Mr. Munda can make history by just completing his term. Jharkhand was carved out of Bihar to address the mineral-rich tribal region's endemic deprivation. That promise has been tragically betrayed by its self-serving politicians. The Maoist challenge in a State where they have a strong presence will have to be met.”

Excerpted from The Hindu , 10 September 2010.

1.3 Limited Development in Bihar and Jharkhand

Both States Ranked Low On Indicators of Development

Incidence of poverty in 2000 high in both States; rural poverty worse in Jharkhand than in Bihar: The two States are areas of great poverty. While development indices are slightly higher for Jharkhand than Bihar, rural urban disparities are larger in the case of the former. For example, the incidence of rural poverty in Jharkhand was assessed at 49% by the NSS 55 th Round in 1999- 2000, highest among all Indian states, with the same figure for Bihar being 44%. Urban poverty in Jharkhand was only 23% compared to 34% in Bihar (cited in World Bank, 2007). STs in Jharkhand were even more disadvantaged than in Bihar. The incidence of poverty for STs is 56% in Jharkhand compared with 40% in Bihar (NSS 55 th Round).

High poverty levels among Muslims in Bihar in 2004. According to a study 35 , Muslims of Bihar are characterised by a high degree of poverty and deprivation. While 28.4 per cent of rural Muslim workers are landless labourers, 19.9 per cent of Muslims are acutely poor. 49.5 per cent of rural Muslims and 44.8 per cent of urban Muslims in Bihar are estimated to live below the poverty line, and 41.5 per cent rural Muslim households and 24.9 per cent urban Muslim households are said to be indebted.

Low rankings according to composite development indices Human Development Index and Gender Development Index, 2006: Both Bihar and Jharkhand rank among the lowest based on the ranking by Human Development Index 36 of all states in India. Bihar had the lowest rank

35 See Ali (2010) which refers to the 2004 ADRI report on Muslims in Bihar. 36 The Human Development Index (HDI) is a simple average of three indices that measure average achievements in a country with regard to ‘A long and healthy life’, as measured by life expectancy at birth; ‘Knowledge’, as measured by the adult literacy rate and the combined primary, secondary and tertiary gross enrolment ratio; and ‘A decent standard of living’, as measured by estimated earned income in Purchasing Power Parity (PPP). See Rustagi (2000). 16

among the 35 States/UTs on HDI and GDI in 2006 (see GOI 2009b). Its rank was the same in 1996. Jharkhand’s HDI score is higher at 0.574 in 2006. 37

Table 1.2a Dimension scores for HDI for Bihar, Jharkhand and India: 2006 Health index Education index Income index HDI Bihar 0.542 0.403 0.575 0.507 Jharkhand 0.594 0.447 0.683 0.574 India 0.577 0.506 0.730 0.605 Note. For details of the indices see Footnote 25. Source. See GOI (2009).

Bihar and Jharkhand also rank among the lowest among all Indian States based on the ranking by Gender Development Index. 38 The score for GDI is 0.479 for Bihar, while for Jharkhand it is higher 39 at 0.558 (see Table 1.2b).

Table 1.2b Dimension scores for GDI for Bihar, Jharkhand and India: 2006 Health index Education index Income index GDI Bihar 0.536 0.377 0.524 0.479 Jharkhand 0.590 0.418 0.665 0.558 India 0.573 0.494 0.702 0.590 Note. For details of the indices see Footnotes 25 and 27. Source. See GOI (2009).

IMR and MMR, 2010-11: Slightly higher development indicators for Jharkhand are also seen in the IMR (Infant Mortality Rate) and MMR (Maternal Mortality Rate 40 ). The IMR in Bihar is 55 while in Jharkhand it is 42 (Annual Health Survey, 2010-11, from Census 2011). Similarly, the MMR is 35 in Bihar while it is 27 in Jharkhand (op. cit.).

Changes in the Incidence of Poverty, 2004-05 to 2009-10

Recent estimates 41 released by the Planning Commission (see Table 1.3), indicates that in Bihar there has been little change in the high proportion of population below the poverty line between 2004-05 and 2009-10. In the earlier period it was 54.4% which dropped marginally to 53.5%. This seems to reflect the situation in rural Bihar, because urban Bihar does show some improvement between the two periods.

Table 1.3 Comparisons of Percentage of Population Below Poverty Line in the Two States 2004-05 2009-10

37 Jharkhand has experienced a higher rate of growth through the exploitation of its mineral wealth. A World Bank assessment of the State’s prospects for growth suggests that depending on this is fraught with negative consequences for its ecology. See World Bank (2008b). 38 The Gender Development Index is the HDI adjusted for disparities between women and men. See Rustagi (2000). 39 The Female Male Ratio in Bihar is 919 while it is 941 in Jharkhand (Census 2001). 40 MMR is the proportion of maternal deaths per 100,000 women in the age group 15-49 years. 41 These estimates are based on the poverty line being pegged at expenditure of Rs 28 per day in urban areas and Rs 22 per day in rural areas. The government has been challenged about pegging the poverty line at such a low rate. 17

Rural Urban Total Rural Urban Total Bihar 55.7 43.7 54.4 55.3 39.4 53.5 Jharkhand 51.6 23.8 45.3 41.6 31.1 39.1 India 42 25.5 37.2 33.8 20.9 29.8 Note. Based on Tendulkar methodology. Source. Planning Commission; see GOI (2012).

The situation in rural Jharkhand in 2004-05 was also very poor -- 52% of the population was reported to be below the poverty line. However, it was a little better than Bihar. By 2009-10, the proportion below the poverty line in rural Jharkhand has dropped to 42%, quite different from the situation in rural Bihar.

Development concerns of the tribals and the minorities need adequate attention, particularly the disadvantaged among them. Robin 42 points out that government expenditure in Tribal Sub-Plan areas, does not necessarily reach tribals in those areas, and instead benefits non-tribals in those areas. Similarly, benefits which do reach STs may only reach the elite tribal groups. Ali 43 writes about the tensions between the privileged Muslims 44 in Bihar and the Pasmanda Muslims (which includes the OBCs 45 and the dalits), and the garnering of benefits by the elites. Bihar is experiencing more political stability; apparent progress; some improvement in law and order; it has even got an award for improvement in literacy. 46 The situation is extremely difficult for the people of Jharkhand, as they experience political instability and very poor governance.

Constraints on Development in both States

Bihar continues to be primarily dependent on agriculture. It employs 80 percent of the workforce and provides for 40 percent of the GDP. 47 Although it has a considerable amount of irrigated cultivable land because it has a number of rivers flowing through it, it is also regularly ravaged by floods. Agricultural productivity is low, in part because of the high degree of subdivision and fragmentation of holdings. In 2003-04, 46.4% of rural households had less than 0.001 hectares to cultivate (see Kumar et al., 2008).

Jharkhand is a mineral rich state with huge reserves of iron ore, coal, copper ore, mica, bauxite, graphite, and limestone. 48 It is also known for its vast forest resources. The plateau region of Chhotanagpur (the northeastern part of the peninsular plateau of India) in Jharkhand has many

42 See Robin (2009b). 43 See Ali (2010). 44 He refers to the Ashrafs as the elites; belonging primarily to the Congress Party. 45 As per record, twenty-eight Muslim castes, such as Abdal, Bhathiara, Chik, Churihara, Dafalange, Dafale, Dhunia, Faqir, Gadihar, Dhobi, Nai or Salaami, Qassar, Darzi or Idrisi, Julaha or Momin, Kasai, Lalbegi or Bhangi or Mahtar, Madari, Miriasin, Mirshikar, Mukro, Nalband, Nat, Pamaria, Rangrez, Rayeen or Kunjra, Sayee and Thakurai, from Bihar got itself listed in the Central list of OBCs. See Ali (2010). 46 The CM publicly announced that Bihar has received Decadal Literacy Award 2011 from 'Sakshar Bharat' for achieving highest growth of literacy and females literacy rates during 2001-2011. See “Rs 10000 crore allotted to edu dept: CM”, Parul Pandey, TNN Nov 12, 2011. 47 World Bank (2007a). 48 It also has considerable reserves of copper, chromite, asbestos, kyanite, china clay, fire clay, steatite, uranium, manganese, dolomite, tungsten, gold, etc. 18

perennial rivers which are sources of hydroelectricity generation. 49 A substantial proportion of Jharkhand’s GSDP comes from its mining and manufacturing sector. The move to increase dependence on the mining sector brings with it concerns about potentially harmful social and environmental impacts in an economy characterised by poor governance. 50

However, as in Bihar, the majority of its population is in the agricultural sector, which is completely dependent on rainfed irrigation. Greater reliance on agriculture requires expansion of irrigated agriculture. Bringing more land under irrigation is difficult as there is a modest amount of land for which this is possible; 51 setting up new irrigation projects is also fraught with problems with the consequent displacement of people from their land.

Outcomes of Limited Development

Migration: Migration is reported as a regular feature in Bihar and Jharkhand. A study 52 which deals with distress migration from rural areas stresses that “migration takes many forms, and there is significant diversity in migratory patterns.” Both seasonal family migration 53 and male migration 54 are commonly reported in Bihar and Jharkhand. Migration can be for short duration – a few months, 55 or for about 9 months 56 – from post monsoon (when prospective employers loan cash to cash-starved households and families pledge their labour for the coming season in return) to pre-monsoon (when they return to the village to work on their own land or others’ land if they are landless). Some areas where there was seasonal migration are becoming places where families move from one place to another never returning home.

Land alienation, migration and bonded labour in Jharkhand: The Pratichi report on Jharkhand speaks of the problems of land alienation, 57 indebtedness, pauperization all of which contribute greatly to the slow spread of education. The per capita availability of food is very low. Jharkhand has been a source of cheap labour historically to tea gardens, construction sites, agricultural fields. 58 The stream of migration is reported to continue. 59 People migrate to work as agricultural

49 See Rustagi (2002). 50 See World Bank (2007a). 51 See World Bank (2007). 52 See Smita (2008). 53 One reason why children are taken along is because employers pay according to piece-rates and extra hands push production up. Also parents don’t feel safe leaving young girls behind. 54 A report on child labour points out that “even when only male members migrate it creates grave challenges for the regular and continued schooling of children, because children are often compelled to support their mothers in both household and income generating activities”. See Burra (n.d.). 55 “Migration for agricultural work, for example, is often of short duration, and may take place several times each year, with families making trips of between four to eight weeks for sowing, harvest or transplantation activities. This type of migration commonly features small family groups travelling over short distances and working in highly scattered areas, making them difficult to trace.” See Smita (2008). 56 “Migration for industrial and agro-industrial work, such as brick making, salt manufacture, tile making, fishing, stone quarrying, construction, charcoal making, sugar cane harvesting, and work at rice mills, on the other hand, tend to have a single cycle lasting six to eight months per year.” (Op. cit.) 57 See Areeparambil (1996) and Rana (2010). This is spoken of in the context of tribal peoples being displaced from their land as a result of government projects (such as the building of dams), and of private companies (with mining interests, for example), leading to a destruction of their livelihoods, and their entire way of life. 58 Pratichi Report on Jharkhand cites a number of sources; see Pratichi Team (n.d.). 19

labour and non-agricultural labour. The National Commission on Rural Labour (NCRL), 1991, basing itself on the Study Group on Bonded Labour, attributes the phenomenon of migration to people having very vulnerable 60 sources of income, and this leading them to take up employment under highly exploitative conditions. There is a high incidence of bonded labour according to the NCRL among stone and slate quarry and mining workers, bidi workers and migrant labour in the fields of Punjab, Haryana and Uttar Pradesh. The Commission highlighted the “well entrenched system of tribal exploitation, expropriation and bondage in many parts of the country including the Santhal Parganas”. The Expert Group constituted by NCRL concluded that “migrant bonded labour represents an aggravated form of deprivation and exploitation”. 61

The proportion of STs in Jharkhand has been declining over time. 62 One factor for this is the huge in-migration into Jharkhand from Bihar and UP,63 particularly into Singhbhum and Ranchi where there was a lot of industrial development. 64

Child work and child labour: Child labour 65 is an enormous problem in Bihar and Jharkhand. 66 It includes children working on their own fields, grazing their own animals, 67 and collecting fuel from the forests. It also includes children working with their parents on piece-rate work, 68 and children working as wage labour. Children in agriculture are reported 69 to be the largest group of child workers. It is not given sufficient importance because it is not considered hazardous – but it is because it keeps children out of school, they may handle toxic pesticides on crops, they work long hours, work in extreme temperatures, and the work may involve handling dangerous tools. Burra stresses that if work at home, in agriculture or assisting petty family business is not to be counted, it ignores many children, and especially girls, who may be working long hours at the cost of schooling and education. In this context, it is important to look at a time-use survey conducted in 2002 to better understand the nuances of children’s work.70 Our study also finds

Corbridge writes that the tribals were “a favoured target for the contractors recruiting for the Calcutta brickyards and the Assam tea plantations” because of very limited employment opportunities in agriculture and the lack of double cropping. See Corbridge (1988). 59 Rogaly et al (2001), Rana (2001a) cited in the same Pratichi Team report; also SRRA (2010). 60 The uprooting of tribals from their traditional habitat, receding forest cover, low agricultural productivity and rain- fed agriculture all contribute to this vulnerability. See Srivastava (2005). 61 There are also reports in newspapers of Katihar being a huge source of bonded child labour. 62 See Corbridge (1988), Pratichi Team (n.d.), and Robin (2011). 63 See Rogaly et al (2001), Rana (2001a) cited in the Pratichi Team report. 64 See Corbridge (1988). 65 See Joshi et al. (2006) who discuss the problem in India as a whole. 66 See BBA (2005), Nambiath (n.d.), Burra (n.d.). 67 Piyush Antony’s research work in rural Bihar points to large numbers of children working as agricultural labour and in cultivation. If animal grazing is included, approximately 25 percent of all working children belong to agriculture and allied sectors. This does not include the fifty percent of children who are full time engaged in household work and the 17.35 percent of children engaged in fuel wood and cow dung collection. See Antony (2002). 68 Because payment is on a piece rate, greater levels of production, lead to higher earnings. Therefore the whole family is often involved in production. The employer therefore does not ‘employ children’ as such, but the economic arrangements coerce families to putting all available hands to work in order to increase production. See Smita (2008). 69 See Burra (n.d.). 70 See Hirway (2002). 20

children spending many hours doing paid and unpaid work, at home, in the fields and elsewhere. These issues came up in the course of the village studies which are discussed in sections 5 and 7.

Implications of neglect of development concerns on the education sector

Bihar has a history of low per capita expenditure on education. In the nineties, although the rhetoric for EFA increased, both Centre and states were hit by a resource crunch on account of conditionalities imposed by SAP (Structural Adjustment Programme).

The resource crunch in the nineties and the relative neglect of the education sector in that period has implications for the current quality of schooling in both Bihar and Jharkhand. The Report of the Common Schooling System Commission in 2006 71 highlighted how the Government of Bihar (in the nineties and first half of the twenty-first century) allowed educational institutions such as SCERT, PTECs, 72 DIETs to barely function, giving them very limited roles and responsibilities and limited funds. However, although the new government under Nitish Kumar considered implementing a Common Schooling System to achieve UEE, the recommendations of the Commission which was constituted for this were finally not put in place mostly on account of financial constraints (Pratichi Trust and Adri, 2011).

The per capita expenditure on education is relatively low in both States – Rs 604 in Bihar and Rs 932 in Jharkhand.73 There are institutional and process barriers to achieving outcomes even to use what money is available. Bihar’s situation is discussed at length in Jha et al. 2006 – the slow pace of SSA funds utilization in a wide range of areas which include teachers’ salaries, 74 BRCs and CRCs, interventions for disabled children, innovations, and interventions for out of school children. The rate of utilization of SSA funds for civil works and for maintenance and repair work was relatively higher than in other areas, but spending as a percent of approved budget was still low in this area (see Jha et al., 2006). The Third JRM in 2006, noted that the work was severely hampered by a shortage of staff.

In discussions with education authorities in the State capitals, the constraints on functioning on account of reduced and delayed fund flows from the Centre to the States was brought up as a reason for the slow pace of change.

71 See M.M. Jha et al. (2007). 72 Primary Teachers Education Colleges were established earlier to provide a two year pre-service teacher training course. 73 Data from Select Educational Statistics, 2007-08. 74 Contract teachers could be recruited under SSA. But states were nervous of additional teacher recruitment, because over time the costs would be borne by them. SSA support for these teachers was to decline over time – under the Ninth Plan it would cover 85% of their salaries, under the Tenth Plan 75%, and 50% thereafter. The use of SSA funds to cover recruitment of contract teachers in Bihar has been criticized by Govinda (see Govinda, 2005 cited in Jha et al., 2006) because these teachers’ salaries are now under Plan expenditure rather than recurring (non- Plan) expenditure, and so give a lower estimate of finances required in the long term. 21

Section 2: Exploring Education in the the Two States

In this section, we begin by looking at indicators of the level of educational development in the two States. This is followed by detailing some of the investments in educational access and quality that have been made in the previous decade. Finally, we look at the considerable challenges that remain.

2.1 Educational deprivation in Bihar 75 and Jharkhand 76

Bihar’s literacy rate rose from 48% to 64% between 2001 and 2011. Both in 2001 and 2011, it ranked last (35 th ) among all States in India.

The gender gap in literacy rates is high. In 2001, the male literacy rate in Bihar (60%) was much higher than the female literacy rate (34%). The gender gap has reduced between 2001 and 2011 but continued to be high in 2011. Female literacy was below 50% in 37 of Bihar’s 38 districts in 2001 and in 15 of the 38 districts in 2011.

In 2001, literacy rates among the SCs in Bihar was 28.5%, much lower than all-India literacy rates among SCs (55%). Among SC women in Bihar, the literacy rate was as low as 15.6%. Within the SC groups in Bihar, literacy levels were highest among the Dhobi (43.9%) and Pasi (40.6%), lower among the Dusadh (33%) and Chamar (31.3%), and least among the Bhuiya (13.3%) and Musahar (9%).

In 2001, literacy rates among the tribals in Bihar were 28.2%, much lower than literacy rates among tribals in India as a whole (47%). Within the ST groups in Bihar, literacy levels were highest among the Gonds (45.2%) and Kharwars (42.7%). They were lower among the Oraon (25.1%), Santhals (23.3%), and Mundas (22.4%).

Literacy rates among SCs and STs in Bihar were very similar (28.5% and 28.2%, respectively in 2001).

Table 2.1 Bihar and Jharkhand: Literacy Rates (%) Bihar Jharkhand Literacy, 2011 64 68 Literacy, 2001 47.5 53.1

Male Literacy 60.3 68

Female Literacy 33.6 40 SC Literacy 28.5 37.6 SC Female Literacy 15.6 22.5 ST Literacy 28.2 40.7 ST Female Literacy 15.5 27.2 Source: Census 2001.

75 See Jha et al. (2007), Dubey (007), Pratichi and ADRI (2010), Banerji (2011), Pankaj (2008). 76 See Pratichi Trust (n.d.). 22

The literacy rate in Jharkhand rose from 53% in 2001 to 68% in 2011. Based on literacy rates in 2011, Jharkand ranks 32nd among India’s states. The gender gap is high -- male literacy rate is 68% and the female literacy rate 40% (Census 2001). Female literacy was below 50% in 15 of Jharkhand’s 18 districts in 2001, and in 6 of Jharkhand’s 24 districts in 2011.

The literacy rate for tribals in Jharkhand as a whole was 41% (2001), lower than the national average for tribals (47%). Within Jharkhand itself, it was higher among the Oraon (53%), Kharia (51%), and Munda (48%). Literacy rate for the Ho community was 39% (just below the ST average), and least among the Santhal (33%).

The literacy rate among SCs in Jharkhand as a whole was 38%. It is highest among the Dhobi community (56%) and the Dusadh (52%), somewhat lower among the Chamar (44%) and much lower among the Turi (29%), Bhogta (23%) and Bhuiya (21%).

ST literacy rates in Jharkhand were slightly higher than SC literacy rates. Both are considerably higher than in Bihar.

Educational levels, 2005-06

Educational attainments according to the NFHS-3 also indicate that compared to Bihar Jharkhand had a lower proportion of illiterate males and females in 2005-06. When one looks at the proportions of males and females who had completed class 8 (age group 6-49 years), the figures were seen to be as low as one-tenth of the population among both males and females in Bihar, and among females in Jharkhand. It was only among the males in Jharkhand that the proportion of those who had completed class 8 was slightly higher at 13%. These low figures reflect how far away Bihar and Jharkhand were from UEE as recently as 2005-06.

Table 2.2 Educational Attainments (6-49 years) Bihar Jharkhand Male Female Male Female Illiterate 35.3 60.3 28.2 53.3 Completed class 8 10.1 10.4 13.8 10.4 Source. NFHS-3, 2005-06.

2.2 Investments in Access and Quality of Schooling in Bihar and Jharkhand

More schools have been established

Access to schooling has been improving over the previous decade (see Table 2.3 which gives us data for the period 2002-03 and 2009-10). While the number of primary schools has declined in Bihar from 47 thousand to 44 thousand, a large number of them have been upgraded to upper primary schools, so the number of primary and upper primary schools taken together has increased from 57 thousand to 67 thousand, an increase of 18%. The numbers of primary and upper primary schools in Jharkhand have both increased at an even more rapid rate. Primary schools increased from 16 thousand to 25 thousand, while upper primary schools increased from

23

4 thousand to 13 thousand, with the total increasing from 20 thousand to 38 thousand, an increase of 97%.

Table 2.3 Growth in number of primary / upper primary schools, 2002-03 to 2009-10 (Bihar and Jharkhand) Bihar Jharkhand 2002-03 2009-10 2002-03 2009-10 Primary schools 46546 43677 15859 25434 Upper primary schools 9911 23165 3594 12952 Primary and upper primary schools 56457 66842 19453 38386 Source. State Report Cards, DISE.

Case Study: Problems with recent initiatives to increase access

A study* of a village in Borio block in Sahibganj district of Jharkhand speaks of discrepancies in the school education system within a single locality. There is a regular government upper primary school, located in the Hindu OBC tola, which has eight regular teachers, a pucca building, a handpump, toilets, and a computer room. The presence of a railway track divides the village into two parts: one side is inhabited by Hindus (who refer to this part as a separate Hindu village) and the other by the STs and Muslims. The government school is located in the Hindu dominated area. The other side of the railway track has none of the facilities except an anganwadi centre. The physical location of the school is a constraint for the Santhals and Muslims as the presence of the railway track hinders mobility to the school.

Abhiyan or New Primary Schools (NPS) were set up to solve the problem of accessibility, one each in the Muslim and Santhal tolas. With students enrolling, the schools were upgraded to primary schools, renamed NPS. The NPS has been sanctioned funds for improving school infrastructure and providing facilities such as MDM. Dissimilarities stand out even between the Muslim and the Santhal schools; while the Muslim school has a pucca building, a functioning balwadi centre and MDM scheme, the Santhal school is run by a single teacher who rarely comes. As a result many STs send their children to the nearest missionary school, 5-6 kms from the village at high cost. None of the Muslim students have enrolled themselves in the regular upper primary school after completing primary level. As NPS is entitled to recruit only low-paid para teachers, the teachers seek alternative means of additional income. Her study finds that students from marginalised groups are being offered very poorly resourced schools. Although enrolment has gone up, students are not retained in school.

*See Nitya Rao (2009).

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More teachers have been recruited

The system has had a huge backlog in terms of teacher recruitment in Bihar and Jharkhand. No teachers were appointed in pre-divided Bihar from 1999 onwards.

Recruitment of panchayat teachers in Bihar (post 2000): In 2003-04, there was a need to recruit more than 85,000 teachers. However, no new teachers were recruited. When the government attempted to recruit teachers in 2003, based on the Bihar Elementary Teacher Appointment Rules 2003, 77 a case was filed and won in the Bihar High Court to quash these Rules. The State government was directed to appoint only trained teachers against vacancies, with untrained teachers to be considered only if there were no trained teachers. In 2004, when the State government attempted subsequently to recruit para-teachers, they were unable to because of assembly elections, and the imposition of the Election Model Code of Conduct. The target for teacher recruitment was over 98,000 by the end of 2004-05.

In 2005, more than 68,000 para-teachers called Panchayat Shiksha Mitras (PSMs) were appointed. No regular teachers were appointed. The newly recruited teachers popularly known as Panchayat Teachers are also paid their salary by the Gram Panchayats. 78

Recruitment of para teachers in Jharkhand: Jharkhand too has relied heavily on low-paid para- teachers. In schools having a Pupil Teacher Ratio more than 1:40, a provision was made to provide para-teachers so that the Pupil Teacher Ratio is maintained around 1:40. The para- teacher is selected by the concerned Village Education Committee (VEC). Such teachers get an honorarium @ of Rs.2000/- per month for untrained Primary Teacher, @ of Rs.2500/- per month for trained Primary Teacher, @ of Rs.3000/- per month for untrained Upper Primary Teacher and @ of Rs. 3500/-per month for trained Upper Primary Teacher. Altogether 3999 para-teachers were placed in schools by the Village Education Committee in 2008-09. As per the guidelines issued by the Jharkhand government, para teachers can never claim regularisation as government employees (see Nitya Rao, 2009).

Other initiatives by the States

Education Committees elected in Bihar: The constitution of a Vidyalaya Shiksha Samiti (VSS) was mandatory for all elementary schools in Bihar. As per the statute, it should have 15 members — parents (9), non-parents (3), representative of local PRI (2) and the headmaster (1). The Gram Panchayats (GP) were also assigned some responsibilities to monitor the working of local elementary schools. But because of their other numerous responsibilities, the Mukhiyas are not able to pay any attention to the local schools. Although the functioning of the VSS has been praised (see Report of the Third JRM), these have now been disbanded.

Development of New In-service Teacher Training Modules (BEP, SCERT and VBERC): In the nineties, the Bihar Education Project Council was set up with the aim of improving the state of

77 Under these rules, there was no requirement for pre service teacher training for appointment of elementary level teachers against existing vacancies. 78 Primary school teachers are recruited by the gram panchayat, and upper primary teachers by the block panchayat. See Tsujita (2009). 25

primary education in the state. Current initiatives under SSA to universalise elementary education in the state come under its umbrella. In-service training programmes are managed by BEP. From the nineties onwards, in-service training consisted of the 10-day “Ujala 1, 2 and 3” modules. By 2010, BEP had developed a new module (“Bodhi Samvad”) in collaboration with SCERT, Bihar and Vidya Bhavan Education Resource Centre (VBERC). The new training module reportedly attempts to “engage teachers in thinking, exploring and reflection”. 79 The state has also taken other initiatives to improve the system of education. It has drawn on expertise from other states (including Eklavya from Madhya Pradesh, VBERC and Digantar from Rajasthan, and ICICI Centre for Elementary Education from Maharashtra) to work with SCERT, Bihar on the development of the Bihar Curriculum Framework in the context of NCF 2005, and on the revision of textbooks in line with the new curricular framework.

MLE in Jharkhand: The JEPC Annual Report 2008-09 discusses how teaching in the child’s mother tongue is taking place in more than 2000 schools in the State. Curriculum 80 has been developed in five major tribal languages – Santhali, Mundari, Kurux, Ho and Khariya. 717 teachers are teaching in Santhali, 292 in Kurux, 282 in Ho, 74 in Mundari and 63 teachers in Kharia language. Cartoons in Santhali with Santhali sub-titles are being shown to school- children in Dumka, Jharkhand as a part of an initiative by a Pondicherry group PlanetRead. 81

2.3 Challenges

Gross Enrolment Rates indicate underage / overage enrolment at primary level

GER at primary level is the proportion of all children enrolled in Classes 1-5 as a proportion of all children in the 6-10 age group. Comparing enrolment rates across the two states (see both Tables 2.4a and 2.4b), we see that Jharkhand has a very high proportion of underage and overage enrolment.

The GER for boys and girls in Bihar indicates that much lower proportions of girls are enrolled compared to boys. The GER for boys and girls in Jharkhand does not indicate much difference between the genders.

Table 2.4a Gross Enrolment Rate (Classes 1-5), 2007-08 Bihar Jharkhand All 104.7 153.9 Boys 114.5 153.6 Girls 93.6 154.2 Source. Selected Educational Statistics, 2007-08.

Looking at GER at primary and upper primary levels in the two States (see Table 2.4b), we see the enormous drop in both States between enrolment in the first 5 grades of school and the subsequent 3 years of middle school. The low GER at upper primary level in both Bihar and

79 See VBERC (n.d.). 80 A list of MLE resource materials (available in 5 tribal languages) and a list of MLE Resource Persons and Resource Institutions are available for Jharkhand on the NMRC website (see Nag et al., 2011). 81 Accessed at http://www.srtt.org/casestudies/PlanetRead_Case_Study.pdf 26

Jharkhand coupled with the overage enrolment (clearly visible at primary level, and likely to exist at upper primary level too) indicate that both are very far from the goal of universal elementary education for all. The situation in Jharkhand appears to be better.

Table 2.4b GER at Primary and Upper Primary Levels of Schooling Bihar Gross Enrolment Rate Jharkhand Gross Enrolment Rate Primary Upper Primary Primary Upper Primary 2008-09 133.4 48.4 152.3 66.2 2009-10 135.5 53.4 149.0 73.2 2010-11 143.6 59.8 155.8 84.4 Source. DISE, State Report Cards.

Low proportions of younger age groups in school, 2005-06

The situation with regard to schooling is a cause for concern, though the situation in Jharkhand appears to be better than in Bihar. According to NFHS-3, 2005-06, 62 % of children in Bihar and 72% of children in Jharkhand (aged 6-14 years) attend school. School attendance is higher in urban areas than in rural areas in both States, but the urban rural divide is greater in Jharkhand. Gender disparity in education is quite evident in the 6-14 age group -- in Bihar, 68% of boys, compared with 56% of girls attend school; in Jharkhand, 77% of boys and 66% of girls attend school. In Bihar, among the primary-school age children (6-10 years), the percentage attending school is less than among children aged 11-14 years, reflecting late enrolment in the early years.

Table 2.5 School Attendance % School Attendance Bihar Jharkhand 6 - 10 years 60.8 72.5 11 - 14 years 64.2 70.7 6 - 14 years 62.2 71.7 6 - 14 years (urban) 70.6 82.5 6 - 14 years (rural) 60.7 68.4 6 - 14 years (boys) 68.3 77.2 6 - 14 years (girls) 56.2 66.1 Source. NFHS 3, 2005-06 in IIPS (2008a and 2008b).

Infrastructural Inadequacies

Shortage of classrooms more acute in Bihar: 82 In 2006, based on projected enrolment, there were 1.99 lakh additional classrooms required. The average SCR was high in both states – in 2005-06, it was 92 in Bihar and 80 in Jharkhand. Close to four fifths of children (79%) in Bihar are enrolled in rural primary schools with a SCR greater than or equal to 60, whereas this is true for less than one third of children in Jharkhand. This reflects the greater population density in Bihar.

82 See Jha et al. (2006). 27

Shortage of school buildings are more acute in Jharkhand: Proportion of schools without a building are 5% in Bihar and 36% in Jharkhand. This reflects a large number of new schools opened between 2000 and 2005-6.

Inadequate drinking water and toilet facilities: Bihar has a history of huge inadequacies in drinking water facilities and toilets. In 2006, only 38% of sanctioned drinking water facilities and 18% of sanctioned toilets had been constructed. 83 Jharkhand also has large gaps.

Education Development Index, 2006-07 84

Based on DISE data, indices are constructed for each State on the basis of Access, Infrastructure, Teachers and Outcomes, and a composite index combining these three. Indices for both Bihar and Jharkhand at primary, upper primary and elementary level are given in Tables A.1 and A.2 in the Appendix (p.167).

According to these indicators, out of 21 major states, at primary level, Bihar and Jharkhand rank 19 th and 20 th on the Access Index, 21 st and 19 th on the Infrastructure Index, 21 st and 20 th on the Teachers Index, 20 th and 18 th on the Outcomes Index, and 21 st and 20 th on the composite EDI. Overall the two states are worst off among all major states in India.

83 See Jha et al. (2006). 84 Based on DISE data on various school based inputs and processes as well some indicators related to outcomes, an effort has been made by the National University of Educational Planning and Administration (NUEPA) and the Government of India (MHRD, Department of School Education and Literacy) to compute an Educational Development Index (EDI), separately for primary and upper primary levels of education and also a composite index for elementary education. As many as 23 indicators have been used in computing EDI which are further re-grouped into four sub-groups: Access, Infrastructure, Teachers, and Outcome indicators. 28

Section 3: Katihar and Sahibganj: Districts under Study

3.1 Focus on Katihar

Katihar District is situated in the plains of the eastern part of Bihar. West Bengal lies on its eastern border. The Ganges river forms the southern border of the district, and Jharkhand lies across the river. Katihar is also close to two international borders which contributes to an inflow of migrants from these countries into the area. Bangladesh lies around 80 km east of Katihar, and Nepal around 100 km north of Katihar. Other prominent rivers which flow through Katihar include the Kosi and the Mahananda. Katihar’s proximity to the Himalayas in the north, Chhotanagpur plateau in the south, and multiple rivers, combined with good rainfall, contributes to it having a pleasant climate. However, the Kosi river floods its banks every monsoon, and causes considerable damage to the fields, and to infrastructure as a whole, apart from reducing the period when cultivation can take place.

Till the trifurcation of Bihar, Bengal and Orissa, Katihar remained part of Bengal province and subsequently became part of Bihar Suba. After British rule, Katihar remained a sub-division of Purnea district till it was created as an independent district in 1973. Close to 3 million were reported to live in Katihar district in 2001 (see Table 3.3a). Population density is high -- 782. It is mostly rural. The district has three major towns -- Katihar, Manihari and Ragunathpur. Katihar town has a large presence of Bengali Hindus who came at the time of partition in 1947. There is also a sizeable Hindu business community (Marwaris and Sindhis) who are the driving force behind the economy.

Road connectivity within the district is limited. Only 24.5% of villages have a paved road, compared to 37.8% of villages in Bihar as a whole. 85 Bus services from Katihar town are mostly limited to Manihari, Purnea, Jogbani, and Bhagalpur towns in Bihar, and Siliguri in West Bengal. However, NH-31 passes through the district not far from Katihar town. Trains are the more important source of communication. The district capital is important as a crucial railway junction.

Agriculture is the main source of livelihood, although there is limited access to irrigation (proportion of unirrigated land out of total land cultivable is as high as 56% 86 ). The main crops include rice, jute, pulses, makka (maize) and banana. Most of the blocks are regularly affected by floods, so there is limited industry in the district. There are a number of jute mills and flour mills (agro-based industries), one reason for which the district has a large migrant population from within India -- eastern UP, northern Bihar, and Jharkhand, and from neighbouring Nepal and Bangaldesh.

85 Village Level Directory (Census 2001) cited in Pankaj (2008). 86 Op. cit. 29

Children working in the fields, Amdabad block

Katihar is among the worst off districts in Bihar in terms of development. We have already seen it is worse off than Bihar as a whole in proportions of villages with access to pakka roads and to irrigated land. This is also true in terms of access to electricity (only 21.5% of villages have electricity compared to 36.2% of villages in Bihar as a whole).87 Poor irrigation and lack of electricity coupled with the situation of regular flooding forces migration primarily from rural areas in Katihar district to other towns.

Educational provision at primary level in both Bihar and Katihar is far below the national goal of providing education for all. Twenty seven percent of villages do not have primary schools in Bihar as a whole, while this applied to 39% of villages in Katihar district. 88 The proportion of villages with upper primary schools in Katihar is very low (14%). The number of secondary schools available in the district is only 55.

In 2001, the literacy rate in Katihar was 35.3%, 89 much lower than for Bihar as a whole (which was itself worst off among all States in India). One reason for Katihar’s limited development is its high proportion of disadvantaged communities (see Table 3.1), who have historically been excluded from the benefits of development. It has a relatively large Muslim population (42.5%). 90 The proportion of SCs in Katihar is low (8.7%). Tribals in Katihar are also a low proportion of the population (5.9%), but much higher than in Bihar as a whole.

87 Op. cit. 88 Op. cit. 89 Literacy was only lower in Kishanganj (31%) and Araria (34.9%). 90 It has been classified as a Minority Concentration District (MCD) – all districts which have more than 20% minorities. Recently ICSSR has done a study on Katihar as part of a focus on MCD districts 30

Table 3.1 Bihar and Katihar: Some Comparisons Bihar Katihar

Literacy rate (%) 47.5 35.3

% Disadvantaged social groups % ST population 0.9 5.9 % SC population 16 8.7 % Muslim population 16.5 42.5

Source: Census 2001.

The people in Katihar district speak Hindi, Urdu, Santhali, Angika, Maithili, Bhojpuri, Bengali, Marwari, Polia, Surjapuri etc. It is suggested that the differences in some of the languages is relatively small, and that languages vary by social group more than region. For example, Maithili is reportedly spoken by more privileged caste groups, Angika by middle castes and tribals.

3.2 Focus on Sahibganj

Sahibganj district is located in the northeast of Jharkhand state. It is bound in the north by the river Ganges (on the other side of which lies the district of Katihar (Bihar), in the south by the district Pakaur (Jharkhand), in the east by Maldah and Murshidabad districts (West Bengal), and in the west by Bhagalpur (Bihar) and Godda (Jharkhand) districts.

It is a part of Santhal Parganas division, 91 and has a sizeable proportion of Santhals. In 1983, Rajmahal and Pakaur subdivisions were carved out of the larger Santhal Parganas district to form Sahibganj district. In 1994, Sahibganj district was sub-divided into Sahibganj and Pakaur.

The population of Sahibganj is 0.9 million. It is densely populated in spite of part of its terrain being hilly. The population is largely rural (around 90% of the population live in rural areas). The district has two major towns -- Sahibganj and Rajmahal. Connectivity is very poor. The proportion of villages in Sahibganj not connected to pucca roads is as high as 67%. The district is also poorly connected by road with the rest of Jharkhand. Railways do give some connectivity within the district and to West Bengal.

The district may be divided into two natural divisions on the basis of its geographical location and cultivable land. A large part of the district is hilly. This region consists of 5 blocks (Borio, Mandro, Barhait, Pathna and Taljhari) and is referred to as the “Damin-i-koh” area. The hills and slopes are covered with forests, once dense but scanty now. The valleys have cultivable lands, yielding mostly paddy. These blocks are tribal dominated 92 (proportions of STs in these blocks

91 The Santhal Parganas division includes 6 districts in Jharkhand (Godda, Deoghar, Dumka, Sahibganj, Pakaur, and Jamtara), which have a concentration of Santhals, who speak Santhali and Angika. http://www.icssr.org/Sahibganj.pdf 92 Source: Village Level Directory, Census (2001), cited in Sudan and Bhaskaran (2008). 31

are given in parenthesis) -- Borio (65%), Mandro (59%), Barhait (56%), Pathna (62%) and Taljhari (59%)). The tribes are mostly Paharias, Mal Paharias 93 and Santhals. 94

The second region consists of 4 blocks (Sahibganj, Rajmahal, Udhwa and Barharwa). The Ganges, Gumani and Bansloi rivers flow through this region. This area has plenty of fertile land and is richly cultivated. These blocks have a very high proportion of Muslims 95 -- Udhwa (59%), Barharwa (50%), Rajmahal (41%), and Sahibganj (32%), much higher than the state average of 13%. They have a relatively lower proportion of tribal communities, ranging from 5.9% in Udhwa to 11.6% in Sahibganj.

In addition to various dialects of Hindi, people in Sahibganj are reported to speak Santhali and Paharia (Malto), among the ST communities, and Bengali, among the Muslims.

The district has poorly developed infrastructure. Less than one tenth of villages have electricity (9.1% in 2001 compared to 15.6% for Jharkhand as a whole). The Rajmahal hills are a major source of stones to be used for buildings and for construction of roads. Stone quarries provide some employment. Sahibganj is a source of silica sand. Rajmahal town in Sahibganj district has a number of silica sand mines, 96 which also provide some employment. The extensive bed of the Ganges at Sahibganj and Rajmahal is one of the best spots in Jharkhand state for collection of fish spawn and fishing. Due to very small holdings and the very low productivity of the land, most households eke out a living by maintaining a diversified pattern of occupations; they depend on agriculture, 97 forests and wage labour. No single activity provides sufficient resources to entirely ensure their livelihood. There is little industrial development.

Sahibganj is among Jharkhand’s least developed districts as can be seen by comparing any number of indicators including educational provision and literacy rates (see Table 3.2). The overall literacy rate in Sahibganj district is 38% -- much below the literacy rate for Jharkhand as a whole (53%). Educational provision at primary level in Sahibganj is also far below what is available in Jharkhand as a whole. As much as 45% percent of villages do not have primary schools in Jharkhand as a whole, while this applied to 54% of villages in Sahibganj district. 98 The proportion of villages with upper primary schools in Sahibganj is very low (9%). The number of secondary schools available in the district is only 16.

Its social composition is also likely to be a factor which contributes to its poor development indicators. It has a higher proportion of tribals and much higher proportion of Muslims than the State as a whole. Sahibganj has 56% Hindus, 31% Muslims 99 , a small proportion of Christians (6%), and a small proportion of those who belong to Other Religions (6%).

93 Paharias and Mal Paharias are included in the list of Primitive Tribal Groups. See GoI (2008). 94 It is reported that Paharias and Santhals have historically had conflictual relations, with the Santhals being exploited by the Paharias and non-tribal traders. See www.pakur.nic.in and www.sahibganj.nic.in 95 Source: Village Level Directory, (Census, 2001), quoted in Sudan and Bhaskaran (2008). 96 See Government of Jharkhand and Government of India (2011). 97 Paddy is grown in the valleys; the forests are quite denuded. 98 Op. cit. 99 It has also been classified as a Minority Concentration District (MCD) – a district which has more than 20% minorities. 32

Table 3.2 Jharkhand and Sahibganj: Some Comparisons Jharkhand Sahibganj

Literacy rate (%) 53.1 37.6

% Disadvantaged social groups % ST population 26.3 29.2 % SC population 11.8 6.4 % Muslim population 13.8 31.3 % Christian population 4.1 6.3 % Other Religions 13.5 6.1 Source: Census 2001 Sahibganj is one of 54 selected districts with ST female literacy rate below 35% in 2001 Census, and with more than 25% tribal population. It is a priority district since it is considered as naxal- affected 100 and has Primitive Tribal Groups. As such, in 2008 the central government sanctioned a 100% centrally sponsored scheme to encourage tribal girls’ education in this district. See Appendix 2, p. 168.

3.3 Comparing Katihar and Sahibganj

The two districts differ markedly in terms of size, terrain, connectivity, and social composition. Katihar is 3 times as large as Sahibganj in terms of land area; it has a much higher population density; it has more fertile and irrigated land although some of this is ravaged by floods every year while Sahibganj is more hilly and has less cultivable land; Katihar is an important rail junction while Sahibganj lies on less important rail routes; although both districts have a high proportion of Muslims, Katihar has a much higher proportion than does Sahibganj; Katihar has a much lower proportion of tribals than Sahibganj.

Table 3.3a Comparing Katihar and Sahibganj, 2001 Katihar Sahibganj Total Population 2,392,638 927,770 Population Density (per sq km) 782 579 % Rural Population 91 89.4

% Hindus 57 56.3 % Muslims 42.5 31.3 % Christian 0.2 6.3 % Other religions 0.3 6.1

% ST 5.9 29.2 % SC 8.7 6.4 Source. Census, 2001.

100 On 23 September 2011, the government of Jharkhand organised a job fair in Sahibganj to provide employment opportunities in a bid to prevent young people from being lured into joining the Maoist rebels. Taken from “Sahibganj, October 1 ANI (Asian News International)”. 33

Where they are similar is in some development indicators (see Table 3.3b). The IMRs in both Katihar (Bihar) and Sahibganj (Jharkhand) are 59. The literacy rate in Katihar in 2011 is 53.6% (male 61; female 45.4%). Literacy rate in Sahibganj in 2011 is 53.7% (male 62.7%; female 44.3%). The gender gap is slightly lower in Katihar than in Sahibganj, indicating a greater lack of gender equity in Sahibganj.

In 2001 the literacy rates among Muslims is lower in Katihar than in Sahibganj; this is also reflected in the gap in female literacy rates, indicating that the Muslims in Sahibganj were relatively better off than the Muslims in Katihar.

The ST literacy rate in Katihar and Sahibganj is very close (24% in 2001). Female literacy among the tribals in Sahibganj is as low as 16% (in 2001).

Table 3.3b Comparing Katihar and Sahibganj (IMR, FMR, Literacy Rates) Katihar Sahibganj Infant Mortality Rate, 2010-11 59 59 Female Male Ratio, 2001 919 942

Literacy Rate, 2011 53.6 53.7 % Male Literacy, 2011 61 62.7 % Female Literacy, 2011 45.4 44.3

Literacy Rate, 2001 35.1 37.6 % Male Literacy, 2001 45 47.9 % Female Literacy, 2001 23.8 26.6 % Literacy among Muslims, 2001 25.4 30.4 % Female Literacy – Muslims, 2001 16.2 21.1 ST Literacy, 2001 24 24.4 ST Female Literacy, 2001 Not available 15.5 Source. Annual Health Survey, 2010-11 for IMR; Bose (2005) for literacy rates among Muslims; Census for all others.

The GER for the districts of Katihar and Sahibganj are both high (153.4 and 180.8). Both have high proportions of underage and overage enrolment.

Table 3.3c Comparing Katihar and Sahibganj (GER, PTR, SCR) Katihar Sahibganj Gross Enrolment Rate (Classes 1-5) 153.4 180.8 PTR (primary) 50 51 SCR (primary) 122 117 % Retention rate (primary) 77 89.6 % Transition rate between primary and upper 49 66.4 primary Source. DRC, DISE 2008-09 for GER; PTR, SCR, Retention and Transition Rate from DISE 2008; Census data for all others.

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Data on educational provision in the two districts indicates that Katihar was much better off in 2001. The proportion of villages with a primary school in Katihar was 61% compared to 46% in Sahibganj.

Table 3.4 Educational Provision in the Two Districts in 2001 % villages having % villages having Number of secondary primary school middle school schools Katihar District 60.9 14.2 55 Sahibganj District 45.8 8.6 16 Source: Village Level Directory (Census 2001).

The numbers of schools have increased greatly in both Katihar and Sahibganj. While there has been a 33% growth in the number of primary schools in Katihar, there has been an 80% growth in the number of primary schools in Sahibganj. Access to upper primary schools has increased to an even greater extent. Overall, there has been a 64% increase in the number of primary and upper primary schools in Katihar, and a 128% increase in the same in Sahibganj. The ratio of primary to upper primary schools was 1.95 in Katihar and 2.05 in Sahibganj in 2009-10 indicating that there was greater correspondence in the number of primary and middle schools in Katihar compared to Sahibganj.

Table 3.5 Growth in number of primary / upper primary schools 2002-03 to 2009-10 (Katihar and Sahibganj) Katihar (Bihar) Sahibganj (Jharkhand) 2002-03 2009-10 2002-03 2009-10 Primary schools 950 1266 512 921 Upper primary schools 215 649 89 449 Primary and upper primary schools 1165 1915 601 1370 Source. District Report Cards, DISE.

3.4 Main Components of the Study

School Survey

A survey of schooling facilities was conducted in April-May 2011 in thirty villages selected randomly from the purposively chosen blocks mentioned above (3 blocks in Katihar district, Bihar and 3 blocks in Sahibganj district, Jharkhand). This constituted Phase I of the study.

Village Studies

The school survey was followed by a study of schooling in three villages in each district (one week in each village). The village studies were planned to supplement the overview of schooling obtained through the quantitative survey in Phase I with some in-depth understanding of factors which affect access and quality of schooling in these border areas of Bihar and Jharkhand. The village studies took place in May-June 2011, and constituted Phase II of the research.

35

The entire study seeks to probe the locational disadvantages for children studying in inter-state border areas. In the village studies, we took this further. We selected villages with variations in levels of accessibility to get a range of schooling experiences for children. Three villages were selected from Manihari block in Katihar district, Bihar and three from Sahibganj block in Sahibganj district, Jharkhand. These blocks were also part of the Phase I survey (see the Maps of the surveyed blocks in the two states which shows Manihari and Sahibganj highlighted among the other blocks surveyed only in Phase I).

36

3.5 Methodological Issues

School Survey

This phase used primarily quantitative survey methods. A detailed survey of all education facilities with primary grades was conducted in 30 randomly selected villages to collect data on the quality and provision of primary schooling for children in these areas and the gaps therein. Stratified random sampling was used to select the villages.

We used the village census of 2001 as the sampling frame. Villages below the population size of 200 were not considered– partly because the population in such villages was a small proportion of the district total, and partly because it would not have been logistically possible to complete the study within the stipulated time frame. It was also less likely that these villages would have a primary school. Six villages were chosen in the population range of 200 to 500 and remaining 24 from villages above population size 500, again keeping in mind the proportion of population in these two groups of villages. Lahiri’s method of random sampling (probability proportional to size) was used for the two groups of villages so that the sample villages were of various sizes and could be representative of the block. Villages without any schools with primary grades were replaced, since this was a school survey.

In the villages, all schools with primary classes were surveyed. There was a questionnaire for collecting school details, to be filled in through interviews with the head teacher or a senior teacher, in the absence of a head teacher. All teachers, including the head teacher, were also interviewed. School observation sheets were used to capture the school environment and teaching activities on the unannounced visit. Details of the village economy and facilities were also collected using a coded village questionnaire.

Village Studies

The selection of 3 villages in each block was done on the basis of distance from pakka road and literacy rates (as provided by Census, 2001), and in collaboration with local researchers. A range of research tools were used. These include tools to get information on the village as a whole and tools to get information on schooling in that village.

The following tools were used to collect general information on the village: 1. Village maps – useful to understand the village, the social groups, the location of the more and less powerful groups, the location of the school and other institutions. These provide good insights into access and quality of schooling for various social groups. 2. Village questionnaires. 3. Interviews with key informants to get insights into problems of the village, including schooling

The following tools were used to gather information on schooling. These tools included those that were used at school and those that were used with parents and children in households. There were also tools used to discuss schooling with groups of adolescent boys and girls.

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(a) At the School

1. Observation of school activity: inside the classroom and outside – insights into the functioning of the school (whether teachers present; if present, whether teaching or not; if teaching, types of methods used; children’s activities in the school; whether midday meal is served; quality of meal). 2. Interviews with head-teacher and each teacher present in the school.

(b) From the School to Households

1. Households of 20 children were randomly selected from the school register. There were 2 components: I. Interviews with parents and children to gain insights into keenness for schooling; pressures of work; quality of schooling experience II. Tests of all children in 6-14 age group -- to get some indicator of learning levels of all children in these households 2. Tracking 10 of these 20 randomly-selected children over 4 days – whether present in school, if not why -- to gain insights into nominal enrolment; regularity of attendance; strength of attendance register; and causes for absence.

(c) In the Village

Focus group discussions with adolescents in the 14-17 age group: To get information on children’s schooling experience from an older, more articulate age group

The report has eight sections. The findings from the study in Katihar are presented in Sections 4 and 5, and for Sahibganj in Sections 6 and 7, and a short discussion of the key findings in the concluding section.

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Section 4: School Survey in Bihar (Selected Blocks, Katihar District)

4.1 Introduction

Katihar is a large district with as many as 16 blocks. Three blocks were covered in the school survey -- Manihari, Pranpur and Amdabad. Only Manihari has any urban population. The rural literacy rates in all three sample blocks is extremely low – for males it varies between 37% and 46%, for females it varies between 19% and 23% (see Table 4.1a), indicating a large gender gap in literacy rates in all 3 blocks as in the district as a whole.

Table 4.1a Male Female Rural Literacy Rate (Surveyed Blocks, Katihar) Total Male Female Manihari 34.9 45.5 23.0 Pranpur 32.8 43.7 20.9 Amdabad 28.7 37.4 19.3 Katihar District 31.1 41.4 19.7 Source: Village Level Directory (Census 2001) cited in Pankaj (2008).

All three sample blocks have higher proportions of Scheduled Tribes in their rural areas (ranging from 7.7% - 16%) than the rural areas in the district as a whole (6.3%). The proportions of Muslims are also high in all 3 blocks; highest in Amdabad where they are just over half the population (see Table 4.1b).

Table 4.1b Population Distribution in Rural Katihar % SC % ST % Hindu % Muslim % Minority Manihari 9.2 16.2 64.1 35.3 35.8 Pranpur 8.0 7.7 63.7 36.0 36.3 Amdabad 3.2 9.8 49.5 50.4 50.5 Rural Katihar 8.5 6.3 54.8 44.8 45.2 District Source: Village Level Directory (Census 2001) cited in Pankaj (2008).

Putting together disadvantaged groups (SC, ST and Muslims), we find that all 3 blocks have a very high proportion of disadvantaged groups – Manihari has 61%, Pranpur has 52% and Amdabad has 63%, while rural Katihar as a whole has 60%.

Census data gives us useful information on the level of infrastructural development in these blocks (see Table 4.1c). While Manihari is best off, it still has only 40% of its villages with a paved road leading to it, and 45% of its villages with power supply. Pranpur has a similar proportion of villages with a paved road but only 22% of its villages with a power supply. Amdabad is the most poorly developed of the three.

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Table 4.1c Village Facilities in Surveyed Blocks in Katihar District % villages % villages % unirrigated land having having power out of total land paved road supply cultivable Manihari 40.0 45.0 48.7 Pranpur 38.2 22.4 75.3 Amdabad 11.6 7.0 72.2 Katihar District 24.5 21.5 55.9 Source: Village Level Directory (Census 2001) cited in Pankaj (2008).

Educational provision at primary level is far below the national goal of providing education for all. All villages do not have primary schools in the sample blocks (see Table 4.1d). Amdabad appears to have the best provision of the 3 sample blocks – one possible explanation lies in the fact that it has much fewer villages than Manihari district. The proportion of villages with upper primary schools is very low in all 3 blocks ranging from 16% in Pranpur to 35% in Amdabad. The numbers of secondary schools available in the sample blocks are very few.

Table 4.1d Educational Provision in Surveyed Blocks in Katihar % villages having % villages having Number of primary school middle school secondary schools Manihari 72.5 25.0 3 Pranpur 72.4 15.8 2 Amdabad 83.7 34.9 6 Katihar District 60.9 14.2 55 Source: Village Level Directory (Census 2001) cited in Pankaj (2008).

Some Details of the Sample Villages in Katihar

Most villages covered in the three blocks were reported to be affected by floods from the confluence of the three rivers Ganga, Mahanadi and Kosi between the months of July to September. 101 Added to the feature of regular flooding is the fact that landholdings were mostly small, which meant few villagers could sustain themselves only through cultivation or agricultural labour in their vicinity. Seasonal migration is rampant with males going to do agricultural and non-agricultural labour in Bihar and UP, and further afield to Delhi, Punjab, Haryana and Mumbai. Children also have to contribute by doing household work, working in the fields, and looking after sheep/cows etc. This of course has an impact on their health, regularity of attendance at school, and their ability to complete elementary schooling.

It was possible to reach the village by car/ jeep in 27 villages (84%), though the road was unpaved in the case of half these villages. Each village begins almost as the one before ends. The settlement pattern in the villages is such that households are not too scattered, so schools are accessible.

101 The extent of the floods was reported to be worst in Amdabad block and somewhat less in Pranpur block. The villages closer to the main road were often a little raised. 40

The average number of households in the 32 sample villages was roughly 368 (ranging from 90 to 1700), as reported in interviews with key informants in the villages. The average population size was 2042 (ranging from 400 to 9000). Most people in the sample villages live in kachha houses.

4.2 Enrolment in Primary Schools / Upper Primary Schools

We begin with discussing the varied access to schooling in the 32 surveyed villages. • The villages had been selected such that they had at least one school with primary grades. Fifteen villages did not have access to schooling beyond primary level. This included 13 villages that had only one primary school; and 2 villages that had two primary schools each. • Access to middle schooling was available in just over half the villages (17 out of 32). Fifteen villages had only one middle school with lowest grade 1 and highest grade 6 / 7 / 8; 102 one village had a middle school and 2 primary schools; and one village had 2 middle schools and 1 primary school. • No village had a secondary school.

Fig 4.1 Enrolment in Primary Class 56.2 60 51.2 47.3 50 38.3 40 30 19.7 20 10 Average Enrolment 0 class 1 class 2 class 3 class 4 class 5 Classes Source: CORD-NEG School Survey, 2011-12

The size of these schools in terms of enrolment varied considerably. Of the 18 primary schools (lowest grade 1, highest grade 5), 1 was small (less than 100 enrolled), 11 were medium sized (enrolment between 100 and 250), and 6 were large (enrolment between 250 and 400). Taking these 18 primary schools together, it was found that average enrolment peaked at class 4 (56.2) – see Fig. 4.1. Enrolment in class 1 was as low as 19.7.

Of the 18 middle schools (lowest grade 1, highest grade 6/7/8), 14 had been upgraded after 2006 – so access to middle schooling has improved very recently. One of the middle schools was small (enrolment between 100 and 250), 8 were mid-sized (enrolment between 250 and 400), and 9 were large (enrolment more than 400). One of these has more than 700 enrolment. Taking these 18 middle schools together, it was found that average enrolment here too was highest for class 4 (76.6) – see Fig. 4.2. Enrolment in class 1 was comparatively low, here too, as in the

102 Twelve villages had middle schools with highest grade 8; 5 villages had middle schools with highest grade 7; one had a middle school with highest grade 6. 41

primary schools in our sample. Enrolment in classes 6, 7, and 8 is lower than in the primary grades indicating that children are either moving to other schools or dropping out altogether.

Fig. 4.2 Enrolment in Upper Primary Schools 76.6 80 68.4 69.7 70 60.5 56.4 60 53.5 50 40 30.9 30 25.1 20 10 Average Enrolment Average 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 Classes Source: CORD-NEG School Survey, 2011-12

Enrolment Drives

The teachers reported that they have been involved in enrolment drives in the village. In 10 schools out of 36, teachers reported that they have conducted ‘door to door surveys’/ ‘household census’/ ‘ Bal Panji ’ to identify children are out of school and then enrol them.

4.3 Infrastructure and Facilities in Schools with Primary Grades

There were 36 schools with primary grades (18 primary schools and 18 middle schools) in the 32 sample villages.

Positive Features of School Infrastructure and Facilities

• The majority of schools (82%) had classrooms in good condition (see Fig. 4.3). However, they were too few in number (see below when inadequacies are discussed).

Fig 4.3: Condition of classrooms in all 36 schools

Unusable

Good condotion 4% 1% 82% Minor repair 13%

Major repair

Source: CORD-NEG School Survey, 2011-12

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• Blackboards were available in nearly all schools. • Teaching aids were reported to be available in all schools (see Table 4.2a). • Sports equipment available in 86% of all schools (see Table 4.2a) . • Radios available in 72% of schools (see Table 4.2a). • Drinking water facilities were also available in a high proportion of schools (86%) and functional in 81% of schools (see Table 4.2c).

Table 4.2a Availability of Miscellaneous Facilities Primary Upper Primary All No. of Schools with: Schools Schools Schools Teaching Aids 18 18 36 (100) Sports Equipments 13 17 31 (86) Library 1 6 7 (19.4) Radio 12 14 26 (72) Others (medical kit, harmonium, dholak) 2 2 4 (11.1) Total 18 18 36 Note: Figures in parentheses give the proportion of all schools with the following facilities. Source: CORD-NEG School Survey, 2011

A school operating without a building in Pranpur block

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Inadequacies in Infrastructure and Facilities

• Boundary walls are useful to keep the child inside the school during the school day. Only 39% of schools had boundary walls (see Table 4.2b). Teachers greatly felt this inadequacy, as it was difficult for them to keep children in, and to keep the villagers out. As land for the school in Bihar is given by members of the community, the teachers allege that people in the village feel entitled to use the land / water sources in the school. • Playgrounds are critical for children in primary grades – the majority of schools were not child friendly in this regard. Only 14% had playgrounds (see Table 4.2b). Teachers expressed that this was a real problem. The issue here is the shortage of land. In an interview with CORD staff, an SSA official in Katihar explained how SSA provides for construction of schools but doesn’t provide for land. The land has to be donated by members of the community. • SSA has given grants to make schools accessible to children in wheelchairs. In Katihar, 44% of schools had ramps (see Table 4.2b)

Table 4.2b Infrastructure in the Sample Schools No. of Schools with: Primary Upper Primary All Boundary Wall 4 10 14 (39%) Playground 1 4 5 (14%) Ramp 6 10 16 (44%) Total Schools 18 18 36 Note: Figures in parentheses give the proportion of all schools with the following facilities. Source: CORD-NEG School Survey, 2011

• Two-thirds (67%) of schools had toilets constructed but functional only in 31% of schools (see Table 4.2c). Separate toilets for girls were available in 31% of schools and usable in 22% of schools. The problem of insufficient toilets was mentioned as a problem by many teachers. Table 4.2c Facilities in Sample Schools Upper Primary Primary School Schools All Schools No. of Schools Availabl Function Function with: e al Available Functional Available al Drinking Water 13 13 18 16 31 (86) 29 (81) Toilets 9 4 15 9 24 (67) 13 (31) Separate Toilets for Girls 4 2 7 6 11 (31) 8 (22) Electric Lights or Fans 0 0 0 0 0 0 Total number of schools 18 18 18 18 36 36 Note: Figures in parentheses give the proportion of all schools with the specified facilities. Source: CORD-NEG School Survey, 2011

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• Electricity was not available in any school. • Teachers also complained that there was no furniture in the school. • Shortage of classrooms: There was 1 school without any building at all, one school with only one usable classroom, and 7 schools with only 2 usable classrooms. High Student Classroom Ratios (calculated on the basis of usable classrooms) indicate the extent of the shortage. If all enrolled children were in school, the SCRs in Katihar would have been 89 on average (see Table 4.3).

The maximum SCR was 323 in a primary school in a village in Amdabad block.with only 1 usable classroom. The minimum SCR was 25 in a primary school in Pranpur village in Pranpur block, where there were 3 usable classrooms for the 75 enrolled. The low enrolment in this school is related to the fact that the school area is flood prone and gets flooded every year.

Table 4.3 Student Classroom Ratios Primary Schools Primary with Upper Overall Primary Schools SCR 82.9 94.7 89.0 Max SCR 323 176 323 Min SCR 25 33 25 No. of Schools 17* 18 35 Note. *There was no school building in 1 primary school in Katihar; classes took place under the shade of a tree. Source: CORD-NEG School Survey, 2011

We need to note that although teaching aids and sports equipment were seen to be available in many schools they were not observed to be used in any school. Radios which had also been widely supplied were also not seen used in any school. Overall, the level of infrastructure remains highly inadequate in the light of the high enrolment in schools.

Incentives – Textbooks and Scholarships

Teachers had many complaints about the functioning of these schemes. There were some complaints about the delays in receiving textbooks in time from the BRC (under the universal free textbook scheme).

Uniforms and scholarships are given by individual states, and are mostly for marginalised groups. Currently, the free uniform scheme is in the form of a one-time annual cash transfer. Rs 500 is reported to be distributed to all children in Classes 3-5 towards the cost of uniforms, and Rs 700 is given for this purpose to all girls in Classes 6-8.

Most schools in the 3 sample blocks reported that an annual scholarship of Rs 160-170 is reportedly given to children from SC and ST communities. Some variations were reported within this scheme. In one school, the teacher said that they give this to those SC/ST children who

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perform well in class. Two schools reported that while ST children in Classes 1-3 are given a scholarship of Rs 180, children in Classes 4-5 are given Rs 360. In one school there were complaints that ‘a majority of the SC/ST children do not get scholarships, and unhappy parents come and create trouble in the school’.

Cooked Midday Meal Scheme Observed Only in One-third of Schools

The cooked midday meal scheme was reported by the head-teacher to be functional in 64% of schools, but observed to be functioning in a very low proportion (33%) of schools i.e. 12 schools (see Table 4.4). In 9 schools, it was said that the MDM was stopped because of shortage of funds or because the rice had got over. But in a few cases it was reported to have been stopped because the Head Teacher was not keeping proper records of how funds or rations were utilized.

Some teachers reported that the midday meal scheme is very time consuming (maintaining records, supervising etc.) and leading to disruption of teaching activity, particularly due to the shortage of teachers. During the summer session (6.30 am -11.30 am), the midday meal is distributed at the end of the school day; in the winter session (10 am – 4 pm), it is distributed around 1 pm, after which students reportedly leave school for the day.

Midday meal being cooked out in the open, in a village in Pranpur block

In the 12 schools in which the midday meal scheme was functioning, children were observed to wash their hands before eating in 7 schools. Cleaning was done in 4 schools before the meal, and in only 2 schools after the meal. Teaching continued after the midday meal only in 2 schools. The timing of the midday meal in Katihar was generally 10.30 am to 11 am, towards the end of the school-day.

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Table 4.4: Functioning of Cooked Midday Meal Scheme Number of schools where HT reported that schools had a functional midday meal 23(64.0) Functional MDM was observed by researchers 12 (33.3) Number of schools in which the MDM was observed* in which Children washed hands before the meal 7 Eating area was cleaned before the MDM 4 Eating area was cleaned after the MDM 2 Notes. Figures in parentheses give the number of schools as a proportion of all 36 schools. *Based on observation of the midday meal in 12 schools. In the other schools, the midday meal was not provided. Source: CORD-NEG School Survey, 2011

4.4 Teachers

Shortage of teachers

In the Katihar sample, the average number of teachers in the primary schools was 4.7, and the average in middle schools was 7. There were no single teacher schools in the sample schools. Only 1 school had only 2 teachers appointed (see Box below).

Currently A Single Teacher School

In a Santhali tola of a village in Pranpur block, a New Primary School has been set up and 2 female teachers appointed to the school. Since one teacher was on maternity leave, the school was being run entirely by the other teacher who was very new and had only recently been appointed to that school. She reported that she faces a lot of difficulties as she tries to manage the children, and other school-related demands, particularly the supervision of the MDM. There is no provision for cooking the midday meal on the school premises. Hence she has to go to the village which is around 500 metres away from the school. Once she goes to check on that, there is nobody to take care of the children in the school.

The Pupil Teacher Ratio is based on the number of students enrolled and the number of teachers appointed. As we discuss later, on the day of the survey, a substantial proportion of enrolled children and some proportion of appointed teachers were missing from school. So while the figures below give a picture of high PTRs, far above what is stipulated by the RTE Act, they do not represent the reality on the ground.

Table 4.5 Pupil Teacher Ratios Primary Schools Upper Primary Schools All PTR 46.9 66 56.5 Max PTR 92 159 159 Min PTR 25 33.4 25 No. of Schools 18 18 36 Source: CORD-NEG School Survey, 2011

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The PTR in Katihar was 57 (the PTRs were higher in the middle schools (66) compared to the primary schools (47)). This was because average enrolment per grade was much higher in the upper primary schools than in the primary schools. The maximum PTR in Katihar was 159 in a middle school in Bahadurpur in Manihari block! This was a large school with 635 children enrolled and only 4 teachers appointed. The minimum was 25 in a primary school in Pranpur village in Pranpur block with an enrolment of 75 children and 3 teachers appointed. The median PTR (which disregards the extreme values) was 51.

Low proportions of teachers had in-service training in 2010-11

Details of in-service training are available only for teachers present on the day of the survey. Relatively low proportions of teachers (23%) reported that they had had any in-service training in 2010-11, the year before the survey. Multi grade teaching was an area which was commonly covered in training programmes. Forty-one per cent of all teachers reported that they had had training in this subject at some point. Relatively small proportions reported training either in teaching tribal children or in multilingual teaching.

Table 4.6 Teachers in Surveyed Schools in Katihar who have received In-Service Training Teachers: Number Proportion (%) With Any In-Service Training in 2010-11 27 22.9 Who Have Ever Received In-Service Training in: Teaching Tribal Children 5 4.2 Multi-grade Teaching 48 40.7 Multilingual Teaching 10 8.5 Note. Figures in the last column give the proportion of all 118 teachers who have received a specified training. Data is available only for the teachers present on the day of the survey. Source: CORD-NEG School Survey, 2011.

Teachers commonly reported training in activity-based teaching. But there was no evidence of this in classrooms. More than half the teachers also mentioned the need for more training in activity based teaching methods. The teachers had also had training in teaching certain subjects. Twenty teachers had received training in ‘Bodhi Samvad’, a few had received training on the ‘Ujala’ model, and in teaching science and mathematics (‘Vigyan Ganit Prashikshan’). Amdabad block in Katihar appears to be the most neglected of the 3 blocks with only 2 teachers reporting that they had received any training.

Teacher characteristics

High proportion of contract teachers: The majority of teachers in Katihar were contract teachers (81%). Only one-fifth were permanent teachers (19%). This overwhelmingly large proportion of contract teachers is a striking feature of the teaching profession, although they are not necessarily called contract teachers. The term refers to all teachers who are recruited at a rate far below that specified under earlier norms for the professional teacher cadre, and who are not required to have pre-service teacher training.

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Only 56% of teachers had teacher education qualifications: There were wide variations between contract teachers and permanent teachers. The proportion of teachers with some teacher education qualification was only 51% among contract teachers (see Table 4.7). Most (45% of all contract teachers) had had teacher training only through distance education. The proportion of permanent teachers with teacher education qualifications was as high as 81%, and the majority (57% of permanent teachers) had had regular teacher training (which can be expected to be more effective than teacher training through distance education).

Table 4.7 Extent of Teacher Training among Permanent and Contract Teachers Proportion (%) of teachers with: Permanent Contract Total Teacher Education Qualification 80.5 50.6 56.4 B.Ed. 12.2 1.8 3.8 JBT / BSTC / Dip.Ed. / ETE 36.6 2.9 9.5 Diploma in Primary Education (IGNOU) 24.4 45.3 41.2 Others 7.3 0.6 1.9 Number of teachers 41 170 211 Source: CORD-NEG School Survey, 2011

High proportion of female teachers: Close to half of all teachers were female (46%). Among the contract teachers, females were a slightly higher proportion than males (see Fig. 4.4). Female contract teachers were 43.1% of all teachers, while male contract teachers were 37.4% of all teachers. Among the permanent teachers, only a very small proportion was female. Male permanent teachers were 16.6% of all teachers, while female permanent teachers were only 2.9% of all teachers. The teaching profession has become feminised with the recruitment of contract teachers –– among permanent teachers the male female ratio was 5.7:1; among contract teachers it is 0.9:1.

Fig 4.4 Gender composition of teachers permanent male permanent 17% female 3%

contract female contract male 43% 37%

Source: CORD-NEG School Survey, 2011

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Contract teachers more poorly qualified than permanent teachers: The contract teachers were more poorly qualified than the permanent teachers. While 60% of contract teachers had passed class 12 at most, a much smaller proportion of permanent teachers (41%) had these relatively low qualifications (see Table 4.8). The majority of the permanent teachers in our sample schools in Katihar were graduates or above (59%), while only 40% of contract teachers had these qualifications.

Table 4.8 Education Qualification of Teachers in Katihar Proportion (%) of teachers Teacher Type with education level Permanent Contract Total Class 10 26.8 17.1 19.0 Class 12 14.6 42.9 37.4 Graduate 41.5 35.3 36.5 Post graduate & above 17.1 4.7 7.1 Number of teachers 41 170 211 Source: CORD-NEG School Survey, 2011.

Social background of the teachers in Katihar

The social background of the teachers in the 3 sample blocks was quite varied -- 73% were Hindu; 25% Muslim; 1% Christian; and 1% others. The 73% Hindus included 52% who were from more privileged backgrounds (15% general castes and 37% OBCs). The remaining 21% of the Hindu teachers were from disadvantaged caste groups (11% ST and 10% SC). Compared to the social background of the teachers, all the 3 sample blocks had a higher proportion of Muslims, 2 of the 3 blocks had a much lower proportion of tribals, and one of the blocks had a much lower proportion of dalits. With the changes in teacher recruitment policy, there has been a change in the social background of teachers, as we discuss below, but Muslims in particular are still under-represented in the teaching profession. Teachers may also be assigned to schools in villages where they are not accepted (see Box).

In one village in Pranpur, we found that the HM who was from a tribal background was very upset with his transfer (which he felt was politically-motivated) to a school in a Muslim- dominated village. He was finding that the other teachers in the school wouldn’t cooperate with him and follow his orders. He claimed that although he had earlier been awarded best teacher by district officials, no one was paying any heed to him. He had sought to be transferred from this school.

The contract teachers are 70% Hindu and 30% Muslim, substantially different from the permanent teachers who are 85% Hindu, 7% Muslim and 5% Christian. With the recruitment of contract teachers, there are now substantially more Muslim teachers in the system.

Among the Hindu contract teachers, the majority are OBCs, followed by the “general castes”, both advantaged social groups in these rural areas. The proportions of dalits and tribals are very low. Among the Muslim contract teachers, the majority are OBCs. There are only two teachers

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who are reported to be Muslim and tribal. There is 1 contract teacher who is from a Christian tribal background. Overall, among the contract teachers in Katihar there is also a relatively low proportion of both dalits and tribals. This is likely to be related to the fact that there is no reservation for SC/STs in contract teacher recruitment, and to the fact that with recruitment done at local level, more influential candidates (who appear to desire the contract teacher job even though the pay is low and irregular) are likely to be appointed.

Table 4.9 Social Composition of Permanent and Contract Teachers (%) Permanent Teachers Contract Teacher All Teachers Hindu 35 (85.3) 119 (70.0) 154 (73.0) SC 8 (19.5) 12 (7.1) 20 (9.5) ST 11 (26.8) 13 (7.6) 24 (11.4) OBC 11 (26.8) 68 (40.0) 79 (37.4) “General castes” 5 (12.2) 26 (15.3) 31 (14.7) Muslim 3 (7.3) 50 (29.4) 53 (25.0) ST 0 (0.0) 2 (1.2) 2 (0.9) OBC 1 (2.4) 40 (23.5) 41 (19.4) Others 2 (4.9) 8 (4.7) 10 (4.7) Christian (ST) 2 (4.9) 1 (0.6) 3 (1.4) Others 1 (2.4) 0 (0.0) 1 (0.5) Number of teachers 41 (100.0) 170 (100.0) 211 (100.0) Source: CORD-NEG School Survey, 2011

Among the Hindu permanent teachers on the other hand, there are an equal number of OBCs and tribals (11 from each group) followed by a smaller proportion of dalits, with the lowest proportion of general castes! There are very few teachers who are Muslim, Christian or from other backgrounds. With the change in terms of recruitment, the proportions of Hindu OBC teachers (37%) and Muslim OBC teachers (19%) among all teachers are comparatively high. The third largest group (15%) among all teachers comprises the “general castes” among the Hindus.

Teachers belonging to Scheduled Tribes were 14% in Katihar, higher than the proportion in the population as a whole (6%). However, the proportion of dalits was roughly similar – 10% among teachers and 9% in the population as a whole.

Low proportions of teachers lived in the village itself

The number of permanent teachers that were present in school at the time of survey was very low in number, which makes it difficult to comment on them as a separate group.

Contract teachers are supposed to be selected locally. In Katihar, 30% of contract teachers live in the village. Close to half (48%) come to school walking. While 28% of contract teachers live 1 km or less from the school, there are another 21% who live more than 5 kms away. Some contract teachers reported that they were not assigned to schools which were easy for them to access from their place of residence.

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Table 4.10 Accessibility of School from Teachers’ Residence Teacher Type Number of teachers who Permanent Contract All Live in the village 3 31 (29.5) 34 (28.8) Come to school walking 4 50 (47.6) 54 (45.8)

Live at a distance of 1 km or less from school 4 29 (27.6) 33 (28.0) Live at a distance of 1-3 kms from school (>1, upto 3) 3 38 (36.2) 41 (34.7) Live at a distance of 3-5 kms from school (>3, upto 5) 2 17 (16.2) 19 (16.1) Live at a distance of 5-10 kms from school (>5, upto 10) 1 6 (5.7) 7 (5.9) Live at a distance of more than 10 kms from school 3 15 (14.3) 18 (15.3) Total no. of teachers 13 105 (100) 118 (100) Source: CORD-NEG School Survey, 2011

4.5 School Functioning on the Day of the Survey

Head-teachers present in 56% of schools

On the day of the survey, HTs were present in 20 out of 36 sample schools in Katihar. However, this includes 7 schools in which the HT arrived at the school after the team. When the team arrived, they observed that in 5 of the schools, the head-teacher was absorbed in administrative work. In 3 others, he was interacting with the children – in one school he was actively teaching; in one school he was with the children though not teaching them, and in a third, he was leading the children in prayer time.

Table 4.11 Activities of the Head Teacher (As Observed by the Investigators on Arrival) No. of schools in which the Head Teacher was engaged in: No of Schools Administrative/paper work 5 Active teaching 1 With children / not teaching 1 Prayer with children 1 Other activities (talking; supervising construction) 5 Total 13 Note. Head Teachers were present in 13 out of 36 schools when the team arrived. In 7 schools they came later. Source: CORD-NEG School Survey, 2011

Of the 16 schools in which head-teachers were absent, in 7 cases they were away on official duty (in 5 cases this was non-school-related duties; in 2 cases this was school-related duties); in 5 cases they were officially on leave, and in 4 cases the reason were unknown. So only in 5 out of 36 schools could the head-teacher’s absence be attributed to the elections that were taking place at the time of the survey in Katihar.

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Low proportions of teachers present in school

Very low proportions (61%) of all teachers (44% of permanent teachers and 65% of contract teachers) were present in school on the day of the survey (see Fig. 4.5).

Figure 4.5 Proportion of Teachers Not in School when the Team Visited 56.1 60.0 35.3 39.3 40.0 20.0 0.0 Permanent Contract Total Source: CORD-NEG School Survey, 2011

Limited Schooling for Children in This Amdabad Village

In an upper primary school (Classes 1-8) in a village in Amdabad block, it appeared that there had been some advance notice of the team’s imminent arrival at the school. One teacher (a relative of the HT) telephoned 2 other teachers who lived very close to school and asked them to round up students from the village. When the team reached the school, they saw one teacher giving instructions to the children that they shouldn’t say anything different from what the teachers might say and that they should keep quiet at any cost. During observation, all the children were sitting in a small room and all the older children were sitting in the front row. Small children of classes 1 and 2 could barely see anything from the last row. The teacher kept writing chemical equations on the blackboard, and hardly any children appeared to understand what was going on. The attendance register was not available and the teacher said, “Please tell us what are the numbers of children enrolled and attending that we should report to you ( aap apne aap se bata do kitni enrolment/attendance bataon apko).”

What were the reported reasons for the absence of 83103 teachers who were not in school on the day of the survey. Just over one-fifth were officially on leave (22%). For 30% of teachers, the respondent in school (the Head-Teacher if present) was unable to say why they were not in school. A large proportion of teachers (27%) were away on non school-related government duty – in this case to do with local elections which took place in Katihar at the time of the survey. 104 A substantial proportion was also away on school-related government duty (20%). Together, this

103 Reasons for absence for 2 of the 83 teachers absent were not collected. 104 Local elections (for the posts of sarpanch, panch, gram panchayat, panchayat samiti members, and zila parishad members) in Katihar district in Bihar took place on 6 May 2011. The Katihar school survey took place from 30 April 2011 to 15 May 2011. The survey was planned to take place in the new academic year (scheduled to begin by the second week of April), and to be completed before the summer holidays. Schools in Bihar were closed without notice on 18 May 2011 on account of a heat wave sweeping some parts of Bihar. 53 means that 22% (38 out of 174) of teachers were missing from school that day because they were on official duty.

Table 4.12 Reasons for Teachers’ Absence On Day of Survey – Katihar Reason for Absence No. of Teachers Percent On leave 18 22.2 School related govt. duty 16 19.8 Non-school related govt. duty 22 27.2 On duty, but not present 1 1.2 Unknown reason 24 29.6 Total 81 100.0 Note. 83 teachers were not in school. Reasons for absence of 2 teachers were not collected. Source: CORD-NEG School Survey, 2011.

School Reported Closed At 8.30 am

In a school in a village in Pranpur with good infrastructure, the team found that neither the teachers nor students were present when they arrived at 8.30 am. After 5 minutes, one teacher who lived in the village arrived at the school and said that all the teachers and students had just left the school. When the team asked people in the village, they found that the school had not opened at all. They said that the teachers come when they want, and that the school often remains closed 2-3 days at a time.

Only One-fifth of Teachers in School Were Actively Teaching

Close to half of teachers were missing from school when the team arrived in the school. Among those who were there, 21% of teachers present in school were actively teaching. Close to one- third (31%) were with children but not teaching. 8% were doing administrative paperwork. Two-fifths of the teachers have been classified as doing Other Activities. This includes those who were talking to each other or just hanging around, not doing anything specific. It also includes a few teachers who came after the team arrived.

Table 4.13 Teachers’ Activities (As Observed by the Investigators on Arrival) Teachers engaged in: No. of Teachers Percent Administrative paperwork 7 7.7 Active teaching 19 20.9 With children/ not teaching 28 30.8 Other Activities (talking to each other; hanging around) 37 40.7 Total 91 100.0 Note. 83 out of 174 teachers were absent from school on the day of the survey. Source: CORD-NEG School Survey, 2011

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One-third of Schools had Teaching Learning Activities for Class 1

Some teaching learning activity for class 1 children was going on in an extremely low proportion (33%) of schools when the team arrived. In another 30% of schools, the children were in class but there was no teaching learning activity observed.

Table 4.14 Activities of Class 1 Children (As Observed by the Investigators on Arrival) Class 1 children were engaged in: No. of Schools Percent Rote learning 6 20 Doing exercises in their notebooks 3 10 Listening to teacher 1 3 In class, no activity 9 30 Other activities (roaming around, not doing much) 11 37 Total 30 100 Note. In 6 schools, Class 1 children could not be observed as they were not seated in one place. Source: CORD-NEG School Survey, 2011

Only 12% of enrolled children were observed present in school

Table 4.15 Comparing Enrolment and Attendance in Katihar Average Number observed Number marked present on the Number present on day of Enrolled day of survey previous day survey Primary Schools (18) 213 61 133 50 (23.5) Upper Primary Schools (18) 441 52 165 30 (6.8) All (36) 327 57 149 40 (12.2) Notes: 1. Figures in parentheses in the first column give the number of schools. 2. Figures in parentheses in the last column give the percent observed present as a proportion of enrolment. Source: CORD-NEG School Survey, 2011

Some discrepancy between attendance from the register and observed attendance

There is a huge difference between the numbers marked present on the day of the survey, and the numbers marked present the previous day. Based on these figures taken from the register, in the 36 schools, 46% were present on the day before the survey, and 17% were present on the day of the survey (see Fig. 4.6). It is likely that by the end of the day, many more students will be marked present for the day to bring the attendance figures closer to those for the previous day.

The number of children observed present on the day of the survey was as low as 12% of enrolled children. Attendance was much poorer in the larger upper primary schools compared to

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the primary schools (see the last column in Table 4.15). Six schools had no student present on the day of the survey, and a total of 19 schools had less than one-fourth of enrolled children present, and only 4 schools had more than half present. This sort of absenteeism indicates a highly dysfunctional school system, whatever the reasons for children’s absence.

Looking at disaggregation by gender (see Fig. 4.6), there is no marked appearance of gender differentials either in enrolment or in attendance as marked in the register or in attendance observed by the team.

Fig. 4.6 Enrolment and Attendance by Gender

Enrolled Marked present - previous day 350 327 Marked present - today 300 Observed 250 200 149 162 165 150 77 100 57 72 40 50 26 18 31 22 0 Total Boys Girls Source: CORD-NEG School Survey, 2011

Teachers’ views on children’s irregular attendance: Teachers said that children were irregular and that parents were often uninterested in their schooling. Many teachers stressed that parents need to take a more active role in making sure their children go to school regularly and also check if they are doing their homework. It was important that parents sent the children on time. Some of them pointed out that awareness drives were needed so that parents realised the importance of their children attending schools regularly.

4.6 Concluding Remarks

Provision of physical infrastructure and teachers in existing primary and upper primary schools appears to be quite inadequate in spite of the ongoing investment in both these areas. High SCRs (83 in primary schools and 95 in upper primary schools) indicate the enormous need for more classrooms. Sixty percent of schools had no boundary walls, and eighty six percent of schools had no playgrounds. Sixty four per cent of schools did not have functioning toilets. Only drinking water facilities were available in a majority of schools (81%).

High PTRs in the schools surveyed (47 in primary schools and 66 in upper primary schools) indicate that there is still a huge teacher shortage in terms of compliance with RTE. 105 The most extreme cases were a primary school with a PTR of 92, and an upper primary school with a PTR

105 This is also reported in the ADRI and Pratichi Trust report on Bihar. See Pratichi and ADRI (2010). 56

of 159! There is also a huge backlog of untrained teachers. The survey found that 44% of teachers in the sample schools had no teacher education (i.e. one or two years of professional teacher training such as CT / ETE / Dip.Ed. / B.Ed.).

Based on the survey, the situation in Katihar appears to be quite dismal on all parameters of school functioning. The high proportions of teachers not in school (39%) on the day of the survey 106 is beyond what is found in rural areas even in other educationally-deprived States. Local authorities excused this on the basis of local elections. Our study found that only 10% of teachers in the sample school were reported to be away on election duty. Even among the 61% of teachers who were present in school on the day of the survey, only 43% were present in school when the team arrived; 18% arrived later. Teaching learning activities in the school were also very limited. When the team arrived, only one-fifth of the teachers present were actively teaching. Only one third of schools had any teaching learning activities going on for Class 1 at this time. Teaching activities did not appear to be anything other than rote learning or writing.

A very low proportion of children were found to be attending school. The register showed that 17.4% of enrolled children were present on the day of the survey; the team observed only 12.2% of enrolled children in school. Attendance in the primary schools was observed to be better than in the upper primary schools (23.5% compared to 6.8%), but still low. Clearly this speaks of a crisis in both primary and upper primary schooling in these blocks.

The inadequate infrastructure and provision of teachers, the limited presence of teachers in school and the type of teaching activities that take place all contribute to the dismal situation. The researchers observed and heard that schools in this area were also closed at short notice due to climatic factors such as extreme heat, extreme cold, and floods. Teachers stressed the limited role that parents played in ensuring that their children attend school regularly. The children in these villages appear to be highly vulnerable to breaks in attendance caused by their own exigencies which include their work on the fields during the harvesting season. In the course of the village studies, children reported that they went to work in the mango orchards, and take part in harvesting maize and paddy. We discuss the village studies in Katihar in the next section.

106 The fact of high proportions of teachers not present in Bihar’s schools was also found by the PROBE Revisited survey in 2006. See De et al. (2011). 57

Section 5: Village Studies in Bihar (Manihari Block, Katihar District)

The village studies were designed with the purpose of supplementing the findings of the cross- sectional school survey to get a more nuanced picture of schooling in Katihar. Three villages which varied from each other in terms of parameters such as accessibility, social groups and literacy rates were to be selected to get deeper insights into access and quality of schooling in these areas. Schools were to be visited over a number of days to observe activities over the entire day; a small number of children were to be tracked each day to see if they were present, and if not, why not; a small number of households were to be visited to interview parents and enrolled children to get details of their socioeconomic background as well as some information on the daily activities of children. The children were also to be tested on reading, number recognition and the ability to do simple sums. Adolescent boys and girls were to be engaged in separate focus group discussions around a number of issues related to schooling. Key informants in the village were also interviewed. Findings are presented in 2 parts – Part A deals with information on the study villages including feedback from the adolescent boys and girls on schooling. Part B focuses on the school. In Part C, we compare the three villages and sum up the findings.

Part A: The Study Villages

5.1 Selection of Villages Based on Variations in Accessibility

Three villages were chosen from Manihari block, such that they vary in terms of accessibility and levels of literacy (see Table 5.1). Motipur is the most accessible village with a literacy rate of 45%. Sonpur is the least accessible with a very low literacy rate of 17%. Sama lies between them in terms of accessibility and also has a low literacy rate of 24%. The three villages ranged in size from 100-150 households.

Table 5.1 The Three Villages Access Literacy Motipur Road point access 44.6 % Sama 4 km away from the main road 23.7 % Sonpur 7 km from main road, across a stream, with a bamboo bridge over it 16.5 % Source: Census, 2001

All three villages lie off the section of the NH 81 Highway that connects Katihar town to Manihari town. Motipur is 10 kms down the highway from Katihar (see Table 5.2). The road all the way is tarred, though in bad shape and shared private tempos (the key means of transport all over the district) run right up to the beginning of Motipur. The road right outside the village is lined with shops - telephone recharge shops, small dhabas. The market is barely a km away. Few buses run on the main highway, and a 2 km ride on a tempo will get one to the bus stop.

Sama is 16 kms down the main highway from Katihar, and then another 4 kms away from the main road. This 4 km stretch upto the village is completely katcha, and becomes sludgy and

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difficult to traverse after even little rain. Vehicles get stuck and skid in the mud. 107 Regular tempos do not go up to the village and must be taken from the main road.

The road leading to a village

Sonpur is about 9 km down the main highway from Katihar, and then another 7 kms away from the main road. For the initial 2-3 km of this inside stretch the road is pakka, reaching up to the main hub where there is a tempo stand and the place for the weekly market. After this there is only a katcha road through fields, which is lined with bricks up to the ‘Kari Kosi’ stream. To cross the stream, one has to use a bamboo bridge for which one pays Rs 3 per head for the entire day’s up-down trips. Cycles and surprisingly even motorbikes ply on this flimsy looking bridge. The village is another 500m from this stream, through a katcha mud path, across grassy open space. The stream is not too swift in the summers and in some parts one can even wade through it, but it floods during the rains. Tractors are driven through the stream when it is shallow.

Table 5.2 Accessibility of Main Village Village Name Motipur Sama Sonpur Distance (kms) from Pucca Road 0 4 5 Block Headquarters (Manihari) 13 8 20 District Headquarters (Katihar) 10 20 16 Nearest Bus Stop 1 4 7 Market/Haat 1 3 5 Primary Health Centre 0.5 8 5 Govt Primary School 0 0 0 Govt Upper Primary School 0.5 5 5 Private Primary School 10 8 5 Anganwadi 0 0 0 Common mode of transport Just off the 4 km Across a stream over a (from village to the highway) highway katcha bamboo bridge, then 5 km

107 There is a roundabout route to the village as well, with a brick-laid road, that goes up to 500 m from the village. 59

road katcha road, then 2-3 kms on pakka road by tempo to reach highway Source: CORD-NEG School Survey, 2011

What the team notes is that both the density of villages and of schools is quite high. Villages are close to each other; houses are not scattered but concentrated; children often attend schools in villages other than their own. Access in terms of distance is mostly not a barrier. In the three villages, the average time reported by children (in the 60 selected 108 households) in reaching primary school was 17 minutes. 109 However, as the roads were mostly katcha in Sama and Sonpur, in the rains the children find it difficult to reach school, going through fields and roads that become sludgy. Sometimes the added difficulty becomes an excuse for the child to take the day off. Even the school in Motipur is located at the corner of a field, and teachers and children have to cross the muddy fields to reach it.

5.2 Size and Social Composition of the Villages

Motipur has 142 households in 3 tolas all next to each other – the main tola , the east tola and the new tola . The main village has approximately 100 households, the others have about 25 and 17 (see Table 5.3). The school is in the main tola. The school however caters to children from adjacent villages as well.

The map of Motipur (Annexure) shows that it spreads out from a main road. Houses and shops line this road with fields behind them. Three to four lanes grow out of the main road leading to inner houses that are more recently built, a good number of them pakka or under construction. The village is bustling, with small corner shops, including a mobile recharge store. This is a Yadav-dominated village, and Table 5.4 shows the main social groups 110 in the village. Angika is the main dialect spoken. The village has about 100 Yadav homes and 35 Nishad 111 homes. There are about 5 homes of the Teli (Sah) community, 1 Dhobi (Rajak) house and 5 Paswan houses.

Table 5.3 Tola-Wise Household and School Information Village Name Motipur Sama Sonpur Households 142 102 129 Household in tola 1 100 65 70 Household in tola 2 25 15 36 Household in tola 3 17 22 23 Schools ( in main village + tolas) 1 Primary 1 Primary 1 Primary Source: CORD-NEG School Survey, 2011

108 20 children were randomly selected from the attendance register of classes 1-5, and their households formed the sampling frame for the small household survey in the village study. 109 Children living at the end of the village farthest away from the school or in more distant tolas took a longer time to reach school. 110 In Katihar, Musahars, Dhobi, Paswan are Scheduled Castes; the Badhiyas/Shershahwadis, Yadav, Koiri, Teli (Sah), Mistri, Sharma (carpenter), Kunjra Muslims, Gangota (Mandal), Nai are all OBCs of which Gangota and Nai are counted as Most Backward Classes (MBCs) The Santhals are Scheduled Tribes. 111 Nishads (SC) are traditionally a fishing community and are also called Machua or Godi. 60

Sama has a total of about 102 houses, spread across three tolas or ‘phases’ as some residents called them (see Table 5.3). The first phase is occupied by Santhals alone, whose houses indicate that they are relatively more prosperous. The second phase has a few Musahar homes and some Santhal families that are relatively poor. The third phase has mostly the Musahar community, and 1 Teli and 1 Muslim household. Altogether, Sama has about 75 Santhali 112 and about 25 Musahar households. The main languages spoken were Santhali and Angika (see Table 5.4).

Table 5.4 Social Groups and Languages Spoken Village Name Motipur Sama Sonpur Main Yadav, Nishad Santhal and Santhal, Shershahwadi Tribes/Castes (Godi) Musahar (Rishi) Main Languages Angika, Santhali, Angika Santhali, Hindi, Bengali Thetee, Spoken Bengali, Santhali Hindi Thetee Tribes / Castes in Yadav, Nishad, Santhal, Musahar, Santhal, Shershahwadi, Sheikh, Hamlets Teli, Paswan, Teli and Muslim Kunjra, Sharma, Mandal, Dhobi, Dhobi Yadav, Koiri, Mistri, Gangota Source: CORD-NEG School Survey, 2011

While looking at the map of Sama village (see Annexure), one must also note that this village is built along a more or less straight path, with a gradual downward slope. The more prosperous Santhali families live at the higher end of the village.

Sonpur has a total of 129 households (see Table 5.3) spread across three tolas – locally called the Santhali tola, the Hindu tola and the Bengali tola (see Table 5.4). The Bengali tola is occupied mostly by the Shershahwadi Muslim community, also called Badhiya , whose common language is Thetee Bengali (a rough local version of Bengali). The Hindu tola is relatively small (17 households which include a few Dhobis, Mistris, Mandals, Sharmas, Koiris, and Yadavs). The end of the Hindu tola that is nearest to the Bengali tola (as the Map will show) has 3-4 homes of the Kunjra Muslims. Finally the Santhali tola houses Santhals, most of whom are Hindus. See Annexure.

5.3 History and Social Dynamics in the Villages

Motipur

Motipur’s Yadav residents are early settlers in this village. Cultivation is an important means of livelihood, where there has been a movement from paddy farming to more lucrative maize farming. About 10-15 families are in the business of selling milk. About 20-25 households in this village now have members doing service jobs mostly in the education department, the army, as teachers and as Chartered Accountants. Many of the Paswans are reported to have jobs in the Railways.

112 A large proportion of the Santhals in the village were reported by key informants to be Christians. 61

People from the Nishad community are poor and have land only through the Red Card Land allocation (see Box). They mostly earn through agricultural and non-agricultural labour, fishing or cultivation of foxnut ( makhana ).

‘Red Card Land’

The landless groups in these villages report that they have been given land by the state government and it is called ‘Lal Card Zameen’. This land was given under the land ceiling act, wherein the government seized extra land from landowners and distributed it among the poor. However, in most cases the land has not been registered in the name of these erstwhile landless households, and there is much agitation and local level politics over this issue. Registration is called ‘ dakhal’ , registered land is called ‘nijee dakhal’ and land given by the government but not registered is called ‘kewaala’ land. Red Card Land is usually small and not over 1 acre, we are told. In Motipur, it is the Nishads who have been given such land, while in Sama, it is the Musahars (as maha-dalits), and in Sonpur, it is the Santhals who have been given Red Card Land.

Note: Red Card Land is not to be confused with the red card for BPL families.

In terms of religious dynamics, Motipur is dominated by Hindus (Yadavs and Nishads). There are 4-5 small roadside worship places, and one new temple is being built. A big notice, put up in the village, asks for donations of building material.

Sama

Key informants in the Sama village tell us that the Santhals have been living in Sama for the past 4-5 generations: “When our families came here, there was mostly jungle in these parts and we were very few in number. Slowly we cut through the jungles and started settling and cultivating land.” Many Santhals in this village own small amounts of land. A few own large landholdings. The Musahars have no land of their own, except some ‘Red Card Land’. Most of them rely on agricultural and non agricultural labour, as do the poorer Santhali families. The more well-to-do Santhals employ Musahars for working in their fields and also use the services of labourers from outside the village. Animal husbandry is also an important supplementary means of livelihood, especially for the poorer families.

In Sama village, as the map shows, there are no common worship spaces. The only common holy spot is a square platform in the Santhali tola that signifies the Santhali collective and is the place where all disputes were traditionally solved (called Majhi Sthan ).

Sonpur

Sonpur displays inter community tensions. This village was also settled in the same way as Sama, with Santhals being among the earliest residents.

The Santhals tell us the story of the land dispute in the village. “The Santhals used to till the land of a big Chowdhry (landowner) who owned about 80 acres of land here. After independence

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some of the land was given to the Santhals as Bhoodan . Soon some Hindus – Koiri, Sharma, Gangota -- and some Muslims came and settled here, buying land from the Chowdhry. In the 1954 survey the Santhals tried to get their land registered in their name but were unable to give money to the Patwari in time, and later the landlord proved their claim as invalid. This has led to a 19-year long court dispute that is still unresolved. The Santhals maintain their hold over the land and do not submit the produce of the land to the landowner.” An 18 year old non-tribal Hindu boy spoke with relish of how the Santhals beat up the Chowdhry when he came to see his land. However, the boy describes the situation as a forced holding of the land by the Santhals.

The Mandals and Sharmas we spoke to were a bit derogatory about the Santhals calling them a ‘junglee jaat’ - people who go to the forests to kill birds and do not know much about things. Both the Muslims and the Hindus say, and the Santhals agree, that they (the Santhals) lag behind the most in education. Santhals say that the Muslims and Hindus educate their children more proactively and send them to school regularly. They also add, “Many Muslim youth go out to work, not because there is lack of money but to earn more money, to start a business, they use their money well. That is why you will find a small shop in their tola, and tractors, tubewells etc.” The non-tribal Hindus in this village are landed, own flour mill machines, motorcycles and pump sets.

Today the Shershahwadis Muslims are the strongest community in numbers and influence in this village. Three-four households own tractors, with one family owning three tractors. Many families own motorcycles, three of the five teachers in the school are from their tola, three more are teachers in other villages, and the anganwadi worker is also a Muslim lady. 113 Two or three members from among the Muslims and two from the Santhals are also paikars (middlemen) for the village (people who buy grain, fish or animals from the villagers and sell them in the market).

In Sonpur, we found much display of religion. At the very entry to the village, which is from the Santhali side, there are two enclosures with several red flags, marking holy Hindu spots. One of the homes has a small Hanuman temple. 1 tree has a trishul dug at its root and has become a holy spot. We met 3-4 men among the Santhals who were dressed in deep red robes and headgear and called themselves ‘shiv panthis’. They follow a sect that is linked to a guru in Jharkhand, although they believe in all Hindu gods and not only in Shiva. The Bengali tola also has 2 small mosques inside it, with one also serving as a madarsa school.

5.4 Shifts in Attitudes towards Work and Education

In all three villages, what emerges from people is how the attitude to work and to education is seen to be changing. Key informants opine that people used to use traditional methods of farming earlier and there was little irrigation facility. The crop was hence poor and much loss was incurred. But now with irrigation and good quality seeds ( unnat beej ) the situation has improved. According to a key informant in Motipur, most of the progress is the result of famers’ own initiatives. One example is the summer paddy crop (garma dhaan ) that farmers in this region have been growing for the past few years so that they can get a harvest before the monsoon floods begin.

113 We noted that many of them were not too critical of the school, because two of the key teachers in the school, including the acting head teacher, were from their own village and community. 63

Similarly people are more aware about education. They educate both their girls and boys and believe that an educated girl will run her house well. A girl who is not educated does not get married easily today. While this was found everywhere, it is a predominant feature among the better-off castes likes the Yadavs.

In Sama village meanwhile, a key informant was of the view that the village has not developed because very few people in the village are educated. Interestingly, he also felt that earlier people did not do much to get out of their state of poverty. Today a villager does multiple kinds of work and earns money and has also learnt to manage it and save money.

Infrastructural Bottleneck in the School

In Motipur, the school faces infrastructural bottlenecks. The land on which the school is built was donated in 1959 by a prominent Yadav member of the village. The school is oddly built in the middle of his field, and today his son does not allow the authorities to expand the school or create a playground.

There are different versions around the dispute. While some say that the state never compensated the family for the land, and that school-children ruin the field and the owner’s anger is justified, others tell us further that the owner is angry because he was not allowed to take the contract for recent construction work in the school. It was instead taken by the nephew (and a former Sarpanch) of the man who was the head of the Education Committee, also a Yadav.

5.5 Living conditions

Type of housing

All three villages lie in a flood prone area, as does much of Katihar district. Because of this the houses are mostly katcha, made of bamboo and thatch and a few with mud and clay. Some houses are semi pakka with roofs of tile and walls of bamboo. As women in Sonpur told us with ironic humour, that they make machaans to perch on when the water level rises. The houses often break and float away, and then ‘we go have to go and get our walls again’. Each family owns a boat which they use to navigate their way out of the village at this time. Motipur is least affected by the flood, and has hence been able to build a pakka road and several pakka brick homes are also coming up in this developing village. Sama is the first village to get flooded as it is the southernmost of these 3 villages, and nearest to the Ganga river. In Sama, the villagers use boats to go and buy supplies from the main road during this period. In Sama and Sonpur many of the houses were found to be built on stilts.

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A house built on stilts

Electricity

Sama and Sonpur do not have electricity, while Motipur does. In Sama poles were put 2 months ago but the wiring has not been done yet. Though Motipur has had an electricity connection since the early eighties, villagers still depend on electricity from a private generator, for which they pay in fuel. With this, some villagers are able to get 4-5 hours of power everyday. 114 Meanwhile Sama has one and Sonpur three solar street lights. Motipur also has four-five solar lights. These are usually positioned on the main road/path or near the school. Many of them were however out of order.

Water

In all three villages the main source of water is private handpumps, but water tables remain high and there is no scarcity of water. Most homes have a handpump, and those who don’t, share them with others. Sama had one shared public tap and the only well in the village has dried up. Sonpur has an additional water source nearby in the form of the Kari Kosi river. It is used mainly for washing clothes and utensils.

In Motipur and Sama, the groundwater is reported to have a high content of arsenic and iron, which gives the water a reddish hue and makes it unhealthy to drink. Several households in Motipur and Sonpur own tubewells and pump sets as well.

Tubewells are the main source of irrigation. In Sonpur, about one out of every third person has installed tubewells for irrigation and the others rent this facility. Fields that are near the river are able to directly irrigate their fields from flowing water, through an innovative way of scooping water into small boats and tilting them into the field (a local method of irrigation, that also uses the labour of children. The process is called pani patana ). In Motipur, a majority of people have

114 This is a common feature in these regions, as Bihar suffers from an overall power shortage. 65

irrigation pumps, it costs about Rs 1000 to Rs 2000 to get it installed. The others again take the facility on rent.

5.6 Livelihood of Adults and Children

Land ownership in the same village can vary from just 2 bigha to 20 acres. The main occupation is cultivation and agricultural labour. The most commonly grown crops are maize, paddy, jute, foxnut and also some wheat and vegetables. Most crops can be sown and harvested only during the months of November to May, after which floods prevent further cultivation. Only foxnut which is grown in small ponds can be grown even up to the time of the flood. The Nishad caste (traditionally fishermen) are customarily the main cultivators of this crop.

People also depend on non-agricultural labour opportunities. Interestingly, men in Motipur revealed that women prefer to work in NREGA rather than men because they get paid about Rs 117/- a day. In other wage labour work, men are paid about Rs 150 a day and women get half this rate. Migration was common as we discuss in the next section.

Considering all three villages combined, 46.7% of households that were interviewed were landless and 41.7% owned upto an acre of land. So these households cannot depend on own cultivation, but have to look for opportunities for agricultural and non-agricultural labour. Additional income is generated through animal rearing. Only 12 out of 60 households surveyed in the 3 villages had no livestock, with the majority owning cows, buffaloes, chickens, pigs, goats, and occasionally, sheep.

Families threshing their corn harvest

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Migration

Seasonal migration is a norm. In Sonpur, for instance, we were told that at least 1 adult male in every household goes to work in other towns. Men migrate to Delhi, Punjab (Ludhiana, Amritsar), Chandigarh, Haryana and in lesser numbers to Gujarat looking for work. On average, these people earn Rs. 6000 per month and prefer to go in the monsoon or winter months.

Existing networks of middlemen called ‘ daadan ’ take them from the village in groups of about 10-20 at a time and take them to the cities for work. 115 Others choose to go on their own, if they have existing contacts or relatives working in the city. People prefer to go through someone rather than alone, so as to reduce the chance of their being fooled, robbed or cheated of their payments.

People migrate in March to Punjab mainly to work as labour to harvest paddy. Otherwise June is the month to migrate to other places as well, to work in iron, cement factories or for construction work. People from all communities migrate. Some of the Yadavs in the village work as auto drivers in Delhi. Women and children (under 15 years) do not migrate we are told.

People also speak of problems faced by migrants: • “We do not like to send our young sons outside. Just recently a young boy fell down during construction work… he is hurt badly.” • “We don’t like to send our children. They are not treated well”. • Recalls 25 year old Ashish Hembrem: “Work in the garage in Ludhiana meant listening to a lot of abuse” -- a common experience shared by migrants. Some said that the practice of migrating to cities has reduced. Families were not keen to send boys because “the boys who returned form the cities had learnt bad habits – smoking, drinking... and they would influence other boys in the village”. However, migrating was still a popular option (see Box).

Children migrate by choice

It is common for young boys to run away themselves to Delhi or Punjab, accompanying an uncle or older friend. In the hope of seeing a big city and driven by the frustration of low earnings back home, they leave home without telling anyone. This phenomenon seems common enough for Chamru Marandi of Sonpur to tell us the story of his runaway son. “ main use pani pataane ko bheja tha ” (I had sent him to irrigate the fields). He wasted half the fuel as he simply played around. I was very angry with him, beat him and he ran away in a huff. He is in Delhi somewhere now…”

Hanji Bisra, a Santhali mother, gives her opinion of why children migrate to cities. “Young children want to buy mobile phones and roam on motorcycles and they cannot earn all that money here… so they want to go to the towns, make some money and return. It is not easy of course. Here even if they don’t work one day, they can come back and

115 The daadan are represented by people known to the villagers. There does not seem to be any feeling of anger or exploitation linked with them. The villagers are paid money for the period of work in advance, so that the family has support when it is needed, and are then taken to the city. 67

eat, but that is not so in the town.”

In-migration to these villages is also found with cattle grazers and agricultural labour from Jharkhand coming to these parts every year. As the land on the Jharkhand side is dry, there is little grass and water for the cattle to feed on and little crop to harvest. As Jay Hembrem, ex- headman of Sama village tells us, the lands in Jharkhand can produce only 1 harvest a year and that is one of the reasons why their ancestors migrated to this area.

A young boy tending to his cattle, part of a group that migrates annually from Jharkhand

5.7 School participation of 6-14 year olds in selected households

We looked at levels of school participation in the 20 households we had selected 116 in each village. Of the 20 households surveyed in each village, the proportion of children who were never enrolled is very low (7 out of 160 children in the 6-14 age group). The clear indications are that families are enrolling their children. The number of children who were reported to be dropouts was also very low (5 out of 160). This positive picture (of low proportions never enrolled and low proportions who had dropped out) is true for all 3 villages.

Table 5.5: Schooling Status of Children in 6-14 Age Group in Selected Households Sama Sonpur Motipur All Currently Enrolled 48 53 47 148 Dropouts 0 2 3 5 Never Enrolled 4 2 1 7 Total no. of children 52 57 51 160

Note: 20 children were randomly selected from the attendance register of classes 1-5, and their households formed the sampling frame for the small household survey in the village study. Source: CORD-NEG Village Study 2011

116 20 children were randomly selected from the attendance register of classes 1-5, and their households formed the sampling frame for the small household survey in the village study. 68

However, many of those who are enrolled are not regular, tied up as they are with housework, agricultural work, grazing animals or with little initiative to go to school. We discuss this in greater detail in the next section.

Double Enrolment

Children were also “double enrolled” – enrolled simultaneously in a government and a private school. We also heard that there were children enrolled simultaneously in more than one government school, sometimes in different grades. In the three villages, 7 (out of 60) households reported that they had children who were “double enrolled”. A resident of Sonpur said that double enrolment is quite prevalent, and it is possible that the extent of this may be greater than what was reported. A teacher in Motipur gave us another perspective on this issue. She felt that double enrolment is more commonly practiced by children whose parents or relatives are teachers. Their elders use their influence to get them admitted and in this way children get incentives from more than one place.

5.8 Child Tracking

To observe the regularity of attendance of children the team tracked 10 of the 20 randomly selected children for 4 days. For each day, they went and checked if the 10 children were present in school and, if not, they went to their home to find out the reason for their absence from school.

Motipur was not encouraging. Seven children were absent on the first two days and 6 on the other two. The situation in Sama was worse. On Day 1 of tracking in Sama, all 10 children were absent and even on the second and third day 9 and 8 children were absent, respectively. The figure improved to 4 on the fourth day of tracking. Meanwhile in Sonpur, four children were absent on Day 1. This reduced to one and two on the following days. On Day 4 of the tracking exercise, 5 children were absent. Looking at children’s absence over the 4 days, the situation in Motipur and Sama was dismal, with the situation in Sonpur a little better.

Table 5.6: Exploring Regularity of Children’s Attendance Proportion Number of children absent of children absent on Village On Day 1 On Day 2 On Day 3 On Day 4 average Motipur 7 7 6 6 65 Sama 10 9 8 4 78 Sonpur 4 1 2 5 30 Source: CORD-NEG Village Study, 2011

To analyse the problem further we looked at the number of children who had been absent on 1 day, 2 days, 3 days and 4 days, and the number who had been present on all days (see Table 5.7). Sama came out the worst – not a single one of the 10 children had been present on all 4 days, while both Motipur and Sonpur had 3 children who were. Between Motipur and Sonpur, Motipur was worse. There were 6 children out of the 10 who were tracked who had been absent on all 4 days, while in Sonpur, no child was in this dismal situation.

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Table 5.7: Distribution of Children According to Days of Absence Number of Children Present on all Absent on 4 days 1 day 2 days 3 days 4 days Motipur 3 0 1 0 6 Sama 0 0 3 3 4 Sonpur 3 4 1 2 0 Source: CORD-NEG Village Study, 2011

Looking at reasons for children’s absence on all 4 days (see Table 5.8), in Motipur, four out of the six children who were absent on all 4 days are likely to continue to be absent throughout the year: two were double enrolled and went regularly to another government school; one said he did not know that the school had reopened and was not interested in going to school, and one child had dropped out of school three years ago! Two children may possibly be regular some other time – one had been ill, and another who was needed at home at this time because her father was unwell and her mother had to go out to work.

In Sama, there were 4 children who were absent all 4 days. One was absent because he was doing daily wage agricultural work himself. The other 3 were all needed at home – it is not known if they are needed year round or only at certain times of the year.

Both in Motipur and Sama, the widespread absence does appear to be compounded by the fact that the schools there were barely functional. Attendance figures were better for Sonpur than for the other two villages. On the day, the team made a pre-announced visit, all 5 teachers were present, there was some teaching activity, and the midday meal was distributed. It is possible that the better attendance figures for Sonpur actually reflect a functioning school, or merely the interest and ability of the teachers in Sonpur to present the picture of a functioning school at short notice.

Table 5.8: Reasons for Absence for Children Absent on All 4 Days Motipur Enrolled in Name Gender Class Reason for Absence Father ill. Mother out for labour. Pinki Kumari Female 2 So she stayed to keep house Mithun Kumar Yadav Male 3 Illness Did not know school has opened. Mohd. Barik Male 4 Child not interested Double enrolled. Goes to other Gulzar Male 4 school Double enrolled. Goes to other Nuresha Khatun Female 5 school Malati Tudu Female 5 Left school three years ago Sama Sahili Kusku Female 2 Household work 70

Manish Kumar Mandal Male 3 Does daily wage agricultural work Stayed at home, because mother Johen Soren Male 4 went for agricultural work Stayed at home as mother went Bhim Marandi Male 4 out to work Source: CORD-NEG Village Study, 2011

Children’s work contributes to children being irregular

Children are regularly involved in housework and work on the fields, which includes irrigating the fields. Children, even below the age of 12, take meals to their parents in the field, and help with weeding. They also take goats, cows and buffaloes to graze. They cut grass and feed it to the cattle. They may also mind a family kirana shop. Those in poorer families also do some agricultural labour. Some children work with their parents at home on piece-rate work – the team saw Santhali women and children sitting in groups of three or four outside their homes, plucking grains of corn off the kernel for other households in Sonpur.

Plucking corn kernel for earning

The anganwadi worker in Sama reported that families in the village that own large fields employ boys and girls above the age of 11 to work as daily wagers during the harvest seasons. In most cases where young children are doing labour work in the fields, they are reportedly not paid in cash but in kind. A small portion (1 out of 7 parts) of the crop that they harvest is given to them. Small children work with the elders of their house, rather than alone. Often they are involved in lighter jobs like tying bundles of the harvest.

Work can make children late for school. In Motipur, many children report doing about an hour of housework in the morning, like sweeping, cleaning, cutting fodder, cooking. On average, the

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children spent 1 to 5 hours on work. Most of the children who reported that they spent many hours doing work were from Paswan (SC), Santhali or Muslim families.

“Twelve year old Anjali from a Paswan family in Motipur is enrolled in Class 4. She sweeps and cooks for herself and her brother and sisters before going to school. After school, she collects fuelwood, cleans the house, and cooks dinner. Although she is helped by her siblings, her chores take her approximately 7 hours in the day.”

Children attend school irregularly particularly among poor families, where the need for the child’s labour is higher and where schooling is not an established social norm. “Children take the cattle grazing between 7 and 8. If they return in time, they go to school, else they miss it”, researchers were told in Sama. Often when both mother and father go for wage labour, at least one of the children stays back to mind the house. In case he or she is responsible for siblings who are quite young (5-7 years old), then they also stay back as they do not like to go to school on their own. Both Santhali and Musahar children in Sama reported being busy with household chores for upto 5 hours each day, and with working in the fields as well as grazing animals for another 3 hours each day.

A small child minding livestock

In Sonpur too many children do one to two hours of work in the morning. Children are also late for school because work demands are combined with going for tuition (reported by children in Motipur) and attending the madarsa (reported by children in Sonpur). Santhali and Muslim children, in particular, in Sonpur reported doing household chores and working in the fields. Eight year old Haseena Khatun, for example, enrolled in Class 3, does household chores for 5 hours, takes the goats out to graze for 3 hours, and helps with harvesting the maize. Her elder

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sister and she worked together. Her younger brother missed school because he was bringing grass for the bullocks.

Regularity of school attendance appears to depend on parents’ seriousness about educating their child and their ability to ensure that they attend regularly. “It boils down to the push that parents give,” says 16 year old Shanker from Sama village. “If they push and scold their children to go to school every morning, the children will attend school. If they don’t force them and don’t stop them from helping at home or playing, the children will not study.”

School factors also play a role in irregular attendance: Children are irregular because they are fearful of being beaten for being irregular. In the words of 25 year old Somay Hembrem, “If children don’t get into the habit of going to school at a young age, they start fearing going to school at the age of 7-8. Rather than obeying their parents and going to school, they run away to play. They may then keep away from school out of fear. Also, when a child does not do his homework and then doesn’t go to school for 2-3 days, s/he may get scolded at school. The child may again keep away from school out of fear. If they end up staying away from class for about 10 days at a stretch, they are likely to drop out completely.”

Taking food to the fields

5.9 Aspirations for the Future: Feedback from Adolescents

Motipur

In Motipur, there is a strong discourse around the importance of education and everyone boasts of their community being quite ahead in education. In a group discussion with 8 girls who came to attend maths tuitions for classes 10 and 11, we found that girls make a clear link between education and a ‘brighter future’, getting jobs, having happier marriages and caring for their children well. Among these girls, 2 were from Yadav families, 1 Rajbhar, 1 Muslim, 2 Sah, 1 Nishad and 1 Rajput.

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Some of these girls were from economically better-off households. But many had been through financial crises (father died; father lost his job because a jute mill in Bengal was shut down; father unwell; father jailed on a false murder charge). Many of their siblings had studied less than them. Most of the girls aspired to become doctors and teachers and most have female relatives doing similar jobs. One girl says she wants to become a lawyer and another aspires to be in the army. There was a clear difference in confidence among girls who were from poorer families and those who were better off.

The girls however shared that even though the attitudes to educating girls have changed, the education of boys is still given preference. Also families feel concerned if their daughters have to travel long distances to go to secondary and high school and may sometimes decide to halt their education. They also revealed that their parents do not encourage them to learn English. “Girls study much more than boys,” they all emphatically said. “In any class more than 50% of the students are girls. They also pass with better marks.” “When not in school, boys are hanging about having fun, while girls are at home doing housework or studying,” they added. Many of their elder brothers do jobs in mills and factories as they could not manage to get as educated as these girls. The girls, from varied non-tribal backgrounds, also said that they have a harder time getting jobs, because others like the Santhals are able to get jobs with lower marks.

The team had a FGD with 6 young boys from Nishad households who were economically not well off. Most of them were overage for their class (13 year olds in classes 4 or 5). Most aspired to study till 12 th grade at least. One boy said he planned to run a good business, maybe a business providing manure. He has seen an influential person from a neighbouring village doing the same kind of work.

Missionary Schools

Missionary schools appear to be a popular choice, especially among children from Christian families. Many of the children had joined them as early as Class 1. Five or six children in Sama village are currently reported to be enrolled in a mission school.

“Residential missionary schools are preferred because there is no travel involved,” says Sunita who studied in a mission school till Class 3 and then moved to a nearby day school. “Also we are not stopped from attending school because of work at home and so can be regular… We are also able to find time to do our homework, which we cannot do because of housework if we live at home.” “The quality of education is also much better,” adds Rani. “The school ensures discipline and monitoring of children. The existence of a boundary wall prevents children from running away. Teachers are also regular and more knowledgeable. They also use good teaching methods (tareeke se padhaate hain ).”

Babloo who also passed out of a missionary school, recalls how missionaries helped him continue his schooling at a time when his family was going through a rough patch. He says that mission schools create ‘all-rounders’ out of children. The school he studied in is famous for creating state level sports players too and he was part of the hockey team that won at the district level. Muslim children were also enrolled in the residential mission school as day scholars, he adds. Bheem, a parent in Sama village tells us that the mission school in which his child is

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enrolled, is not recognized for class 10. Hence he has enrolled his child in both the village school and the missionary school.

Bethel Mission English School, Manihari is a common choice, especially in Sama village. The children who have studied in a residential school even for a few years look more confident and have opinions of their own.

Sama

In Sama there was not much clarity of ambition among the group of 8 Santhali girls and the hope to study up to matric itself was an aspiration. Two of them said nothing, 3 said they want to study till the 10 th , one said she wants to do a B.A. and two talked of becoming nurses or anganwadi workers. Only one of the girls had relatives who had a job in the service sector. Her uncle teaches in a college in Dumka, Jharkhand and another uncle works as a pastor. Only four out of the eight girls had travelled anywhere beyond the next village where their secondary school is. They had mostly been to Katihar town and to the neighbouring districts of Purnea and Bhagalpur, in Bihar itself. In these places they all “liked socializing with more educated people, going to homes that were built right on the road, and the bigger buildings”.

The group of 12 Santhali boys was more responsive than the girls and even the ones who had dropped out of school, did not appear under-confident. There seemed to be an acceptance that children will study till wherever they possibly can, although there is pride in those who manage to continue their education. Aspirations appear to be tailored to ground realities. Sanjay wants to study till the 10 th and then work as a farmer. Vinod says he will do animal rearing after school. Rajesh, who studies in a Mission school in Purnea said that he wants to become a doctor as many people in the village are unwell. However he was not too clear he could fulfil this aspiration and also said he would like to open a medicine shop in the village. He has another relative who works as a caretaker for the disabled in a missionary school. Pradhaan, wants to be a teacher as he ‘likes explaining things to children’. Babloo said he had planned to do the IAS but now has decided on banking, because there are financial troubles at home, and he cannot afford the time that IAS preparation requires. A young boy dreamt happily, telling us that he wanted a job, because it would bring money. With that he would make a house and get a motorcycle.

Vinod, Raju and Sanjeev have never been enrolled (see Table 5.9a). Raju’s father, although a matric pass, lost his eye and hence cannot work much. Sanjeev’s family was quite poor and have only recently got some land from the government. Sanjeev now hopes to continue their work of growing pumpkins on this land. Vinod’s parents are also landless and depend on wage labour. They cannot afford to send him to school.

Table 5.9a Reasons for never being enrolled: Adolescents from FGD in Sama No. Name Gender Age (yrs) Home factors 1 Vinod Marandi Male 13 Father lost an eye 2 Raju Hembrem Male 14 Too many siblings. Are poor 3 Sanjay Murmu Male 15 Poor, landless. He takes the cattle grazing. Source: CORD-NEG Village Study, 2011

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Musahar boys in Sama are mostly landless and poorer117 than their Santhali counterparts and many also work on the fields of the more well to do Santhals. The five Musahar boys we spoke to lacked confidence and some also looked malnourished or weak. Shanker is an exception who has studied till 10th . He was a confident young man and hopes to become a teacher. His mother is the cook in the village school. Sanjeet, in Class 6, also wants to become a teacher. Others were unable to tell us what they wanted to do. These children revealed to us that their mothers are more proactive about educating them. Either both parents push them to study or at least their mother does. Bhajju says, “My father would rather I stayed at home and helped in work, but my mother makes me go to school.”

Sonpur

It was tough to find adolescent children in Sonpur as most of them were busy in the fields. It is clear that Santhali children in Sonpur are not getting much education and that the families also do not prioritise education. Most of the parents are uneducated.

A group of 7 Santhali boys tell us that their parents say that work and education are both important. Most of their parents do agricultural labour and migrate to cities to find work. On being asked what they would like to do in the future most of them either said they would do cultivation or could not think of anything. One said he wanted to join the army. Ashish, much older at 24, plans to open a garage, because he has worked for several years in a garage in Punjab. The children tell us that education is better among the Hindu and Muslim families than among the Santhals.

We also spoke to five Santhali girls and three girls from the Mandal community. They say that education helps to enhance one’s buddhi and a girl who is educated is not made to work so much in her husband’s home. “A girl gets more respect if she is educated”, says Soni. Soni is a bright, opinionated 16 year old girl who has completed class 6 before dropping out. She has just married into a Santhali family in this village. The girls also added that one can become a priest, teacher or clerk if one is educated. However, the girls stress that housework, grazing animals and helping in the harvest is a norm for all girls, and this effects the possibility of them continuing their schooling.

The Hindu and Muslim girls in this village have a much greater chance of completing education till the 10 th if their parents are able to afford it. There is a greater awareness around education and a push to study and get jobs. The Hindu girls who were mostly from the better off families tell us proudly that their parents only ask them to study, and even encourage them to study at home in their free time. Khushboo says that it is easier for girls to get jobs. Pinki, dressed in a bright coloured suit, wants to be a teacher because “it does not involve hard work and the money is OK ( mehnat kam hai aur paisa bhi theek hai )”. However, the girls also admitted that there are barriers for girls to get educated as they are often married when they are enrolled in Classes 8 or 9, and after that they can only continue if their husband is supportive.

117 Their parents earn through a combination of cultivation and agicultural labour. The poorer among these families, depend more on non-agricultural labour and go to other cities for labour work.

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Aspirations for Boys vs. Girls

For boys, even if parents see their futures as tied to agriculture, it is not necessarily a deterrent to sending them to school. Parents today feel that education is necessary even for a farmer to understand methods of farming, to negotiate prices with middlemen and interact with people from various places.

For girls there is a greater disadvantage -- as their work is home-based the felt need for education is less. In one household the parent also said that “if we teach a girl too much she can run away with some boy…so we marry them off quickly”. Only families who are better off financially or who are educating their girls for teachers’ jobs (as is now the trend in this region) allow girls to continue their education, else they are married off by the age of 15 or 16, having completed 5 th or 6 th grade. Villagers said that what they learn in these few years is soon forgotten, making them effectively illiterate. Only those who study upto at least Class 8 are able to remember and help their children with their studies.

Bheem Marandi, during a FGD with parents in Sama, admitted that while they would like to support girls’ education too, in cases of limited resources, they would choose to school their sons over their daughters. With time however, possible returns are being seen from educating girls. It is realised that both because of quotas and lower qualification requirements for many government jobs now, women can apply to become teachers, anganwadi workers and even ‘contest elections’. An educated girl can also earn and support her in-laws and husband, and educated girls usually get married with lower dowries.

Such trends are encouraging the drive to educate girls. Bhajju, a Santhali boy said that his sister-in-law, who has studied till 8 th grade, has been enrolled in the 9th after her marriage. Shanker says that a few other families in the village are also doing this.

5.10 Pressure of work and its impact on schooling: Feedback from Adolescents

The picture one gets from the FGDs is that activities like taking animals out to graze, fetching fuelwood, grass etc. may begin as early as 8 years. If parents can help it, they do not involve children in any outside work till about 11-12 years. As they get older, children contribute in different ways (cultivation, taking care of the house / younger siblings while others go out to work, and so on). Only children who are from very poor families actually do agricultural labour, for payment in cash or kind.

Motipur

In Motipur, the girls in the FGD (all enrolled in Class 10) reported that parents fear for the safety of their girls when they have to travel far to continue their study; also when the family is very poor they are unable to spare the girls for study. But otherwise, the pressure of work on these girls is limited. “We only cook one meal a day (lunch or dinner) and wash the dishes. During harvest time we help in the work in our own fields. Otherwise we study and go for tuitions…”

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They also said that they do not have to stop school during times when family members migrate. But at these times their role in sibling care increases. However, one girl said her younger brother lives in the madarsa itself and hence she does not have to care for him. Two or three other girls are from relatively well-off families that do not migrate.

Sama

During the FGD with the boys, 18 year old Shanker says that children are unable to go to school during the paddy harvest. At these times they work in their own fields and may also do some work on other people’s fields (along with their parents). In cases where the parents are not positively inclined to education, continuing school becomes really a matter of the child’s own initiative. 14 year old Bhajju says that his father says “Study if you want to otherwise go and work ( padhna hai to padho nahin to jao kaam karo )”, but his mother tells him that he should go to school.

Girls in Sama said that due to housework they are unable to devote enough time to their studies, especially in the higher classes. They said that girls have a lot of work at home, particularly the eldest girl. Accessing secondary school also becomes a barrier because girls have to travel 7-8 kms to reach the school, and parents are worried about the “shame that they will have to face, if something happens to the girls,” says 18 year old Babloo.

Sonpur

Girls in Sonpur said that girls are often married at the age of 15-16 and hence their education stops, unless their husband is supportive and allows her to continue. There are marked differences between communities, and within communities between the well-to-do and the poorer families. • The Mandal girls, whose families own much more land, said that they only cook one meal a day and otherwise concentrate on school and tuitions. “When we were younger, we only played”, they said. • Another girl in the group, Parvati who is much poorer, and about 13 years in age, however already goes to cut grass and works at home. • The Santhali girls also start taking goats out to graze by the age of 10, and cut maize and wash vessels at home by the age of 12-13 years. • The mothers of Muslim girls say that some of the girls in secondary school, live away from home, near the school, and come home mostly on weekends. They can work at home only at these times. However, in their temporary homes, they do help in the cooking.

The Santhali boys said that they start doing irrigation of the fields at the age of 12 itself. Prem who is 12, is already helping to harvest paddy.

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A part of life

Another factor of course is the financial trajectory of a family. If the family was poorer earlier, it may not have been able to educate its elder children. • Ashish’s 2 sisters have only received schooling till 3 rd and 4 th grade. He himself studied only till about 7 th grade. This is because the whole family migrated for 6 years to Punjab, where their father worked in brick kilns and cut grass. • Munna’s 2 elder sisters could not study while he dropped out after class 8. His younger sister is in the 7 th . Their family is now better off financially than they were earlier.

Table 5.9b Reasons for Dropping out: Adolescents from FGDs No. Name Gen- Age Dropped out Home factors der (years) after completing 1 Meena Marandi Fe- 16 Class 6 Father passed away (Sama) male 2 Sarita Marandi Fe- 15 Class 5 Father passed away (Sama) male 3 Hari Rishi (Sama) Male 18 Class 6 Mother suffering from T.B. Father has left her 4 Munna Marandi Male 16 Class 8 Family too poor (Sonpur) Source: CORD-NEG Village Study, 2011

From discussions with adolescents, children who reported having dropped out of school had done so because of problems at home, where one parent has expired or the family is too large or too poor to continue their education (see Table 5.9b). The story of one of the boys who dropped out of school is told in greater detail (see Box: Hari’s Story). 79

Hari’s Story

Sama has about 4-5 families where there are family members who have TB. Hari’s family was one of them. Hari, a boy from the Musahar community, who looked like he was about 12-13 years old, was asked to join in a FGD with the team and five other Musahar boys. When asked about his family, he started blinking furiously and his lips were moving without anyone being able to hear what he was saying… the other boys then told the team that he did not have a father. When asked about the rest of his family, his blinking became crying and he was soon sobbing uncontrollably. After he had regained his composure, he answered 1-2 questions put to him and we finished the discussion. Later, one of the team spoke to him separately and found that Hari was actually 18 years old, this being hidden by the fact that he is physically under-developed and has a hunch. Moreover, his mother is a TB patient, who has been abandoned by 2 husbands in a row due to this disease. She now lives in a room in her brother’s house and has 4 children. The youngest is still a baby and quite probably a TB patient too. Hari too looked like he could be suffering from the same problem. Hari has dropped out of school in Class 6 and there is little hope of his continuing his schooling. His mother’s condition appears to be deteriorating.

5.11 Memories of Schooling: Feedback from Adolescents

Children in Sonpur and Motipur recall playing carom in school and playing cricket and football after school. Only in Sonpur did we hear that the head teacher comes to call children to school. The classroom in Sonpur has two blackboards, one on either side of the room: “One was used to teach those who are still understanding the basics and the other for those who have moved to the next level”, explains Chhangee.

In none of the villages did we hear about partiality among students, either based on gender or on community. Girls and boys do sit in separate lines but are reported to be treated equally. We did hear that boys end up getting beaten more than girls, and that teachers teach girls with more effort.

Most of the elder children however have few memories of going to anganwadis as they were not very functional some years back.

Beatings in School

Beating in school is seen as an acceptable phenomenon. The teacher is justified in beating the child if he does not work or runs away from school. When asked if they were beaten in school, a girl in Sonpur said, “halke se maarte hain” . Another said, “battee se maarte hain” .

Dayamuni, who is in Class 6 in Sama now recalls her primary school in the village. “Those days we used to play, run away from school sometimes…when we ran away without telling, we would get a beating, both boys and girls used to get a beating. This does not happen in the higher classes.” Sarita recalls the missionary school where she studied till Class 3. “We used to study at

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study time and play at play time. But sometimes we would bunk class, and then we used to get beaten.

The children in Sonpur said that those who can handle the beating continue their schooling and do well later. As a key informant in Sama village said, “If a child is too fearful or angry about being beaten and no one at home is strict and makes him or her go to school, the child will just keep away and eventually drop out.” In Sonpur, nine year old Taufiz in class 4 has not been going to school since it reopened 5 days ago. Now he is scared to go and instead hopes that the teacher will come to call him as then he will not get a beating. Younger students, five to seven years of age often depend on their elder siblings to chaperone them to school – so when the elders are absent, the younger ones also tend to stay and play at home.

The Santhals in Sonpur tell the story of Chote Lal, who usually goes to school just before the midday meal and then encourages his friends to run off with him after the meal. He runs away often and is beaten often too. Then he disappears for 5-6 days and then returns to school. From the way in which the story is told, the villagers seem to like the sense of rebellion and spirit that their child displays. Chotelal’s friend, Hemlal is himself no less. His father drops him at a school in Purnea everyday on his bike, where he goes for work. Even before his father returns, Hemlal, somehow or the other finds his way back home.

While there is an admission that children do drop out due to being beaten, the matter is put down to the parents being too lax or the child being too rebellious. The villagers lament that nowadays there is no discipline in the schools. All three villages have stories of earlier teachers who would walk round the village and collect children to take them to school. They would beat them if they were not regular / did not work.

A functional anganwadi

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Part B: Schooling in the Village

All the three schools in the study villages were primary schools (highest grade Class 5). The primary school at Motipur had the most teachers: 7 (2 permanent and 5 contract); Sama had the least teachers: 4 (2 permanent and 2 contract); and Sonpur had 5 teachers (1 permanent and 4 contract). The student enrolment numbers varied as Motipur had the highest enrolment with 206 students while Sama had the lowest with 146. Sonpur was in between with 177 children enrolled. The PTR was roughly similar in the three schools – 34 in Motipur, 37 in Sama and 35 in Sonpur.

5.12 Enrolment and Attendance during unannounced visit to the school (Day 1)

The social composition of the enrolled children in each school was quite different. Motipur was predominantly OBC (62%), with 18% Muslim, 11% ST, and 9% SC. The Sama school had close to two-fifth Santhal children (39%). One third of the enrolled children were dalit and one-fourth were OBC and “general castes”. Sonpur’s enrolled children were predominantly Muslim (58%). There were also one-third Santhal (32%), 9% OBC and “general castes”, and a few dalits. The last column in Table 5.10 is useful to see how the Motipur has the highest proportion of the more advantaged social groups (62%), while the Sama school has a much smaller proportion (26%), and Sonpur has only 9%.

Table 5.10. Enrolment Disaggregated by Social Groups % SC % ST % Muslim % All others* Motipur 8.7 11.2 18.4 61.7 Sama 33.6 39 1.4 26 Sonpur 1.7 31.6 58.2 8.5 *Includes primarily “general castes” and OBC children. Source: CORD-NEG Village Study, 2011

The pattern of grade-wise enrolment was very different in the 3 schools. In Motipur, enrolment increased from 25 in grade 1 to 55 in grade 5. In Sama, it was the opposite. Grade 1 enrolment was high (39 children) and grade 5 was low (17). This is similar to dysfunctional schools where enrolment is clustered in the earliest grades. In Sonpur, the enrolment was fairly even – it ranged between 28 and 41 in the 5 grades, indicating that there is little dropping out in the primary grades. Table 5.11: Class-wise Enrolment No. enrolled in: Motipur Sama Sonpur Class 1 25 39 31 Class 2 46 38 37 Class 3 34 30 28 Class 4 46 22 40 Class 5 55 17 41 Total 206 146 177 Source: CORD-NEG-2 Village Study, 2011-2012

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Attendance rates were low in all three schools. In Motipur, student attendance taken from the school register on the first day of the school visit was the highest with 109 students (53 percent) being present. Sonpur had 46% of enrolled students present. Sama had the least student attendance with just seven students (4 percent) present on the first day of the team’s visit to the school. The team also collected data on attendance on a day in the previous week. Four days earlier when the school had opened after the school vacation, attendance at the Sama school was recorded to be 71%. To what extent this represents the true picture on that day is uncertain. But it provides hope that the school could be more functional than it appeared on the first day it was visited.

Table 5.12 Enrolment and Attendance at Unannounced Visit to the School (Day 1) Motipur Sama Sonpur No. enrolled in primary section 206 146 177 Boys 106 58 87 Girls 100 88 90 Nos. present on Day 1 (register) 109 7 81 % present on Day 1 (register) 52.9% 4.8% 45.8% Source: CORD-NEG Village Study, 2011

5.13 Teachers: Appointment, Absenteeism, Social Background

Motipur

There are seven teachers appointed at the Motipur school, but one of them (a permanent teacher) is on deputation to another school. Of the remaining six teachers, four were present on the day the team visited the school unannounced. The head teacher was absent on all days of the team’s visit. He had apparently gone to Patna for a surgery. When the team spoke to the villagers, they rubbished these claims, mentioning that the head teacher often played truant by being absent for several days, owing to his powerful position in the school and in the village. The head-teacher belongs to the OBC community (Kurmi) while the 5 contract teachers include 2 OBCs (1 Yadav and 1 Muslim) and 3 SCs (Dushads). The head-teachers and 2 other teachers are alleged to be indulging in corrupt practices, to the extent of harassing the one teacher who opposed them (see Box - School in Motipur: Focal Point of Tensions in the Village).

School in Motipur: Focal Point of Tensions in the Village

There are allegations of corruption against the head teacher in Motipur Primary School. The members of the Nishad community and their children report that the school takes fees for admissions, for examinations, and for giving them report cards. The Head teacher and the head of the Education Committee are both reported to misappropriate money sent for the school, according to some Nishads and Yadav families. The erstwhile cook in the school, a man from the Nishad community, has sent a written complaint against the Head teacher to the Education Department. He was chucked out of the school for fighting against misappropriation of MDM supplies, he alleges.

A female contract teacher in the school had raised her voice against the malpractices of the Head-teacher and 2 other teachers. For example, she put a stop to the pilfering of school rations. This female teacher, due to her open challenge to the Head teacher, is not allowed to teach, and appears to have been 83 suspended. Her attendance is not marked and her salary has not been paid for almost 2 years. The villagers keep a written record of her attendance from their own side. Children tell us that they are threatened that if they complain about the treatment of this teacher or the negligence of other teachers, their names will be cut off the school records. Mamta has filed a case against the Head teacher and enjoys great support from the villagers. The case is still ongoing. She had also taken her case to the sarpanch, but claims that the head-teacher has “bought” the sarpanch so that he no longer supports her. She has also taken her case to the District Education Officer (DEO), who has also not taken action.

The Head teacher is a member of a powerful Teachers’ Union, and the villagers have failed to get him transferred. Everyone is disturbed in the village, and they say that if the Head teacher is changed, even the other teachers will improve their work. Today they are fearful of losing their jobs if they rebel against the head. A few prominent Yadav families in the village, who appear to be related as well, also support this Head teacher. They did not give the team any inkling of this problem while the poorer Yadav and Nishad families did. The Sah community members chose to stay neutral saying that this is an internal dispute among the teachers. The team were surprised to find that some Yadav members would always come to check who they were interviewing.

People in the village also lament that there is little monitoring of the school. “Even if any officer comes for monitoring he usually only enquires about the midday meal and never about how the teaching is being done ( agar koi afsar aata bhi hai to keval madhyaan bhojan ke bare mein poochh-taachh karta hai, yeh kabhi nahin poochte ki school mein padhai kaise chal rahi hai) . If there is a delay in MDM supplies, even the meals cease to be given”. One parent, from the Yadav community said, “The HM is a big political leader. If any teacher in the school does not join him in misappropriation of funds, then that teacher is definitely transferred. The HM comes very infrequently to the school. He has links with goons. Once when the villagers were supporting Mamta Madam (the female contract teacher), the HM brought in these people from outside, brandishing pistols. This is why the poor people in the village have backed down, out of fear. The education authorities above him also do not say anything to him (HM bahut bada neta hai, school mein yadi koi shikshak uska baat nahin manta hai, chori karne mein, to us shikshak ka badli hona zaroori ho jaata hai. HM school bahut kam aate hain. Inke gundon logon se dosti hai. Ek baar school mein Mamta madam ko lekar gaon wale support kar rahe the, us samay HM ne baahar se log mangaye,jinke haasth mein pistol the. Isse gaon ke jo gareeb log hain, vah haath-pe-haath darey baith gayein hain… HM ke upar ke pad-adhikari bhi kuchh nahin kehte).”

On the other hand, Mamta was praised by the children and their parents for her teaching skills, and for standing up to fight corruption in the school administration. While most parents complained that the head- master was a “corrupt person”, they heaped praises on Mamta for making the MDM programme more transparent in the school. The villagers are now determined to continue their fight against the head- master.

Table 5.13 Details of Teachers Appointed and Present at Unannounced Visit (Day 1) Motipur Sama Sonpur No. of teacher present at 4 3 3 unannounced visit No of permanent teachers: Appointed 1* 2 1 Present 0 1 0 Away on official duty 0 0 1 On leave 1 1 0 Social background of 1 OBC (Kurmi) 1 Muslim (OBC) 1 “general”

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permanent teachers 1 general (Rajput) (Brahmin) No. of contract teachers: Appointed** 5 2 4 Present 4 2 3 Away on official duty 0 0 1 On leave 1 0 0 Social background of 2 OBC (Yadav & 1 OBC (Muriyari) 3 OBC (Muslim), contract teachers Muslim), 3 SC(Dusadh) 1 OBC (Chaurasia) 1 “general” (Brahmin) Note. *Two permanent teachers had been appointed in Motipur, but one was on deputation to another school. **Does not include the contract teacher who has been suspended. Source: CORD-NEG Village Study, 2011

Sama

On the first day of the unannounced visit to the Sama school, most of the children were not aware that the school had reopened a few days ago, after an extended summer vacation. When the team arrived an hour after the official school opening time, there were only seven children present in the school; all sitting together in a classroom. The head-master was not present in the school as he was busy with his daughter’s wedding. One of the permanent teachers was involved with administrative work. The two female teachers of the school arrived nearly half an hour after the research team had arrived. One of them sat with the children, but did not teach. Another went to the village to bring more children to school. The two male teachers were permanent teachers, and the two female teachers were contract teachers. Apart from the head-teacher, the other three teachers were present every day. The head-teacher came to meet the team on the fourth day of the visit.

The head teacher is a general caste (Rajput), the assistant teacher a Muslim (Shershawadi), while the female contract teachers are Hindu OBCs (Muriyari and Chaurasia), three out of four from more advantaged social groups. The children enrolled in the school came primarily (74%) from the more disadvantaged ST (Santhal and Mandal) and SC communities.

Sonpur

The school at Sonpur had five teachers. Only one teacher is permanent. When the team arrived at 8 o’clock in the morning, three of them (all contract teachers) were sitting in the verandah and talking among themselves while the children were in the classrooms and in the playground. The head-teacher and a contract teacher in the school (also the HT’s brother) were reported to be away on government duty. All the five teachers were present in the school during the remaining days. The sole permanent teacher and one contract teacher were Brahmins. The other 3 contract teachers were Muslims. 118 The children were predominantly Muslim, but there were also a significant proportion of children from the ST community.

118 The Muslim teachers generally reported that they were OBCs. This indicates that they belong to the middle castes among the Muslims who are Ansaris, and account for 25 percent of the Muslim population. The “lower castes” among Muslims, account for 34 percent of the population. They include the Bakkho, Bhatiara, Chik, Churihara, Dafali, Dhunia, Dhobi and Idrisi. Upper castes among Muslims in Bihar constitute about 41 percent of the Muslim 85

5.14 School Infrastructure

The infrastructure of the schools varied greatly with respect to the space provided to the students and basic facilities. The team found that Sonpur had the best infrastructure having most of the basic amenities while Sama was worst off. None of the schools had access to electricity. The Sonpur school had installed solar panels but they have been dysfunctional for years.

Motipur

There are three classrooms in the Motipur school, all of which are pucca and usable. All of them need minor repair though. All classrooms except the one where classes 2 and 3 were sitting together have desks and chairs. Class 1 had plenty of charts and pictures on alphabets and numbers. There are blackboards in all the classrooms and they are usable.

The school did not have a boundary wall. A bamboo fence demarcated the school premises from the field. There were toilets, but only common toilets. However, the school had access to drinking water from a single hand-pump.

Table 5.14 School Infrastructure Motipur Sama Sonpur No. of classrooms 3 3 5 No.of pakka rooms 3 3 5 Type of repair reqd. in Minor 2 need minor 2 need minor classrooms (in all 3 rooms) repair; 1 needs repair major repair Boundary wall No No No Ramp availability No No Yes Blackboard available and functional Yes No Yes Drinking water facilities available and functional Yes No Yes Toilet Available Yes No Yes Functional Yes Yes Electricity No No No Playground No No Yes Source: CORD-NEG-2 Village Study, 2011-2012

Sama

The school is in the low lying area, at one end of the village. Here water collects even after a little rain, and tractors coming into or through the village regularly get stuck in the mud. This

population. These include Syed, Shaikh, Pathan and Malik. Details of caste-wise disaggregation among Bihar’s Muslims were taken from www.youbihar.com and based on the ADRI 2004 report on Muslims. 86

makes it difficult to access the school. Moreover, every time a truck gets stuck in the slush, it takes several minutes to get out. As a result, teachers and children in the school get disturbed. In Sama, there were two classrooms 119 in use, both in poor condition. They needed major repairs in the walls and flooring. All the classrooms were pucca (made of concrete and cement). There were two blackboards in each classroom but they were cracked and broken.

There was no boundary wall around the school so the children often ‘run away from school.’ There were no functioning toilets. Two toilets were being built under the auspices of the PHED department. Villagers and school staff were both unhappy about the non-availability of drinking water. There was no hand-pump within the school premises and the children have to go home to drink water. There is no ramp in the school for children with special needs. There is also no playground available.

Anganwadi – Sama Village

The anganwadi in Sama functions quite well. Most of the children came wearing uniforms, and with slates and chalk. The children are given some food (we saw a thin halwa being given on day 1) and taught a bit of the alphabet and some songs and rhymes. Parents in every village are aware that this help goes a long way. “Children get into habit of learning and going everyday to study. They have a greater chance of enrolling in school too. They learn to go to school.

Sonpur

There are a total number of five classrooms in the school. There are two rooms which need minor repair such as fixing the windows or painting the wall. The blackboards in all the classrooms were in good condition and were being used by the teachers. The school at Sonpur did not have a boundary wall enclosing the school compound. The school had a large space in the middle for children to play which merged into the fields beyond. This open space has a slope for children to play with during break time. There is a ramp available for people with special needs.

Drinking water facilities are available as there is a hand-pump within the school premises. There are toilets for children but no separate toilet for girls.

5.15 Incentive Schemes: Textbooks, MDM, Others

Free textbooks are provided to the students. However, many households in all three villages claimed that most often textbooks arrive late, beyond the official opening of the school session. In Sama, for example, the textbooks in the previous session had reached in July, whereas in the present session textbooks had not reached at the time of the team’s visit in June.

Scholarships are provided to the students. Students from class 1 to 4 receive a scholarship of Rs 180; Class 5 students receive Rs 360. Under the Mukhyamantri Poshak Yojana, the students are provided free school uniforms.

119 One classroom was closed. This was used as a coaching centre or Uthan Kendra for mahadalit children. SSA provides funds for this scheme. 87

The midday meal was functional in the schools in both Motipur and Sonpur. We discuss the situation in these two villages before coming to Sama. In both Motipur and Sonpur, the midday meal was conducted reasonably well.

Midday meal in Motipur

At Motipur, the midday meal received good reviews from students and parents alike. The midday meal was almost dysfunctional in the early years of the programme. Funds for the MDM programme were allegedly being misappropriated by the school management, and the raw materials for the meals often pilfered by the teaching staff. The villagers claimed that after Mamta was appointed as a teacher of the school, the situation drastically improved. The meals are organized in time and the food stocks remain intact. Mamta had opposed keeping the food- stocks in the houses of one of the village teachers. After her intervention, the raw materials meant for the MDM programme are kept in the school itself.

There is no fixed time for the midday meal at the Motipur school. On most days, the meal was served after 10 am. The school houses an anganwadi centre. The children of the anganwadi are given the meal first, and after that it is the turn of the primary school students. On the first day of the team’s visit, the MDM began at 10.45 am and ended after an hour. One or two teachers supervised the cooking process.

There were no specific seating arrangements for the children; they sat in and around the small open space in front of the school. All the children washed their hands before eating the rice and alu chokka (mashed potato). The eating space was cleaned before the MDM, but the leftover food was not cleared up after the meal. Though teachers claimed that teaching resumed after the meal, the team did not witness this.

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Mid day Meal at a Government Primary school

Midday meal in Sonpur

The Sonpur school has a good record of implementing the MDM programme successfully. The meals are prepared hygienically, and generous quantities of food are provided to the children. Before classes begin, children are provided with a handful of sprouts. There were two persons involved in the cooking process which was inspected time and again by the teachers. The meal usually takes and hour and a half to prepare.

The meal is scheduled to be served at 11 am after all the classes get over. The teachers mentioned that this is done to prevent disruption of lessons in the middle of the day. When the team was there, the meal was served promptly at the scheduled time and got over in an hour. The children sat in rows when the meal was served to them. They were provided with plates from the school. The teachers also helped in the distribution of food along with the person in charge of preparing the meals. None of the children wasted any part of the meal. All of them ate moderate portions of rice and soybean curry.

The eating area was not cleaned before the meals were served. The place was cleaned after the children finished their meals. All the children left after the meal got over. It was officially the end of the school-day.

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Absence of midday meal in Sama

At Sama, the school had reopened only a few days before after an indefinite summer break. The midday meal scheme was apparently operational before the vacation, but not so when the team visited. Many households reported that school meals were not regularly prepared even before the vacation. On days when the scheme was in operation, it reportedly comprised poor quality khichdi .

5.16 School Functioning based on Observations during Pre-announced Visit (Day 2)

The schools were informed a day before that the team would come the next day to observe the school. It was expected that the team would glimpse the schools at their best. Despite being aware that they were being monitored closely, the team observed irregularities in the functioning of all three schools.

Motipur

At Motipur, the scheduled opening time was half past six. The children started coming to school after 7 am. Though the first teacher was there by 7 am and four more of them were there by 7.45 am, teaching began only after 8.45 am! The children were sitting in their classrooms waiting while the 5 teachers present were engaged either in administrative work or chatting among themselves. Teaching took place only between 8.45 am and 10 am. Teaching activity was observed only in Class 1. The other classes (grades 2, 3, 4 and 5) were sitting idle most of the time, playing in the classroom and running out to play in the verandah. No organized games were observed. The teachers did not intervene even to maintain discipline in the classrooms. They do not appear to have any sense of accountability.

The main languages of communication among the children were Hindi and Angika or Chhe- Chha.

Table 5.15 School Functioning Based on Observations (Pre-announced Visit - Day 2) Motipur Sama Sonpur School Opening Official opening time 6:30 6:00 6:30 Majority of children arrived 7:30 (late) 8:15 (late) 7:00 (late) Arrival time of first teacher 7:00 (late) 6:45 (late) 6:30 No. of other teachers 4 2 4 No. of these teachers who 0 0 3 arrived in time School Closing Teaching activity ended 10:00 9:00 11:30 Departure of last teacher 11:30 9:25 12:00 Official closing time 11:30 9:00 (Sat.) 11:30 Midday Meal Break for midday meal began 10:30 No MDM 11:00

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Time taken to serve food 10 minutes NA 10 minutes Nos. in school (primary classes) Before Midday Meal 88 20 87 After Midday Meal No class after MDM No MDM 48 Proportion of enrolled in school Before Midday Meal 42.7% 13% 49.2% After Midday Meal No class held after No MDM MDM given MDM at end of day Source: CORD-NEG Village Study, 2011

Sama

The official opening time of the Sama school was 6 am. When the team arrived on the second day at the official opening time, the school had not yet opened and the area around wore a deserted look. Nearby in the fields, women and children were helping in the harvesting. The first teacher to arrive was the assistant teacher. He arrived 45 minutes late. One of the female teachers arrived five minutes after. The other female teacher reached the school as late as 7.45 am, way beyond the official opening time. The first student arrived at five minutes past seven. By half past seven, there were just two students. At the end of the day, there were a total number of 20 students in the school. Most of the students arrived after 8 am. The teachers attributed the low attendance to the harvesting season for which the children were employed in the fields either picking corn or tending the jute fields. Besides, it was a Saturday and a half day, and they said few children come to school on Saturdays.

The children present in the classroom appeared listless and unenthusiastic about learning. The girls were talking quietly in the corner. Few of them were sitting by themselves and doing nothing. The teachers left the children to fend for themselves. A few children were wandering around outside the classroom.

Sonpur

The Sonpur village provided the best impression to the research team as the school was open in time (6.30 am) when the team members arrived. All the teachers except the permanent teacher had come sharp at the official opening time. The permanent teacher arrived half an hour late from his residence in Katihar. The classes had not yet begun when the team arrived. Children were in classrooms or playing outside. Most of the children had arrived by 7 o’clock. Till before the interval at half past nine, 87 children were present (49% of those enrolled). The teachers explained their absence on account of their parents’ reluctance to send their children to school. This was a major concern in the area.

The children were active during the break time, using the open grounds in front of the school to play. The girls and boys were playing together in the playground. While talking among themselves, the children were speaking in Santhali, Hindi and Angika / Chhe-Chha. They were also using the slope built in the open space.

5.17 Classroom Observation

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Teaching activity was almost nil in two schools, namely Sama and Motipur. The Sonpur school was the only school where teachers had used TLMs such as pictorial charts. No innovative methods of teaching were observed in these schools.

Motipur

The team observed that teaching activity at Motipur was limited to just one class for just over an hour. Teaching began at quarter to nine in Class 1. The other classes were sitting idle, waiting for the teacher to come to the classroom. Though all teachers except the head-teacher were present on the second day, most of them were either busy with administrative work or were talking among themselves. In the group where classes 3 and 4 were sitting together, no teaching activity was observed even though two teachers were present in the room.

In terms of seating arrangements: • Class 1 was sitting by themselves in separate rows • Classes 2 and 3 were sitting together in separate rows • Classes 4 and 5 were sitting together in separate rows • All groups except Classes 2 and 3 had chairs and desks.

Teaching-Learning activity for class 1 in Motipur: Class 1 students had to wait for nearly two hours for the teacher to come to the class. The teacher taught the students addition and subtraction and gave them exercises on the blackboard. The teacher was making eye-contact with most of the students while teaching and sometimes checked to see if she was being understood. She asked a few questions related to what she was teaching, to which she was answered by the entire class. The children copied the sums onto their slates or exercise books. The teacher also corrected the work of the students after they had completed it.

Thereafter, the teacher recited a Hindi poem on the moon and asked the students to recite after her. She asked questions on the poem and was responded to by most of the students. These questions all required a one word answer. The teaching activity went on for over by an hour. During this time the teacher did not use any form of TLM like charts and pictures.

The teacher was observed scolding and hitting a few children in the classroom to maintain discipline. However, during the lesson, the teacher’s tone was encouraging and pleasant. The students, on their part, did not ask the teacher any questions. At around ten o’clock, the teacher left the classroom. The children began playing and talking amongst themselves.

The teacher spoke in Hindi during the entire lesson. The children were observed speaking to each other in Angika and Chhe-Chha in the classroom.

Sama

The classroom at Sama doubled as an office room as well. The teachers were busy with administrative work while one of the teachers sat with the children. Teaching was almost non- existent. In terms of seating arrangements: All 20 students of different classes were sitting in the

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same classroom. There were no specific seating arrangements among the children. Girls and boys were sitting together. Some children were sitting in the corner listless. All children were sitting on mats which they had brought from their homes.

Teaching-Learning activity for class 1 in Sama: As the school did not conduct the mid day meal, there was no interval. Being a Saturday, the school got over by 9 o’clock. There was just 15 minutes of teaching activity in which one teacher asked all the 20 students of different classes, who were sitting together in the same classroom, to write down alphabets and numbers on the blackboard. No teaching aids were used. The teacher spoke to the students in Hindi, maintaining eye contact and using an encouraging tone. She appeared to know at least some of the students and was addressing them by name. Only the students in the older classes were able to do what was asked. The children remained mostly silent during the short period of teaching activity. The teaching activity ended as abruptly as it had begun. The teacher left the group of students to join her colleagues at the office desk. Thereafter, the teachers talked among themselves in the classroom. The team received the impression that the teaching activity was just a show put on for them. Throughout the observations on other days too, the student-teacher interaction was minimal. Though the children appeared to know Hindi, they talked amongst themselves in Angika/Chhe-Chha.

Sonpur

Teaching activity was observed in all classes at the school in Sonpur. Teaching activity for classes 4 and 5 started late during the day. Teachers devoted more time and attention to Classes 1, 2 and 3. All the teachers were present on the second day of the school survey. The children were more active and responsive at Sonpur than at Sama.

In terms of seating arrangements: • Classes 1 and 2 were sitting together. Both boys and girls were sitting together. • Class 3 was sitting in a separate classroom • Classes 4 and 5 were sitting separately in two different verandahs.

Class 4 and 5 were sitting by themselves in the verandahs for a long time before any teacher attended to them. Even after that there was hardly any teaching activity for them. Class 1 was paid comparatively more attention.

Teaching-Learning activity for class 1 in Sonpur: The teachers were attending to different classes either teaching or maintaining discipline. One contract teacher was teaching Classes 1 and 2. In the beginning, he made the children recite Urdu alphabets. He asked one of the boys to point to the alphabets which were painted on the wall and recite them for the entire class. The teacher gave most children including the girls a turn to recite the alphabets. In between, the teacher became busy with certain administrative work in the classroom. When left unsupervised, the children were talking amongst themselves. The teacher also asked the students to recite Hindi alphabets. The Hindi alphabets were painted around the room with pictures related to the alphabets. The boy or girl who was selected by the teacher had to go around the room, point to the alphabet with a stick and recite the alphabets and the related pictures out aloud. (For instance, aa se aam, dh se dhanush ). The girls appeared to be apprehensive reciting the alphabets. The

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teacher was talking in Hindi, and in Urdu (during the Urdu lesson) to the children which they appeared to understand.

After the short break at half past nine, the teacher resumed teaching by reciting a Hindi poem about the moon (same poem as in Motipur). The children recited after him. Few children could answer questions on the poem even though the teacher recited the poem more than a couple of times. The students did not ask the teacher any questions on the lessons, rather repeated mechanically whatever the teacher had said. Interestingly, the teacher did not use the blackboard to teach the children. Rather he depended on the TLMs to teach the children. During the lessons, Hindi numbers were also taught to the children from the charts on the walls.

The classroom was rather crowded with children of both the classes sitting together. The total number in both the classes was just 30 but yet the classroom was not large enough to accommodate all of them. Besides, there were unused desks and chairs in one corner of the room which took up half the space. As the classroom was cramped, the teacher could not move among the students but he maintained eye contact with most of the students.

The teachers talked amongst themselves and with the children in Hindi. The children were heard conversing in Angika and Hindi.

5.18 Test of Reading and Mathematical ability / Number Recognition

Reading test

Reading tests in Hindi (as designed by Pratham) were used to test all children enrolled in Classes 1-5 in the selected households. Table 5.16 shows that out of 19 children tested in Classes 1 and 2 at Sama only seven of them could read a single letter. None of them could read a two letter word. In the case of Sonpur, out of the 14 children (Class 1 and 2) interviewed in Sonpur, only two could read a single letter. In Motipur, out of 12 children (class 1 and 2), 4 could read single letters. One child could read a two letter word.

Results for classes 4 and 5 in Sama were poor as just 3 students out of 14 could read class 2 text. Sonpur was worse as none of the 21 students of classes 4 and 5 could read class 2 text. In Motipur, none of the five children of class 4 interviewed could read the class 2 text. Out of seven Class 5 children interviewed, three could read the class 2 text.

Table 5.16: Reading Test Results -- Class-wise Motipur Households Class No. of Could not Read a Read a two Read a Read a children read at all single letter letter word Class 1 text Class 2 text tested Class 1 3 2 1 0 0 0 Class 2 9 5 3 1 0 0 Class 3 6 2 2 2 0 0 Class 4 5 4 1 0 0 0 Class 5 7 2 2 0 0 3 Total 30 15 9 3 0 3

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Sama Households Class No. of Could not Read a Read a two Read a Read a children read at all single letter letter word Class 1 text Class 2 text tested Class 1 11 8 3 0 0 0 Class 2 8 4 4 0 0 0 Class 3 7 3 3 1 0 0 Class 4 10 2 4 1 1 2 Class 5 4 2 1 0 0 1 Total 40 19 15 2 1 3 Sonpur Households Class No. of Could not Read a Read a two Read a Read a children read at all single letter letter word Class 1 text Class 2 text tested Class 1 8 6 2 0 0 0 Class 2 4 4 0 0 0 0 Class 3 4 2 1 1 0 0 Class 4 10 6 4 0 0 0 Class 5 11 4 4 1 2 0 Total 37 22 11 2 2 0 Source: CORD-NEG Village Study, 2011

The boys at Motipur fared marginally better than the girls. Here, out of 14 boys tested, five could read a single letter, one could read a two letter word and two could read a Class 2 text. At Sama, girls appeared to do slightly better than the boys. Out of the 15 boys interviewed, just three could read a single letter and one of them could read a class 1 text. None of them could read a class 2 text. Out of the 25 girls interviewed at Sama, 12 of them could read a single letter and three of them could read a class 2 text. At Sonpur, out of the 20 boys interviewed, 13 could not read at all. Out of the 17 girls interviewed, 9 could not read at all. 8 could read a single letter. None of them could read a two letter word or Class 1 and 2 texts.

Table 5.17: Reading Test Results; Gender-wise No. of Could not Read a Read a Read a Read a children read at all single two letter Class 1 Class 2 tested letter word text text Motipur Boys 14 6 5 1 0 2 Girls 16 9 4 2 0 1 Sama Boys 15 9 3 2 1 0 Girls 25 10 12 0 0 3 Sonpur Boys 20 13 3 2 2 0 Girls 17 9 8 0 0 0 Source: CORD-NEG Village Study, 2011

Numeracy

95

Learning in terms of numeracy in all 3 villages was extremely low.

Motipur

At Motipur, 6 out of 12 Class 1 and 2 students interviewed could identify single digit numbers. Four of them could not recognise any digits. In Classes 4 and 5, out of 12 children tested, two could solve a division sum and two could solve a subtraction sum.

Out of the 19 children tested in Classes 1 and 2 at Sama, 10 could not recognize any numbers. Nine children could identify single digit numbers at most. Out of the 14 children tested from Classes 4 and 5, only 2 could solve subtraction sums and one could solve a division sum.

At Sonpur, out of 12 Class 1 and 2 students tested, 9 could not recognize numbers and just 3 could identify single digit numbers at most. The team tested 21 children of Classes 4 and 5; just 2 could do a subtraction sum.

Table 5.18: Numeracy Test Results; Class-wise Motipur Households Class No. of Unable to Recognise Recognise Do subtraction Do division Children recognize single digit double digit Tested numbers number number Class 1 3 2 1 0 0 0 Class 2 9 2 5 2 0 0 Class 3 6 0 4 1 1 0 Class 4 5 0 4 0 1 0 Class 5 7 0 3 1 1 2 Total 30 4 17 4 3 2 Sama Households Class No. of Unable to Recognise Recognise Do Do division Children recognize single digit double digit subtraction Tested numbers number number Class 1 11 8 3 0 0 0 Class 2 8 2 6 0 0 0 Class 3 7 1 3 3 0 0 Class 4 10 0 4 5 1 0 Class 5 4 0 2 0 1 1 Total 40 11 18 8 2 1 Sonpur Households Class No. of Unable to Recognise Recognise Do Do division Children recognize single digit double digit subtraction Tested numbers number number Class 1 8 7 1 0 0 0 Class 2 4 2 2 0 0 0 Class 3 4 1 3 0 0 0 Class 4 10 0 7 2 1 0 Class 5 11 1 4 5 1 0 Total 37 11 17 7 2 0 Source: CORD-NEG-2 Village Study, 2011-2012

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Gender Differences in Numeracy Tests

There was little difference between boys’ and girls’ learning levels in Motipur and in Sonpur. Girls were slightly ahead of the boys in Sama in the numeracy tests as well. Out of 15 boys tested in Sama, 5 were unable to recognize digits. On the other hand, out of the 25 girls interviewed in Sama, a much lower proportion was unable to recognize digits.

Table 5.19: Numeracy Test Results; Gender-wise No. of Unable to Recognise Recognise Do Do Children recognize single double subtraction division Tested numbers digit digit number number Motipur Boys 14 2 7 2 2 1 Girls 16 2 10 2 1 1 Sama Boys 15 5 6 2 1 1 Girls 25 6 12 6 1 0 Sonpur Boys 20 6 7 6 1 0 Girls 17 5 10 1 1 0 Source: CORD-NEG Village Study, 2011

Part C. Some Comparisons

Three villages were selected for intensive village studies – Motipur, Sama and Sonpur. Of the three villages, Motipur was very accessible and Yadav dominated. Two of the 3 villages were difficult to access – one was Sama which was Santhal dominated; the other was Sonpur which was Muslim (Shershahwadi) dominated. Sama had a more literate population.

In the 60 selected 120 households across the 3 villages, out of 160 children (6-14 years), 144 were currently enrolled (90%), 4 were nominally enrolled (2.5%), 5 were dropouts (3.1%), and 7 were never enrolled (4.4%). Proportions out of school were 10%.

Motipur: Motipur was a bustling village which had road-point access. It had some pakka houses; also access to electricity. The village was Yadav dominated, but also had Nishad (Godi) households. The hamlets had Teli, Paswan, Dhobi, Santhal, and Shershawadi households.

Motipur had a primary school which caters to several villages. It lay across the fields and was difficult to reach during the rains. It was a large school with 206 children enrolled. The majority of enrolled children were OBC Hindu (62%). A substantial proportion was also from the more disadvantaged groups, though each of these groups was a relatively low proportion (9% SC, 11% ST, and 18% Muslim). The school had 1 permanent teacher and 5 panchayat teachers. The

120 Twenty children’s names were randomly selected from the school register in each of the 3 sample schools. Their households were selected for a household survey. 97

permament teacher, belonged to the OBC (Kurmi) group; the panchayat teachers included 3 Dusadh (SC) teachers, 1 OBC (Yadav) teacher and 1 Muslim teacher. The sole permanent teacher was well-connected. He was irregular and also alleged to be corrupt (along with 2 of the panchayat teachers). One of the panchayat teachers had exposed corruption in the implementation of the MDM in the village. She was not given a salary or allowed to teach, though she came everyday and signed the register. The villagers were very positive about her. The MDM in the school was functional, and supervised by this teacher.

Although the school in Motipur had 3 classrooms, all pakka and usable, it was inadequate for the 206 children enrolled. The PTR was a comparatively low 34, with 6 teachers appointed (excludes the teacher who has been sent on deputation to another school). The team found little evidence of teaching in the school. The head-teacher himself was absent through the entire week that the team visited the village. Even when the teachers were told in advance that the team was coming to observe teaching activity, teaching took place for just over an hour, and only in Class 1. The other classes were left on their own. This was in spite of the fact that 5 teachers were present in school.

Ten children from the Motipur school were tracked on 4 days when the team visited the school to check the regularity of their attendance. The exercise indicated that the enrolment register does not indicate the proportion of children “who go to school”. For example, six children were absent on all 4 days in Motipur. Two of them actually attend other schools, 121 two have dropped out altogether, and two are at risk of dropping out. It was found that across the 4 days, the absentee rate among the tracked children was 65% in Motipur. This is in keeping with the levels of functioning observed in the school: Motipur had little teaching activity. The village community was sharply divided over the situation in the school.

Children were tested on the basis of the Pratham tests. The results are dismal. Out of twelve children from classes 4 and 5 in Motipur, 6 could not read at all, 3 could only read a single letter, and 3 could read a class 2 text. The numeracy test results were not encouraging either. Seven out of these 12 children could only recognise single digit numbers.

Sama: Sama village was difficult to access – it was 16 kms from town and 4 km from a pakka road. The road to the village becomes sludgy even with a little rain. The village is also regularly flooded, and cultivation is possible only from October to May. Seasonal migration was reported here too. All the houses were kachha and there was no electricity. Sama was tribal dominated -- some Santhal households in the village were relatively prosperous. But there were also poor Santhal families and poor Musahar families.

The school in Sama had 146 children enrolled of whom 60% were girls. The largest proportion of enrolled children was from the Santhal group (39%). A considerable proportion (one-third) was from Musahar households. A smaller proportion (just over one-fourth) of the children were from OBCs and “general castes”.

121 Double enrolment was reported in this village pushed by the limited functionality of this school and the easy availability of other schools. 98

Infrastructure was very poor. There were two 122 classrooms in use for an enrolment of 146 children. The walls and floors of these classrooms were broken.

There were 2 permanent teachers, and 2 contract teachers. The PTR was 37, slightly higher than in the Motipur school and the Sonpur school, but still well below the PTR found (44) during the cross-sectional survey of schools in Manihari, Amdabad and Pranpur blocks.

This school was the least functional of the 3 schools visited as hardly any children were present and hardly any teaching activity took place. The head-teacher came only on one of the six days that the team visited. In general, the teachers came late and closed the school early. Few children were present. On the first day that the team visited, there were only 7 children in school. There was no teaching activity, and no MDM. Even on the day on which the teachers were told that the team was there for observation, the teachers taught the twenty children present (from all 5 primary-level grades) for 15 minutes. Young Santhali children would have faced a language problem if there had been regular teaching activity – no teacher knew Santhali. The HT was “general caste”, the other permanent teacher was Muslim, the 2 contract teachers were OBC. It could be that the social distance between these teachers and the Santhal and Mushar children enrolled in the school contributes to the teachers’ lack of accountability. It appears that the village community is not able to demand better infrastructure for the school or to exert pressure on the teachers to function regularly. Formal community organisations such as the VSS were also reported to be not functional across Bihar.

Ten children from the Sama school were tracked on 4 days when the team visited the school to check the regularity of their attendance. It was found that across the 4 days, the absentee rate among the tracked children was 78% in Sama. This is in keeping with the levels of functioning observed in the school: Sama had neither teaching activity nor a functioning midday meal.

Children were tested on the basis of the Pratham tests. Children performed poorly. Out of 14 children in Classes 4 and 5 who were tested in Sama, 4 could not read at all, 5 could read a single letter, one a two letter word, one a Class 1 text and only 3 could read a Class 2 text. Numeracy was also poor: out of these 14 children, 6 could recognise only single digits, 5 could recognise double digits, and only 3 could do subtraction.

Sonpur: Sonpur village was difficult to access -- 7 km from a pakka road, through fields, and across a stream. The village is regularly flooded; all houses are kachha and there is no electricity. Cultivation is possible only between the months of October and May; seasonal migration was reported to be common.

Sonpur was a minority and tribal dominated village, in which the minority community was quite powerful. There was also a small but influential Hindu OBC population. The village was openly divided along religious / caste lines. There was a Muslim/Bengali tola (Shershahwadi, Sheikh, Kunjra); a Santhali tola (mostly Hindu); and a third tola where there were a few OBC (Sharma, Yadav, Mandal 123 ) and SC (Musahar, Dhobi, Paswan) households.

122 There was an additional classroom which was not available for the school – it was used as an Utpreran Kendra for mahadalits. 123 Mandals in Bihar are classified as MBCs, a sub-group of the OBCs. 99

The Sonpur school had 177 children enrolled. Close to three-fifths were Muslim (58%). A significant proportion (32%) were Santhals. A small proportion (9%) were from the more advantaged OBC and “general caste” households. There were also a few dalit children.

The school had 1 permanent teacher and 4 contract teachers, giving it a PTR of 35, slightly above that mandated under RTE, but still much better than the average for the schools covered in the survey in the 3 Katihar blocks. Although when the team visited unannounced, 2 of the 5 teachers were missing, this was reported to be on account of official duty. On the day of the pre- announced visit, all 5 teachers were present. Of all three schools visited, only in this school were there signs of some teaching activity for all 5 grades. The teaching activity was however mostly repeating Urdu / Hindi alphabets, in some cases after the teacher, and in some cases after one of the children. Teaching was reported to be in Hindi, as well as in Bengali and Angika. The midday meal scheme was functional in the school.

Ten children from the Sonpur school were tracked on 4 days when the team visited the school to check the regularity of their attendance. It was found that across the 4 days, the absentee rate among the tracked children was relatively low (30%) in Sonpur, compared to much higher rates in the other 2 villages of Motipur and Sama. This is in keeping with the levels of functioning observed in the school: Sonpur had some evidence of teaching activity and a functioning midday meal scheme. However, the tests (discussed below) administered to all children in the sample households enrolled in Classes 1-5 did not suggest a functioning school system.

Children were tested on the basis of the Pratham tests. The results are dismal for Sonpur village too. Of 21 children enrolled in Classes 4 or 5 who were tested in Sonpur, 10 could not read at all, 8 could read only a single letter, 1 could read a two-letter word, 2 could read a Class 1 text, and none could read a Class 2 text. Numeracy results were also poor. Of these 21 children, 1 could not recognise any numbers, 11 could recognise single digits at most, 7 could recognise double digits, and only 2 could do subtraction.

Discussion

Our hypothesis was that more accessible villages are more likely to have schools with better infrastructure and facilities 124 and to be more functional. 125

This was partly true. Motipur had pakka classrooms and it had a functioning midday meal scheme, whereas Sama had classrooms in need of repair and no midday meal scheme. However, infrastructure in Motipur was quite inadequate in the context of its high enrolment.

We would also expect that more accessible villages would have a more informed and possibly more empowered village community. This was true in the sense that the villagers in Motipur were quite outspoken in their criticism of the “irregular and corrupt” head-teacher and their

124 It should be physically easier to provide better physical infrastructure and facilities to more accessible villages. Teachers are more willing to be appointed to more accessible villages. 125 It is easier for teachers who live in towns to reach more accessible villages, and hence more likely that they will be there. More accessible villages are also more likely to have higher proportions of socially advantaged social groups, who can exert greater pressure on teachers to be accountable. 100 support for the single teacher who had stood up to him. However, the community was not empowered enough to be able to get either the head-teacher or his supporters among the panchayat teachers transferred to some other school, or to get the teacher who had stood upto him, re-instated. The team noted that most of those who spoke out against the head-teacher as being negligent and corrupt were the Nishad (SC) and the poorer Yadav families. The Kurmi (OBC) Head-teacher appeared to be in a powerful position. The more powerful Yadav families in the village either supported him openly or were silent.

The less accessible tribal-dominated village of Sama had the least functional of the 3 schools visited. Its poor accessibility and minimal infrastructure may have contributed to the teachers coming late, leaving early, and even not coming at all. The regular flooding may contribute to the poor condition of the two classrooms that do exist. The enrolled children belonged primarily (74%) to the Santhal and Musahar communities. It appears that the village community is not able to demand better infrastructure for the school or to exert pressure on the teachers to function regularly. The discussions with adolescent Santhali children indicate that better-off Santhal families send their children to residential mission schools if possible, or other primary schools. The team met adolescent Santhal and Musahar boys who had never been enrolled and those who had dropped out of school. Financial problems made schooling a difficult option to pursue, especially in communities that have not had a strong history of educating their children. The lack of a functioning school made it of little use.

Sonpur was a minority and tribal dominated village, in which the minority community was quite powerful. There was also a small but influential Hindu OBC population. The village was the least accessible of the three, but also relatively prosperous. The village had the most functional school. There was teaching activity. There was also a functioning midday meal. The village is reported to have regular flooding, which takes its toll on the physical infrastructure in the school (apart from contributing to fewer working days). The school had 5 classrooms. Although this gives it a better student classroom ratio than the schools in the other villages of Motipur and Sama which had only 3 classrooms and 2 classrooms respectively, the team found the infrastructure inadequate. The rooms were packed even with 30 children because they were quite small in size. The results of the learning achievement tests were quite discouraging, and do not seem to reflect a functional school system. While the Sonpur school appears to be functioning much better than the Motipur school and the Sama school, clearly the children in Sonpur require more in terms of teaching inputs. Discussions with adolescents indicated that children from the Muslim community and the OBC Hindus (including the Mandals) are being able to access schooling. Children from the Santhal families in Sonpur are the ones who are most vulnerable to being excluded from the system. Lack of a Santhali speaking teacher may be one contributory factor.

Adolescents in the 3 villages were asked about their experiences in school. While the young people had some positive memories of playing carrom and football in school, on the whole their memories were quite negative. Schools were reported to be functioning poorly in terms of teaching time. Adolescents recalled that they attended irregularly because they feared being scolded and beaten. Fear of punishment led some to dropping out altogether.

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Children also attended irregularly because of work pressures on them -- household chores such as cooking, cleaning, childcare, and collecting water, fodder and fuel. There are also pressures on children to be involved in working on their own fields and taking animals out to graze. In addition, there are pressures to be involved in income-earning activities, doing wage labour and piece-rate work with adults in their families. While parents reported keenness for education in all three villages, children reported little supervision even from parents who wanted them to attend school, and less pressure to attend from parents who did not attach so much value to education. Irregular attendance was often a prelude to dropping altogether.

We also find that continuance in school is linked to the gender of the child and their birth order, as also the number and gender of the child’s siblings. Elder siblings may drop out to provide for their family and so create a space for younger siblings to continue school. Elder girls may drop out because they approach what is marriageable age in their community, or because the middle schools are too far. At times elder siblings who are able to study up to higher secondary school continue their studies as the prospect of getting a job in the future becomes more real, even as their younger brothers and sisters may drop out of school. In general, parents show a clear preference for continuing boys’ schooling over girls, although this difference appears to be less strong when children are below ten years of age. However, there does seem to be preference for the male child if the family chooses one child whom they can afford to send to private school.

Summing up, we can note that the three village studies highlight how different children’s schooling experiences can be. The school in Sonpur was functioning relatively smoothly, although teaching activity did not seem to extend beyond rote learning. Even here, the study indicates that there are children who are being excluded, in particular, children from Santhal families and from poor Muslim families. The school in Motipur was functioning in a limited way, despite the fact that this school is the most accessible and parents expressed great keenness for education. The head-teacher was quite unaccountable, both in terms of attending school regularly and in terms of handling the school funds appropriately. We see how some teachers support him, and how the teacher who challenged him is not allowed to teach. The village community’s powerlessness is also visible – they are unable to get the head-teacher transferred. Children’s schooling appears to be suffering, particularly those from the poorer families among the Santhals, the Musahars, and the Shershawadi Muslims. The school in Sama is not functioning at all – hardly any teaching activity was visible. Again, this affects most acutely children from the Musahar households and the poorer Santhal families, and the lack of accountability of teachers may be due do the little agency that these communities have. Children from communities, marginalised on account of caste/religion and class, are barely being able to access their fundamental right to schooling in these villages.

Children from these groups are in any case vulnerable to attending school irregularly and dropping out altogether because of living in a context in which schooling is not a social norm. Parents may have doubts about the benefits of education for their children, particularly when their own livelihood strategies have little connection with the ability to read and write, and may not support their children to attend school regularly. Pressures on the children to support themselves and their families, both directly through income-earning work and through taking on household responsibilities which free up other members to earn, are also enormous for children from these marginalised groups, and these begin at a tender age. Many children may have had no

102 exposure to the language in which they are taught in school, particularly true for children from Santhali families and from Shershahwadi families. The latter speak Thetee Bengali – a dialect in which Bengali is mixed with some Hindi. Young children who come to school may also have no exposure to printed material, and be alienated by the emphasis on reading and writing and rote learning. Feelings of alienation in school for children of marginalised groups may also be aggravated by negative perceptions of the teachers 126 about these groups, and their more positive attitudes to children from the more advantaged social groups. While work pressures were cited by children as a reason for their absence from school, all these other factors, related to the child’s socioeconomic background that we have mentioned above, also contribute to the reported disconnect from the whole schooling process felt by many children. Teachers may themselves need training to enable them to reach out to these children in ways which will help them overcome these barriers, quite apart from an overall commitment to function in a responsible and accountable way, as suits their profession.

126 The majority of teachers continue to be from the more privileged Hindu OBC castes and the “general castes”, though there are higher proportions of teachers from socially disadvantaged groups compared to earlier. 103

Annexure: Village Maps, Katihar Block

Motipur Village Map

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Sama Village Map

105

Sonpur Village Map

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Section 6: School Survey in Jharkhand (Selected Blocks, Sahibganj District)

6.1 Introduction

The school survey in Sahibganj was conducted in 30 randomly selected villages in three of the district’s nine blocks. These blocks included 1 tribal dominated block – Mandro (59% ST), which has the Mal Pahariyas, Pahariyas and Santhals tribes, and 2 Muslim dominated blocks – Sahibganj (32% Muslim) and Rajmahal (41% Muslim) (see Table 6.1a).

Table 6.1a Population Distribution in Rural Sahibganj % SC % ST % Hindu % Muslim % Minority Sahibganj 7.2 11.6 68.0 31.8 32.0 Rajmahal 4.7 6.6 55.3 40.9 44.6 Mandro 5.2 59.4 60.7 16.9 39.2 Rural Sahibganj District 5.7 32.1 53.9 32.4 40.1 Source: Village Level Directory (Census 2001)

Of the three blocks, Rajmahal is the most developed in terms of percentage of villages with a paved road and percentage of villages with power supply (see Table 6.1b). Based on Census 2001 data, Sahibganj block has just over one-fourth of its villages with a paved road and a similar proportion of villages with power supply. Mandro has less than 10% of its villages with a paved road and a similar situation for access to power. Taking villages in Sahibganj district as a whole and the entire state of Jharkhand, we see that both have a level of infrastructural development worse than that of Sahibganj and Rajmahal blocks.

Table 6.1b Village Facilities in Surveyed Blocks in Sahibganj District % villages having paved road % villages having power supply Sahibganj 26.1 26.1 Rajmahal 55.1 37.8 Mandro 5.0 7.3 Sahibganj District 23.0 9.1 Source: Village Level Directory (Census 2001)

In terms of educational provision (based on Census 2001), Rajmahal has the best access to primary schools though this is itself low (only 52% of its villages have a primary school). Sahibganj block has only 39% and Mandro has only 30% of its villages with a primary school. For access to middle schooling, Sahibganj block is better off than the other two blocks. Mandro is strangely reported to have 4 secondary schools while the other blocks are reported to have none. Taking the district as a whole, 46% of the villages are reported to have a primary school and 9% of the villages are reported to have a middle school.

Table 6.1c Educational Provision in Surveyed Blocks in Sahibganj District % villages having % villages having Number of

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primary school middle school secondary schools Sahibganj 39.1 30.4 0 Rajmahal 52.0 12.2 0 Mandro 30.2 2.8 4 Sahibganj District 45.8 8.6 16 Source: Village Level Directory (Census 2001)

Some Details of the Sample Villages in Jharkhand

The 30 sample villages were relatively small in size -- less than 300 households on average. The access road to one-third of the villages was unpaved. Over half the households were kachha; 47% were mixed. One-third of the households had electricity, though only for a few hours. The adults were dependent primarily on cultivation and wage labour (agricultural and non-agricultural). Men, women and children worked in mica mines and stone quarries; women and children worked on bidi-making at home. Migration was a very important source of income. Families migrate to W Bengal and further afield to Orissa, Delhi, Mumbai, Punjab, Gujarat and Kerala. Village elders reported that children take part in all types of household work including sibling care, and also in cultivation, grazing animals, foraging, selling local liquor, and sitting at the family shop.

6.2 Enrolment in primary schools / upper primary schools

The 30 villages had 40 schools -- 24 primary (1-5), 13 middle (1-6/7/8) and 3 secondary schools (6-10, 1-10). In terms of access to primary schooling, all 30 surveyed villages were selected such that they had at least a school with primary grades. Seventeen of them did not provide access to schooling beyond primary level. Of these, 16 villages had only one primary school; 1 village had as many as 3 primary schools.

Access to upper primary schooling is relatively poor. Thirteen of these 30 villages had access to both primary and upper primary schooling. Ten villages had only one government upper primary school (lowest grade 1, highest grade 6, 7, or 8); one of these villages also had a madarsa up to grade 8; another of these villages had a madarsa (under government management) upto grade 10. One village had a government upper primary school (1-8) and 2 government primary schools.

Access to secondary schooling: Three of the 30 villages had access to schooling from primary through to secondary level (class 10). Three villages had secondary schools – 2 villages had Government Secondary Schools (lowest grade 6, highest grade 10); 1 village had a private school with grades 1-10; 1 village had an integrated 1-10 madarsa school under government management. One of the villages with a government secondary school (6-10) had a primary school (1-5). The other village with a government secondary school (6-10) had an upper primary school (1-8).

Coming to the size of these schools, we found that the Sahibganj sample villages had 8 small primary schools 127 (less than 100 enrolled) and 12 mid-sized primary schools (between 100 and

127 Sahibganj had more small primary schools compared to Katihar. 108

250 enrolled). It had no large primary schools in which more than 250 were enrolled. The average enrolment across the 20 primary schools was highest for class 3 at 28.1 (see Fig. 6.1).

Fig. 6.1 Enrolment in Primary Schools in Sahibganj

30 28.1 25.1 23.9 25 19.8 20 16.9 15

10

5 AverageEnrolment 0 Class 1 Class 2 Class 3 Class 4 Class 5 Classes Source: CORD-NEG School Survey, 2011

Fig. 6.2 Enrolment in Upper Primary 48.4 50 Schools in Sahibganj 45.3 36.9 38.8 38.8 40 34.5 35.3 35.9

30

20

Average Enrolment Average 10

0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 Classes Source: CORD-NEG School Survey, 2011-12

The sample villages also had 5 small upper-primary schools (between 100 and 250 enrolled), 3 mid-sized upper-primary schools (between 250 and 400 enrolled) and 4 large middle schools with more than 400 enrolled, although none with more than 700 enrolled. Average enrolment was much higher than in the primary schools. Enrolment was fairly even from classes 1-5 (ranging from 34.5 to 38.8), but peaked in class 6 at 48.4 and was also high in class 7 (at 45.3) before falling in class 8 to the level it was for classes 1-5.

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6.3 Infrastructure and Facilities in Schools with Primary Grades

Altogether, the schools surveyed included 20 primary schools and 12 middle schools (all with primary grades). In this section, we present data on proportions of schools with specified infrastructure and facilities in all 32 schools taken together (see figures in parentheses in Tables 6.2a and 6.2b).

Table 6.2a Availability of Miscellaneous Facilities Primary Upper Primary All No. of Schools with: Schools Schools Schools Teaching Aids 19 12 31 (97) Sports Equipment 18 12 30 (94) Library 11 11 22 (69) Radio 13 10 23 (72) Computer 0 2 2 Others (Science Kit, Fire Extinguisher, Weighing Machine, First Aid Kit, TV) 10 9 19 Total 20 12 32 Note: Figures in parentheses give the proportion of all schools with the following facilities. Source: CORD-NEG School Survey, 2011

Table 6.2b Infrastructural Facilities in Primary and Upper Primary Schools No. of Schools with: Primary School Upper Primary Schools All Schools Function Available al Available Functional Available Functional Drinking Water 15 14 12 11 27 (84) 25 (74) Toilets 14 11 11 7 25 (78) 18 (56) Separate Toilets for Girls 10 9 5 4 15 (47) 13 (41) Electric Lights 0 0 1 1 1 1 Electric Fans 0 0 0 0 0 0 Note: Figures in parentheses give the proportion of all schools with the specified facilities. Source: CORD-NEG School Survey, 2011

Positive features of infrastructure and facilities

• Blackboards were available and usable in nearly all schools. • Teaching aids were available in 97% of schools (Table. 6.2a). • Sports equipment was available in 94% of schools (Table. 6.2a). • Radios were available in 72% of schools (Table. 6.2a). • Libraries were available in 69% of schools (Table. 6.2a). • Drinking water facilities were available in 84% of schools, but functional in a slightly lower proportion (74%) of schools.

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• Toilets were constructed in 78% of schools but usable in 56% of schools (see Table 6.2b) The situation in Sahibganj was much better than in Katihar. Separate girls’ toilets were constructed in 47% of schools and usable in 41% of schools (also reveal a better situation than in Katihar). • Close to three-fourths of schools (72%) had classrooms in good condition. (The situation in this regard is worse than in Katihar where higher proportions (four fifths) of schools had classrooms in good condition.

Fig. 6.3 Condition of Classrooms

Proportion (%) of schools with classrooms in the following condition: Unusable 2% Major repair 11% Good Minor repair condition 15% 72%

Source: CORD-NEG School Survey, 2011

Inadequacies in infrastructural facilities

• Only 31% of schools had ramps (see Table 6.2c). • Boundary walls had been made in only 6% of schools (Table 6.2c). • There were playgrounds in only 16% of schools (Table 6.2c). • No fans were available in any school. There were lights in 1 school. • Number of usable classrooms was quite inadequate. If all enrolled children were in school, the SCR in Sahibganj would have been 45, still high, but half the average SCR in Katihar (see Table 6.3). The median value for SCR in the Sahibganj sample schools was 44, very close to the arithmetic average, indicating that extreme values were not having a major influence.

Table 6.2c Infrastructure in the Sample Schools No. of schools with: Primary Schools Upper Primary Schools All Schools Ramp 5 5 10 (31%) Boundary Wall 0 2 2 (6%) Playground 3 2 5 (16%) Total Schools 20 12 32 Source: CORD-NEG School Survey, 2011

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Sitting on a rough cracked floor

Table 6.3 Student Classroom Ratios Primary Schools Upper Primary Schools All (1-5) (1-6/7/8) SCR 43.3 47.3 44.8 Max SCR 95 72 95 Min SCR 13.8 18.1 13.8 No. of Schools 20 12 32 Source: CORD-NEG School Survey, 2011

The maximum SCR was 95 in Chandipur village in Sahibganj block where the school had 190 children enrolled and 2 usable classrooms. The minimum was 14 in a primary school in Chhota Solbandha village in Mandro block, where there were 5 usable classrooms for an enrolment of 69.

Midday meal scheme

Midday meal scheme was reported by the Head-teacher to be functional in 91% of schools (i.e. 29 schools), but observed to be functioning in 88% of schools (i.e. 28 schools). In these 28 schools, children washed their hands before eating only in 12 schools (43%). Cleaning was done in 15 schools (54%) before the meal, and in 22 schools (79%) after the meal. Teaching continued after the midday meal only in 1 school (4%). The timing of the midday meal in the Sahibganj schools was generally 10 a.m. to 10.30 a.m. (towards the end of the school day). Schools

112 generally closed at 11.30 a.m. It was also served at 9 a.m., and 9.40 a.m. Schools closed at 9 a.m. once a week (generally Saturdays; Thursdays in the case of Urdu Schools).

Table 6.4 Functioning of Cooked Midday Meal Scheme Number of schools where HT reported that schools had a functional midday meal 29 (91) Functional MDM was observed by researchers 28 (88) Number of schools in which the MDM was observed* in which Children washed their hands before the meal 12 (43) Eating area was cleaned before the MDM 15 (54) Eating area was cleaned after the MDM 22 (79) Teaching continued after MDM 1 (4) Note. *Midday meal was observed in 28 schools. This data is based on these schools. Source: CORD-NEG School Survey, 2011

A well managed midday meal, Sahibganj

6.4 Teachers

Teacher shortage is a problem

A positive feature was that among the surveyed schools, there were no single teacher schools. However, 34% of the schools had only 2 teachers. The Sahibganj sample had a larger number of schools with low enrolment compared to Katihar.

The surveyed schools had a high Pupil Teacher Ratio – 51; the range was enormous – it was 165 in one school and only 23 in another. The PTR in the primary schools are as high as 44, with the

113 maximum PTR being 69 and the minimum 23. The median PTR which disregards extreme values is even higher (48).

Table 6.5 Pupil Teacher Ratios Primary Upper Primary All Schools (1-5) Schools (1-6/7/8) PTR 43.8 63.7 51.3 Max PTR 69 165 165 Min PTR 22.5 29 22.5 No. of Schools 20 12 32 Source: CORD-NEG School Survey, 2011

The Pupil Teacher Ratio is based on the number of students enrolled and the number of teachers appointed. As we discuss later, on the day of the survey, a substantial proportion of enrolled children and some proportion of appointed teachers were missing from school. So while the figures below give a picture of high PTRs, far above what is stipulated by the RTE Act, they do not represent the reality on the ground.

Characteristics of teachers in Sahibganj

Panchayat teachers are 63% of all teachers in Sahibganj: The majority of teachers in Sahibganj were contract teachers. However, over one-third (37%) were permanent teachers. There is a much higher proportion of regular teachers here compared to Katihar. The majority of teachers were male (74%). Just over one-fourth were female (26%).

Higher proportions of male teachers: Among the contract teachers, males were a much higher proportion than females (see Fig. 6.4). Male contract teachers were 49.1% of all teachers, while female contract teachers were 14.7% of all teachers. Among contract teachers, the male female ratio was 3.3:1. In Katihar, the situation was quite different – the male female ratio was 0.9:1.

Among the permanent teachers as well, males were a higher proportion than females – males were 25% of all teachers, while female permanent teachers were 11.2% of all teachers. Among permanent teachers, the male female ratio was 2.2:1, lower than among contract teachers.

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Fig 6.4 Gender composition of teachers permanent male 25% contract female permanent 15% female 11%

contract male 49%

Source: CORD-NEG School Survey, 2011

Less than half of all teachers had completed Class 12 at most: Most contract teachers had done their graduation or more (61%). However there was a substantial proportion (39%) who had completed class 12, but not gone beyond. The permanent teachers were much less qualified than the contract teachers. Only 41% had done their graduation or more. The proportion who had completed class 12 at most was large (59%). Within this group, there was a large proportion who had completed only secondary schooling (31%).

Table 6.6 Educational Qualifications of Teachers Proportion of teachers who had Permanent Contract completed Teachers Teachers All Teachers Class 10 31.0 0.0 11.2 Class 12 28.6 39.2 35.3 Graduate 35.7 51.4 45.7 Post graduate & above 4.8 9.5 7.8 Number of teachers 42 74 116 Source: CORD-NEG School Survey, 2011

Eighty nine percent of all teachers had had some teacher education: A very high proportion of contract teachers (84%) had teacher education qualifications. Permanent teachers nearly all had teacher education qualifications (98%).

Regular teacher education qualifications common among both permanent and contract teachers: A comparatively small proportion of contract teachers (30%) reported that they had received training through distance education. A substantial proportion (46%) reported that they had pre- service training through regular institutions. An even higher proportion (74%) of permanent teachers had had training in such institutions. Hardly any permanent teachers (2%) had received this training through distance education.

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Table 6.7 Extent of Training among Permanent and Contract Teacher (%) Permanent Contract All Proportion of teachers with: Teachers Teachers Teachers Teacher Education Qualification 97.6 83.8 88.8 B.Ed. 7.1 6.8 6.9 JBT/BSTC/Dip.Ed./ETE 73.8 45.9 56.0 Diploma in Primary Education (IGNOU) 2.4 29.7 19.8 Others 14.3 1.4 6.0 Number of teachers 42 74 116 Source: CORD-NEG School Survey, 2011

In-service training given on a number of issues: Details of in-service training were available only for teachers present on the day of the survey. A relatively high proportion (71%) of all teachers reported that they had received some in-service training in 2010-11 (the year prior to the survey). ‘Active Learning/Activity based learning’ was by far the most common with 40 out of 60 teachers having had such training. Four teachers had received training in ‘teaching maths and science’, four for teaching English, four were given ‘Samaveshi training’, and two were given ‘Sankulit training’ for child tracking. One teacher each had got training in teaching handicapped children, in the ‘Buniyadi’ programme, in VEC training, and on the use of TLMs. However there was little evidence of activity-based teaching found in the classrooms.

Relatively low proportions had ever received any training on multi grade teaching (though this was a norm in all schools), or on multilingual teaching (a subject of great importance for children coming from homes where the state language is not spoken), or on drawing and retaining tribal children in school (particularly important when this district has a high proportion of tribal children).

Table 6.8 Number of Teachers in the Surveyed Schools in Sahibganj who have received In-Service Training Permanent Contract All Any In-Service training in 2010-2011 11 (39.3) 50 (86.2) 61 (70.9) Ever Received In-Service Training in: Teaching Tribal Children 2 (7.1) 2 (3.5) 4 (4.7) Multi-grade Teaching 9 (32.1) 8 (13.8) 17 (19.8) Multilingual Teaching 4 (14.3) 4 (6.9) 8 (9.3) Total teachers interviewed 28 58 86 Notes. 1.Figures in parentheses give the proportion of teachers who have received training. Columns 1, 2 and 3 give the figures as a proportion of permanent, contract and all teachers, respectively. 2. Data could only be collected for the teachers who were present in school. Source: CORD-NEG School Survey, 2011

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Comparing teacher profiles in Katihar and Sahibganj: The profiles of permanent and contract teachers are very different between the two districts of Katihar and Sahibganj, reflecting teacher recruitment policies in the two states of Bihar and Jharkhand. Bihar has more recently gone in for large-scale recruitment of contract teachers. These contract teachers are more likely to be female, with relatively low levels of education, and teacher training through distance mode, if at all. Jharkhand also has a high proportion of contract teachers but a lower proportion than in Bihar. These contract teachers are more likely to be male, with higher levels of education than the permanent teachers who had been recruited much earlier. A majority of them also have teacher education qualifications, with more than half of these trained contract teachers having got teacher training through a regular course rather than distance mode. Limitations in the quality of teacher education through distance mode raises some questions about the competence of the teachers recruited in Katihar. This also applies to the smaller proportion of teachers in Jharkhand who have had teacher education through the same provider.

Social background of teachers in Sahibganj

Higher proportions of Hindu teachers than in the population as a whole: In terms of proportions of teachers in the Sahibganj schools who were Hindu, it was as high as 74%. This included 10% “general castes”; 39% OBCs; 7% SCs and 18% STs. This representation of Hindus among the teachers is much higher than the proportion of Hindus in the population as a whole, which is relatively low at 56 %.

Lower proportions of Muslim teachers than in the population as a whole: The proportion of Muslims among the teachers (10%) is much lower than the proportion of Muslims in the population as a whole, which is as high as 31%.

Higher proportions of Christian teachers than in the population as a whole: The proportion of Christian teachers was relatively high (16%). This is much higher than the proportion of Christians in the population as a whole, which is 6%.

Just over half the teachers were from disadvantaged social groups: Putting together the proportion of teachers from disadvantaged groups, we see that 34% were STs, 7% were SCs, and 10% were Muslims – together constituting 51% of the teachers in the surveyed schools. This district does have a high proportion of STs (29%), but the teachers in the surveyed schools have an even higher proportion of STs (34%). It is important to note that there is a “creamy layer” among each of these disadvantaged social groups who are more likely to be in these teaching jobs.

OBC Hindus are the largest group among contract teachers: Among the contract teachers, the proportion of Hindus was 74%. Among the Hindu contract teachers, the largest group was the OBCs (43% of all teachers). Hindu tribal teachers formed a much smaller proportion (19%) of all teachers. The proportion of Muslim contract teachers were 11%. Among the Muslim contract teachers, all were OBCs. The proportion of Christian contract teachers was 15%. Among the Christian contract teachers, all were tribals.

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OBC Hindus are the largest group among permanent teachers: Among the permanent teachers as well, 74% were Hindu (31 in number). Here too the largest group were OBCs (13 in number). A small proportion of permanent teachers -- 7% -- were Muslim (3 in number, of whom 2 were OBCs), and a larger proportion -- 19% -- were Christian (8 in number of whom 7 were tribal).

Contract teachers have comparatively higher proportions of OBC Hindus, of STs who are Hindus, and of Muslims: The recruitment of contract teachers has led to some changes in the profile of teachers. Compared to permanent teachers, contract teachers have a higher proportion of Hindu OBCs, a somewhat higher proportion of Muslim OBCs, and a slightly higher proportion of Hindu STs. Contract teachers have a lower proportion of “general castes”, of dalits, and of STs who are Christians, compared to the regular teacher cadre.

Table 6.9 Social Composition of Permanent and Contract Teachers (%) Permanent Teachers Contract Teacher All Teachers Hindu 31 (73.9) 55 (74.3) 86 (74.1) SC 5 (11.9) 3 (4.1) 8 (6.9) ST 7 (16.7) 14 (18.9) 21 (18.1) OBC 13 (31.0) 32 (43.2) 45 (38.8) Others 6 (14.3) 6 (8.1) 12 (10.3) Muslim 3 (7.2) 8 (10.8) 11 (9.5) ST 0 (0.0) 0 (0.0) 0 (0.0) OBC 2 (4.8) 6 (8.1) 8 (6.9) Others 1 (2.4) 2 (2.7) 3 (2.6) Christian 8 (19.1) 11 (14.9) 19 (16.4) ST 7 (16.7) 11 (14.9) 18 (15.5) Others 1 (2.4) 0 (0.0) 1 (0.9) Number of teachers 42 (100.0) 74 (100.0) 116 (100.0) Source: CORD-NEG School Survey, 2011.

Relatively high proportions of teachers live in the village

Contract teachers were supposed to be selected locally. 128 In Sahibganj, 76% of contract teachers live in the village. A high proportion (83%) come to school walking. Nearly all contract teachers live within 3 kms of the school. The situation is very different for the permanent teachers – only 37% live within 3 kms of the school. Half the permanent teachers live more than 5 kms away, with a substantial proportion (18%) living more than 10 kms away from the school. In a district where road and rail connectivity is poor, this is likely to be a cause for absenteeism from school.

128 The purpose was to reduce high levels of absenteeism among teachers posted to remote areas. 118

Table 6.10 Accessibility of School from Residence Proportion (%) of teachers who Permanent Contract Total Live in the village 28.6 75.9 60.5 Come to school walking 42.9 82.8 69.8

Live at a distance of 1 km or less from school 32.1 86.2 68.6 Live at a distance of 1-3 kms from school (>1, upto 3) 7.1 12.1 10.5 Live at a distance of 3-5 kms from school (>3, upto 5) 10.7 1.7 4.7 Live at a distance of 5-10 kms from school (>5, upto 10) 32.1 0 10.5 Live at a distance of more than 10 kms from school (>10) 17.9 0 5.8 100 (28) 100 (58) 100 (86) Source: CORD-NEG School Survey, 2011

6.5 School Functioning on the Day of the Survey

Head-teachers present in 27 out of 32 schools

On the day of the survey, HTs were present in 27 out of 32 schools in Sahibganj. In 3 schools they were absent, in 2 schools they were away on deputation to other schools. However, these 32 schools include 16 schools in which no Head-teacher had been appointed, and Acting Head- teachers were in place.

In 15 schools, the Head-teachers were busy with paperwork when the team arrived, in 9 schools they were actively teaching (see Table 6.11). In no school did they arrive at the school after the team.

Table 6.11 Activities of the Head Teacher (As Observed by the Investigators on Arrival) No. of schools in which the Head Teacher was engaged in: No. of Schools Percent Administrative/paper work 15 55.6 Active teaching 9 33.3 Prayer 1 3.7 Others (standing around) 2 7.4 Total 27 100.0 Note. Head Teacher was not in school in 3 schools on the day of the survey. This excludes 2 schools in which they were away on deputation. Source: CORD-NEG School Survey, 2011

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Relatively high proportion of teachers were in school

On the day of the survey, 80% of all teachers (74% of permanent teachers and 84% of contract teachers) were present in school. This excludes 3 permanent teachers and 1 contract teacher who were reported to be away on deputation. However, when the team arrived in school, only 57 teachers were present (50.1% of all teachers). Another 33 teachers (29.5% of all teachers) arrived after that, possibly in response to news of the team’s visit.

Figure 6.5: Teacher Absenteeism 35.0 30.0 25.6 25.0 19.6 20.0 16.4 15.0 10.0 5.0 0.0 Permanent Contract Total Source: CORD -NEG School Survey, 2011 -12

Non-teaching duties a relatively less important cause for teachers’ absence from school: We discuss reported reasons for absence below collected for 22 teachers who were not in school on the day of the survey. For 3 teachers, the Head-teacher was unable to say why they were not in school. Seven teachers missing from school were away on duty. Eleven teachers were officially on leave.

Table 6.12 Reasons for Teachers’ Absence from School – Sahibganj Reason for Absence No. of Teachers On leave 11 School related govt. duty 1 Non-school related govt. duty 6 On duty, but not present 1 Unknown reason 3 Total 22 Note. Four teachers were away on deputation to other schools. Source: CORD-NEG School Survey, 2011

Two-thirds of teachers were actively teaching when the team arrived

When the team arrived at the school, 67% of the teachers present in school were teaching; 14% were with children but not teaching; 11% were doing administrative paper work.

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Table 6.13 Teachers’ Activities (As Observed by the Investigators on Arrival) Proportion (%) of teachers engaged in: No. of Teachers Percent Administrative paper work 6 10.5 Active teaching 38 66.7 With children/ not teaching 8 14.0 Prayer 2 3.5 Other activities (chatting standing around) 3 5.3 Total 57 100.0 Note. Data could only be collected for the 57 teachers who were in school when the team arrived. Thirty three of the 90 teachers who were present on the day of the survey came after the team arrived. Source: CORD-NEG School Survey, 2011

Teaching learning activity for class 1 children in close to two-thirds of schools

Some teaching learning activity for class 1 children was going on 63% of schools. In 31% of schools, they were in class but there was no teaching learning activity observed.

Table 6.14 Activities of Class 1 Children (As Observed by the Investigators on Arrival) Class 1 children were engaged in: No. of Schools Percent Rote learning 2 6.3 Listening to teacher 18 56.3 In class no activity 10 31.3 Other activities (roaming around) 2 6.3 Total 32 100.0 Source: CORD-NEG School Survey, 2011

Less than one-third of children enrolled were observed to be present in school

Table 6.15 Comparing Enrolment and Attendance in Sahibganj Average Number observed Number marked present on the Number present on day of Enrolled day of survey previous day survey Primary Schools (20) 114 53 65 48 (42.1) Upper Primary Schools (12) 314 94 98 76 (24.2) All (32) 189 68 77 59 (31.2) Notes: 1. Figures in parentheses in the last column give the percentage of children observed to be present as a proportion of all children enrolled. 2. Figures in parentheses in the first column give the number of schools. Source: CORD-NEG School Survey, 2011.

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Some discrepancy between attendance in the register and observed attendance: There is some difference between the numbers marked present on the day of the survey, and the numbers marked present the previous day. Based on these figures taken from the register, in the 32 schools in Sahibganj, 41% were present on the day before the survey, and 36% were present on the day of the survey. These figures are not as vastly different as was the situation in Katihar, indicating that the data in the register has somewhat greater credibility than in Katihar.

The proportion of children observed present on the day of the survey was as low as 31% of enrolled children. There is some discrepancy with the proportion marked present in the register on the day of the survey.

Looking at disaggregation by gender, here too, there is no marked appearance of gender differentials either in enrolment or in attendance as marked in the register or in attendance observed by the team.

Fig. 6.6 Enrolment and Attendance (Boys and Girls) Enrolled Marked Present - Previous Day Marked Present - Today Observed present 189 200

150 99 90 100 77 68 59 40 50 34 29 37 34 30

0 Total Boys Girls Source: CORD -NEG School Survey, 2011

6.6 Concluding Remarks

The school survey in the 3 Sahibganj blocks indicates that, as in Katihar, more investment is required in physical infrastructure and in provision of teachers. However, there are certain encouraging features in the situation in Sahibganj. Not only are there a high proportion of schools with access to drinking water (78%), access to functional toilets is also relatively high (56%). Cooked midday meals were being served in most schools (88%), in major contrast to the schools in the Katihar blocks. The Student Classroom Ratios (SCR) are 43 in primary schools and 47 in upper primary schools, moderate compared to the situation in the Katihar blocks where the SCR were approximately double (83 in primary schools and 95 in upper primary schools). The maximum SCRs in the Sahibganj schools were 95 in primary schools and 72 in upper primary schools, similar to the average figures for the Katihar schools.

The PTRs in the Sahibganj sample schools were high (44 in the primary schools and 64 in the upper primary schools), very similar to the situation in the Katihar blocks. The most extreme case was a PTR of 69 in a primary school and 165 in an upper primary school. High PTRs indicates that there is a shortage of teachers in Sahibganj too. The major strength of the teacher 122 community in the Sahibganj schools was that 89% had teacher education qualifications (compared to 44% in Katihar). This high level of professional teacher training among the teachers was in spite of the fact that 64% of them were contract teachers.

In terms of school functioning too, the situation in Sahibganj appears to be a bit better than in Katihar. One fifth of teachers were not present in school on the day of the school survey. This is much closer to what has been reported in other surveys, and better than what was found in Katihar. Most of the 32 schools also had Head-teachers present at the time of the survey. Non- teaching duties was reported as a reason for absence from school by a relatively small proportion (6%) of teachers. This situation is different from the situation in Katihar when 22% were reported to be away on non-teaching duties. The proportion of Sahibganj teachers present who were engaged in active teaching when the team arrived was also comparatively high (67%). At this time, the team observed teaching learning activity for Class 1 children in 63% of schools. While this is much better than in the Katihar schools visited, there are still very visible gaps which remain – one-fifth of teachers were not present in school on the day of the survey, one- third of teachers present in school were not teaching, and in 36% of schools, Class 1 children were present but not being taught.

There are other indications that the system is only functional in a very limited way. While four- fifths of teachers were in school on the day of the survey, only 51% were in school when the team arrived; another 30% of teachers came later. Had the team not arrived, this may not have happened. Most damning is the low proportion of children observed to be present in school -- 31% of those enrolled. A lot needs to be done to bring the school system upto functioning to the optimal even with the present level of infrastructure and teacher provision. Children from vulnerable tribal, Muslim and dalit communities in these areas will also require greater attention paid to the particular sociocultural and economic barriers which keep them out of school. These are discussed in some detail in the village studies in the next section.

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Section 7: Village Studies in Jharkhand (Sahibganj Block, Sahibganj District)

The village studies were designed with the purpose of supplementing the findings of the cross- sectional school survey to get a more nuanced picture of schooling in Sahibganj.

Part A: The Study Villages

7.1 Selection of Villages Based on Variations in Accessibility

Three villages were selected in Sahibganj block in Sahibganj district in Jharkhand, bordering Katihar district in Bihar. These three border villages were chosen on the basis of their varied accessibility to the district headquarters, and their varied literacy rates. On this basis, the three villages selected were: Mehergaon (most accessible), Gajrasama, and Manua Tola (least accessible). Heavy rains and flash floods rendered Manua Tola inaccessible on the first day of Table 7.1 Accessibility of Main Village Distance (kms) from Mehergaon Gajrasama Narjampur Pucca Road 0 0 0.5 Block Headquarters (Sahibganj) 18 8 14 District Headquarters (Sahibganj) 18 8 14 Nearest Bus Stop 1 2 14 Market/Haat 1 2 6 Primary Health Centre 0.5 2 14 Govt Primary School 0 0 0 Govt Upper Primary School 0 5 0 Private primary School 1 2 14 Anganwadi 0 0 Not functional Approach to nearest public transport 1 km walk 2 km by jeep, 5 km walk rickshaw, walk Source: CORD-NEG Village Study 2011 field work. Narjampur, also less accessible than Mehergaon and Gajrasama was selected as a replacement to Manua Tola. The team visited each village for 6 days.

Basic public facilities such as the bus-stop, local market, Primary Health Centre and middle school are within a range of a kilometer of Mehergaon. Mehergaon is linked by a concrete road to National Highway 80, which connects it to both Mirza Chowki (a focal point in this block), which is 2 km away, and Sahibganj town, which is 18 km away. The villagers use public transport such as tempo or bus to Mirza Chowki, and can also get a train from Mirza Chowki to reach Sahibganj. Literacy rates are highest in Mehergaon at 61.5 percent (2001 Census).

Gajrasama is just 8 kms from Sahibganj. NH 80 connects Gajrasama to Sahibganj. Gajrasama is connected to both Sahibganj and Rajmahal blocks. The nearest bus-stop, local market and PHC is 2 kms away from the village, and are accessible by hired jeeps or auto-rickshaws. Other facilities such as upper primary, middle and high school are also within this distance. Literacy rates in Gajrasama are 31.5 percent, lower than in Mehergaon.

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Narjampur is 0.5 km from the main road. Narjampur is 14 km from Sahibganj and connected by the Mandro-Sahibganj road. Parts of the road near Narjampur are kutcha but motorable. The main village in Narjampur is connected to the main road by a concrete road built under the Pradhan Mantri Gram Sadak Yojana (PMGSY). Work on this road is still on and is scheduled to be completed at the end of 2011. Narjampur is 5-6 kms away from Mirza Chowki. Public transport facilities to both Mirza Chowki and Sahibganj are unavailable. Villagers have to walk five kms. Literacy rates here are lowest at 20.6% according to the 2001 census.

7.2 Size and Social Composition of the Villages

The number of households in these three villages range from 93 to 760; with Gajrasama having the smallest number and Narjampur the largest number of households.

The main village in Mehergaon consists of three hamlets: the Mandal tola which is dominated by the Kharwars (ST), the Paswan tola which is dominated by the Dusadhs (SC), and the Thakur tola which is dominated by the Brahmins and the Baniyas. There are a total of 130 households within these three hamlets (see Table 7.2). Akita tola is located 1.5 kms south of the main village. There are 12 households in this tola, belonging to Dusadh and Rajput families, bringing the total number of households in the village to 142. Mehergaon has one government upper primary school in the village which has been upgraded from a primary school.

Table 7.2 Tola-Wise Household and School Information Mehergaon Gajrasama Narjampur Households 142 93 760 Household in tola 1 30 93 90 Household in tola 2 50 - 80 Household in tola 3 50 - 80 Household in tola 4 12 - 150 Household in tola 5 - - 70 Household in tola 6 - - 80 Household in tola 7 - - 80 Household in tola 8 - - 70 Household in tola 9 - - 60 Schools Schools in main village 1 Govt. 1 Govt. 1 school – Urdu Upgraded Upgraded Primary Middle School Middle school School Schools in tolas - - 5 schools in 5 out of 8 Tolas. All Govt. Upper Primary Source: CORD-NEG Village Study 2011

Gajrasama is located next to the banks of the Ganga. There are 93 households in the village comprising mainly Gwala (Yadavs) and Turi (SC) communities. Gajrasama has a government primary school, located 0.5 kms away from the bank of the Ganges. The village road is unpaved but connected to the national highway. Small clusters of households are scattered in the village

125 area, especially on the village road and in the vicinity of the one primary school in the village (see Map in the Annexure).

Narjampur has the largest number of households out of the three study villages. There are a total of 760 households distributed across nine tolas (see Table 7.2). There are a fairly large number of households in the tolas at Narjampur; the largest has 150 households comprising mostly Shershahwadis (who are Muslims). These tolas are spread out, the farthest is 7 km from the main village. There is an Urdu Middle School at Narjampur which is the largest school in the area. Five of the nine tolas have their own government primary school providing children in these areas convenient access to primary school.

If one looks at the map of Narjampur (Annexure), the settlements are established on both sides of the concrete village road amidst large tracts of agricultural land. The Urdu Middle School is located at the end of the village road that overlooks agricultural land. This school in a Jharkhand village also has some students from Babupur village falling under Bhagalpur district in the neighbouring state of Bihar. Babupur village is located north-west of Narjampur at a distance of 2 kms along a katcha road connected to the Narjampur village road. During a FGD with students from Babupur who were enrolled in Narjampur, it was found that these students were Muslim. It is possible that this is one reason why they enrol themselves in the Urdu School in Narjampur.

Mehergaon

In Mehergaon, the Mandals (Kharwars) are the dominant community in the village, followed by the Paswans (see Table 7.3). The Mandals hold large areas of land among themselves (approximately seven acres per family) whereas the Paswans are landless. The Nai (barber) community (classified as MBCs Most Backward Classes, a sub-group of the OBCs) also has a large presence in the village. The Scheduled Castes, and the Nais, are the most deprived communities in the village. Angika or Chhe-chha is the main language spoken. The other common languages include Bhojpuri and Hindi, particularly in the Thakur tola.

One can discern from the map of Mehergaon that the settlements are densely close to each other along the village road (see Annexure). The village school is located at the western end of the village adjacent to the village community hall and temple. The proximity to the national highway has immensely benefited the people of Mehergaon in terms of commuting to Sahibganj and beyond.

Gajrasama

The Gwalas (Yadavs), comprising 94 percent of the households in the village are the dominant group in the village. Most of the Yadavs have benefited from education and being able to procure government jobs as school teachers and in the police. The main language spoken in Gajrasama is Angika, followed by Bhojpuri and Hindi.

Table 7.3 Social Groups and Languages Spoken Village Name Mehergaon Gajrasama Narjampur Social Groups OBC, SC, ST, General OBC, SC OBC and SC

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Main Castes Kharwar (Mandal), Gwala (Yadav), Shershahwadi, Dusadh (Paswan), Turi (SC) Chasa, Chamar, Nai/Hajam, Dusad, Chaudhri, Brahmin and Bania Musahar Languages Bhojpuri, Angika Bengali, Hindi, Spoken Angika, Hindi Bhojpuri, Hindi Angika, Bhojpuri Castes in Dusadh (Paswan), N.A. Shershahwadi, Hamlets Nai/Hajam, Chasa, Chamar, Brahmin and Bania Dusadh, Musahar Source: CORD-NEG Village Study 2011

Shershahwadis are the largest community in Narjampur. The Dusadhs are the second largest. The other communities in Narjampur include Chasa, Chamhar, Chaudhari and Musahar. There are two Hindu households at the centre of the main Shershahwadi-dominated village. The villagers in Narjampur speak Bengali among themselves though Hindi is understood and spoken in public places.

7.3 History and Social Dynamics in the Three Villages

Mehergaon

At Mehergaon, a large number of concrete pucca houses have been built under the Indira Awaz Yojana (IAY) and a concrete village road laid under MGNREGS connecting the village to the national highway. The Mandals are the dominant group in the village. The sarpanch belongs to this community. Many Mandal families have fully furnished pucca houses equipped with satellite television sets whereas the Dusadhs (SCs) have one roomed katchha houses with hardly any amenities. Besides, the Mandals and Dusadhs, the Thakurs also have a presence at Mehergaon. They primarily hold government jobs. Households who were landless or had only small plots of land were surviving on agricultural labour and wage labour in the stone quarries nearby. Most of these families owned some goats and cows.

Migration to other districts has enhanced the prosperity of the village. Villagers have migrated to places as far as Gujarat and Delhi, primarily to work as labour. Over the last 10 years, there has been a considerable increase in migration from the village. The high rate of migration has also raised educational aspirations. When the team interviewed adolescent boys between 12-18 years of age, all of them wanted to become engineers or chartered accountants. The attitude found among the adolescents in Mehergaon is a stark difference from Narjampur where adolescent boys wanted to be engaged in the stone-cutting industry as their parents and grand-parents have been.

Gajrasama

In Gajrasama, Yadavs or Gwalas have an overwhelming presence in the village. There is a small group of Turi households, only 4 in number. The sarpanch of Gajrasama is from another village and belongs to the SC community.

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The president of the education committee of the Gajrasama school narrates his arrival in the village, more than 30 years ago. “We used to live at the diara on the other bank of the Ganga. We had bought 20 bighas of land in the present site of the Gajrasama village in 1974. We lost our land on the diara due to river erosion. Thereafter, we settled in Gajrasama. There were very few households at that time. Overtime, the village has grown and has become prosperous.”

Agriculture is an important occupation of the villagers as the banks of the Ganges provides fertile soil for growing crops like maize, and different kinds of fruit and vegetables. Children also help during the harvesting season. Many households had buffaloes. One young boy (who has dropped out of school) reported that each day, with his uncle, he takes the buffaloes to graze, across the Ganga into Bihar. Working in the stone-cutting or mining industries was less prevalent in this village.

Narjampur

Narjampur has been an important settlement since 1945 attracting people to its verdant fields and pleasant climate. Its fertile lands and rich harvests made its inhabitants prosperous. However, with the passing years, the prosperity of the village has declined. Today, most of the villagers come under the BPL category. The Muslims, the largest community in the village, hold the reins of power and administration in the village. The sarpanch of Narjampur is a Muslim but does not belong to this village. Agriculture is the mainstay of the inhabitants. Wheat, maize and onions are the important crops. Children also help during the harvesting season. The villagers however do not appear to favour their women working in the fields. A few families had members who had jobs in the railway. Some had jobs as truck drivers.

Many families owned small plots of land or no land. So they looked to many different activities to make ends meet. Families were working as agricultural labour and in stone quarries, and also had some members migrating to towns and cities. Women and children were involved in bidi- making.

7.4 School participation of 6-14 year olds in selected households

The team selected, through random sampling, names of 20 enrolled primary school students from the school register in each village. These students were in the 6-14 age group. The team surveyed the households of these twenty children. Most of the children in these 20 households were reported to be currently enrolled (see Table 7.4).

Table 7.4 Schooling Status of Children in 6-14 Age Group in Selected Households No. of Children who Mehergaon Gajrasama Narjampur All were: Currently Enrolled 51 50 53 154 Dropouts 3 1 2 6 Never Enrolled 0 0 5 5

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Total No. of Children 54 51 60 165 Source: CORD-NEG Village Study 2011

Dropouts and Never Enrolled

At Mehergaon, all the children had been enrolled at the village school, but 3 children were reported to have dropped out. One girl was forced to drop out by the headmaster, because she was very irregular (see Box).

Gudia: Only Attended School Irregularly

Gudia lives in Mehergaon with her six brothers and one sister. She had studied till Class 5 at the Mehergaon Upgraded Middle School. She used to be irregular and even absent for 2 months continuously at times. She was reported to be uninterested in studying, and often stayed at home to help her mother with household chores. Despite several warnings from the school head-teacher, she continued to be irregular.

The head-teacher decided to remove her name from the school register. Her family requested him to enrol her again but he refused, going by Gudia’s past record.

Gudia reports that she does a lot of household chores including sweeping the house in the . mornings and evenings, lighting the chulha , cutting vegetables, cooking food for the family,

cutting grass and grazing cattle.

In Gajrasama, the team found two households where a child had dropped out of school. Munna is a young boy who from Gajrasama who dropped out from school when he was in class 4. He thinks studying a waste of time and spends the day tending to the cattle and playing by the river. His mother and school teacher had coaxed him to study further but he declined. His mother and uncle used to beat him to go to school. He used to pretend to go to school but he would run away and play in the mango groves.

Of the 20 households in Narjampur, 3 had children who were never enrolled in school. There were also 2 households where there were children who had dropped out of school. Below is the story of a family in which both the boys have dropped out of school.

“Twelve year old Mohammad Alam from Narjmapur recalls how he left school: ‘Once I was not able to answer the teacher’s question, so he beat me very badly. I had no interest in studies…One by one all my friends left the school.’ Mohammad Alam spends 5 hours a day grazing the family’s cows. His brother works with him. His sisters, both enrolled, carry a heavy burden of housework. Ten year old Sanjida is in Class 2 and works for 8 hours a day, while her younger sister in Class 1 works for 3 hours a day. Their mother makes bidis. Their father tries to get work as casual labour.”

7.5 Child Tracking: Exploring Regularity of Children’s Attendance at School

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In the previous section, we spoke of how the team selected through random sampling, names of 20 enrolled primary school students from the school register in each village. The team tracked 10 of these children in each village, for 4 days, to understand whether they attended school regularly, or were highly irregular, or had dropped out altogether.

Mehergaon

As the data reveals, the children in Mehergaon were the most irregular. Five out of ten children were absent the first day, and six out of ten children were absent the second day (see Table 7.5). Only 2 out of 10 children were present on all 4 days (see Table 7.6).

Gajrasama

In Gajrasama, the children appeared to be much more regular. Of the ten children whose attendance was monitored, 6 were present on all 4 days (see Table 7.6), and 2 more were absent on only 1 of the 4 days.

Table 7.5 Exploring Regularity of Children’s Attendance Proportion Number of children absent of children absent on Village On Day 1 On Day 2 On Day 3 On Day 4 average Mehergaon 5 6 3 2 40 Gajrasama 2 1 3 2 20 Narjampur 3 1 2 2 20 Source: CORD-NEG Village Study 2011

Narjampur

The team had immense difficulty in tracking children at Narjampur due to a variety of reasons ranging from non-availability of students in the households to wrong names registered with the school. The names of all the students in the school register were written in Urdu. Unfortunately, none of the team members could read or understand Urdu, and had to depend on the teachers. The team often found there was no child with the same name as they were told was written in the register. For this reason, re-sampling of names had to be conducted a couple of times. The number of children that were found to be absent from school was relatively less (see Table 7.5). As in Gajrasama, 6 out of 10 were present on all 4 days, and 1 more child was absent only on one day (see Table 7.6). From this parameter, it would appear that the Narjampur school is functional. However, that was not the feedback parents gave informally to the team.

The team also discovered that teachers in Narjampur do not take the children’s attendance properly. Instead of marking the attendance of students in the classroom, the teachers fill in the students’ attendance register while in the office.

Table 7.6 Distribution of Children According to Days of Absence Village name Number of Children Present on all 4 Absent for

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days 1 day 2 days 3 days 4 days Mehergaon 2 3 3 1 1 Gajrasama 6 2 1 0 1 Narjampur 6 1 2 1 0 Source: CORD-NEG Village Study, 2011

Child absenteeism is a major problem in the three schools. It was found that across the 4 days, the absentee rate among the tracked children was 40% in Mehergaon, 20% in Gajrasama, and 20% in Narjampur. The high figure for Mehergaon may reflect children being absent on account of the wedding season. The children, particularly from the more disadvantaged Paswan (SC) households and Nai (MBC) households, also reported spending 1-4 hours each day on a range of household chores including grazing animals, which would contribute to their irregular attendance in school. Absenteeism among children at the primary school in Gajrasama was low compared to Mehergaon. This was even though the team visited Gajrasama in late June which is the peak mango plucking season, when some children did not attend school and instead went to help pluck mangoes or guard the groves. Although the figures do not indicate it, the problem of child absenteeism is acute in Narjampur. Children from poor Muslim families were drawn into working alone or with family members on a range of chores including making bidis at home and working at the stone quarries nearby. It was seen that children from the socially disadvantaged groups (SC / ST / MBC / Muslim) were obviously most vulnerable to being drawn into child work which kept them away from attending school regularly. Children from the socially disadvantaged groups were also most vulnerable to being irregular because they were from families where schooling was not a social norm.

Schooling issues are discussed in the next section, and we will see how differently the schools functioned in the three sample villages. Mehergaon had limited teaching activity, Gajrasama had the most functional school, and while Narjampur appeared to be functioning, there were indications otherwise. These factors played a major role in determining the extent to which children were able to access schooling.

7.6 Feedback from Adolescents on Schooling and Work

The team held focus group discussions in the three villages with adolescent girls and boys between the ages 13-17 years. The discussions with boys and girls were held separately. The team spoke to at least 8-10 boys and girls separately in each group. Boys were fewer in number during the discussions as they had either gone to work in the fields or to the quarry to cut stones. On the other hand, many girls, mobilized by the anganwadi workers, were willing to participate in the group discussions.

Young people from all three villages reported that they do different types of household chores and work in the fields but they do not necessarily miss school for such work expecially when in the 6-10 age group. As they get older they may be under greater pressure to miss school and even drop out altogether as they are sent to work in the fields or lend a helping hand in household chores. Both boys and girls are sent to work by their parents. Boys are usually sent to work in the stone quarries or in the fields in the peak harvesting season.

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Stones being loaded into boats on the bank of the Ganga

Girls in Mehergaon

At Mehergaon, the team conducted a focus group discussion with 15 girls between 13-17 years of age. Most of them belonged to the Kharwar (ST) community. Some of the girls had parents who were self employed; others had parents who were mostly engaged in cultivation; others in wage labour; some had currently migrated to Mumbai and Delhi for work. Although only two girls had literate parents, all the girls had been sent to school because their parents know the importance of education. The team found the girls forthcoming both about their aspirations and their perspectives about the schooling system in their village. There were three girls who were completing class 12 and another who was pursuing Bachelors in Commerce. These four girls led the discussion and maintained the flow of the conversation, encouraging the younger girls to speak out.

The girls had good memories of playing with their friends in the playground. Learning was not a priority for them. When they were students of the school, the teachers did not teach well. They were irregular and not confident about the subject matter. They used to hit the girls randomly and often without any reason. The teachers often threw pieces of chalk at the girls which hit them hard during class. The girls hated this. Besides, some teachers used to favour the boys who used to bring baskets of mangoes and other fruit for them as gifts. So the girls used to be ignored in class. The girls felt that now new teachers have come and things have changed for the better at the school. At present, all their siblings are enrolled in the village school.

There were four girls who had dropped out of school among the group, all due to financial constraints. Their parents had wanted them to study but they could no longer afford the school fees after a certain point of time. So the girls had to drop out from school and work at home. 15 year old Asha Kumari had left school after Class 5 as her parents could not afford to support her education. The girls opined that parents often tend to discriminate against their girls and push

132 their boys to study more. Some felt that the midday meal scheme and the provision of a cycle for girls have helped in greater enrolment of girls in schools.

These girls had been engaged in different forms of labour since they were 6 years of age. When they were less than 10 years of age, they were engaged in household work such cooking food for the family, washing clothes, dishes and also working in the field during harvesting seasons. This was unpaid work. As young adolescents, the girls get paid 40 rupees a day for working in the fields. Boys get a bit more than girls in the village for the same work.

As most of the girls in this group were educated, they had high aspirations. While the majority of girls wanted to become teachers and anganwadi supervisors, two of the eldest girls in the group wanted to become bank officers.

Table 7.7a Girls 14-17 year old– Reasons for dropping out in Mehergaon Name Age Dropped out after Reasons: Home factors (years) completing Class … Asha Kumari 15 5 Financial constraints Moni Kumari 14 8 Financial constraints Anju Kumari 13 9 Financial constraints Sanjita Kumari 15 6 Financial constraints Source: CORD-NEG Village Study, 2011

Boys in Mehergaon

The team spoke to eight boys at Mehergaon between the ages of 12-18 years, all belonging to the Kharwar (ST) community. The boys were confident and spoke without hesitation. Unlike in Narjampur, there was no fear and apprehension among these boys while they were conversing with the team. All the boys in the group were studying between Classes 7-12. Although the boys had not all been to residential schools they said that they had heard that teachers in these schools were better trained.

The boys come from families which see education as the gateway to better jobs and higher incomes. One of their mothers is a school teacher and the father has a government job. The boys said that their parents have decent jobs due to education. None of their parents have had to migrate for labour, although a few hold government jobs outside the district. The boys want to study further and make the best of their education. Most of them wanted to become engineers. Mehergaon has produced many engineers in the past, so the boys want to continue that tradition. There was one boy who wanted to become a chartered accountant.

Like the girls, the boys at Mehergaon also did not have good memories of school except for playing in the school playground with their friends. The boys mentioned that the girls were never beaten by the teachers though the boys always were. The boys also said that lack of basic amenities at school added to their unpleasant memories of school. This included their being no access to toilets and clean drinking water, and the absence of a boundary wall. Now things have changed. There is a boundary wall. Toilets and drinking water facilities have been set up within the school premises. Some of the boys at Mehergaon who had attended residential schools

133 mentioned bullying by older boys that developed into negative feelings towards school, though in general they were positive about these schools (see Box).

Private Residential Schools

Children who had attended residential schools said they were happy in these schools and the facilities offered by these schools were better than the village schools. Amit Kumar from Gajrasama had studied at a reputed residential missionary school at Sahibganj. He says the school provides plenty of extra-curricular activities. The children play a lot of sports. Moreover, the children can study and stay at the same place and there is no need to travel.

The boys at Mehergaon also confirmed that residential schools offer better facilities. The teachers are better trained at residential schools. Another girl recalled her experience in St. Joseph’s school where she was enrolled from class 1 to 5. She recalls that the “teachers were good, regular prayers were held, singing and dancing classes were held, and neat and clean uniforms were worn”. However, she was put into the government school after class 5 due to ‘lack of money and the distance of the school’. Her brother however, continues to go to this school.

At Mehergaon, the boys were not employed to do wage labour when they were below 10 years of age. The boys used to run errands for their parents (buy groceries from the shops), look after their aging grandparents when their parents were away for work or take cattle out to graze. They hardly missed school for this kind of work. Even at present, they do similar chores such as bringing whatever is required from the local market, looking after their siblings, and helping in the fields during the harvesting season. They admit that there are some boys in the village who miss school to work in the fields or in hotels outside the village.

The boys complained about poor teaching quality at the village schools being one of the reasons why children drop out. The boys knew cases of other friends who had dropped out from school to earn a living. Most of these boys work at hotels and factories and even as field laborers after dropping out from school. Pawan is one young man who dropped out of school when he was in class 5. At present, he helps with household chores till 9 a.m. in the morning. After that, he works at the stone quarries till 6 p.m. in the evening.

Girls in Gajrasama

All the girls the team spoke to at Gajrasama were from the Yadav community and were 14-15 years old. All of them had studied at the Gajrasama primary school till class 5 after which they are studying at a middle school. Their younger siblings are currently enrolled at the Gajrasama primary school. Their fathers are engaged in cultivation, or in business at the stone quarries. They also have traditional jobs such as working as milkmen and boatmen. The girls mentioned that their parents have encouraged them to study further. They aspire to be teachers, anganwadi supervisors and hold government posts.

The girls at Gajrasama reported that they had very happy memories of the village school. They used to like to attend singing and dancing classes that were held on Saturdays. Besides, both the

134 teachers were nice and allowed them time to play. They had learnt a lot from their school including how to behave with others. The boys at Gajrasama also agreed with the girls stating that they enjoyed playing plenty of sports in the school such as cricket, ludo and chess.

Though none of these girls have dropped out from school, dropping out of school is a common occurrance in the village. The girls have known cases of their friends who were compelled to drop out from school due to parental pressure. Parents who are not educated might not want their children to study beyond a certain age, and would prefer to marry them off at an early age compelling them to leave school. Children also drop out of school if the distance between their home and school is far. The girls felt that government incentives for girls’ schooling do contribute to increasing their enrolment in school.

The Gajrasama girls reported that they had done small jobs like fetching water, sweeping the floor and collecting firewood even when they were very young, but none of them had missed school to do this work. As young adolescents, they have more responsibilities such as cooking food, taking care of their younger siblings in the absence of their parents. They revealed that there are families where children are able to attend school only irregularly as they have to care for their siblings when their parents go out to do wage labour.

Boys in Gajrasama

There were only a few boys in this group, all of whom belonged to the well-to-do Yadav community. Only two of the boys’ fathers had been to school and that too till class 2. All the fathers are employed at the nearby stone quarry, with one of them being the watchman. The boys were currently enrolled in Classes 7-9 and had high aspirations. While one of them desired to graduate in hotel management, another wanted to become an engineer. Two others wanted to join the defence forces.

The boys (and girls) from Gajrasama said that they had a few painful memories about their primary school. The teacher hit them when they were naughty and made them stand on the bench before the whole class. The boys complained that the female teacher often favoured the girls over the boys.

The boys used to graze cattle or engage in some household chores after school hours. The boys still engage in such work, though it is not paid work.

Some of the boys in the focus group discussion stated that the number of dropouts has decreased over the years. Children study till Class 10 and then leave studies for work. Moreover, since upper primary education is easily accessible for children from Gajrasama, children do not drop out because they find it difficult to access the next stage of schooling.

Girls in Narjampur

The girls the team spoke to at Narjampur were from Muslim families that were primarily engaged in cultivation or non-agricultural labour. Some family members were reported to have migrated to Delhi and Gujarat for work. Girls who are still pursuing their studies (currently

135 enrolled in Classes 7 and above) have aspirations to be employed some day with aspirations varying from becoming tailors, to teachers, and to doctors. Three of the girls had dropped out of school, while they were enrolled in middle school. Some of the girls in the group were diffident but the rest shared their views about their schooling experiences and the impact of education in their lives.

From the conversations the team had with the girls, it was evident that the Narjampur school had created a negative image of schooling in their minds. The school came under open criticism from the girls for its lack of accountability among the teaching staff and administration. • The school lacked basic facilities. • The teachers were irregular and “do not teach in the class; instead they talk among themselves in the office”, said the girls. • Physical abuse by teachers is quite common. Five out of nine girls the team spoke to mentioned regular beatings from the teacher. They often hit the children with sticks and yell at them. • Bicycles are supposed to be provided to girls who live far away. When the girls from the village asked for bicycles, the teacher shouted at them and said they would not get bicycles. • The meals provided under the Mid-Day Meal programme were of poor quality and usually consisted of khichdi. These factors have contributed to children dropping out of school as they have lost interest in attending an almost non-functional school. The girls stated that the only good thing about the Narjampur school is that all children come together and play together. Sometimes, they have the mid-day meal together and leave for their homes.

There were three drop-outs (all from upper-primary grades) in the Narjampur girls’ group, two of whom had left school in Class 6 and one in Class 8. They were discouraged by the poor functioning of the school. In addition, their parents are not educated and they do not receive encouragement from them to continue education. Now, these girls spend their time working at home.

At Narjampur, the girl re-affirmed that financial constraints were an obstacle to their continuing education. Some of the girls had interest in pursuing higher education but their parents refused as high schools and colleges were at a distance from their village and expensive. The girls mentioned that the nearest high schools are at a distance of 3 kilometres while the college is located 16 kilometres away at Sahibganj. One has to cross a river on the way to the high school. The girls are compelled to abandon their studies due to lack of transport facilities. Even their brothers, the few who are going to high school, travel with much difficulty. Some of their brothers have gone to Delhi, Mumbai and Gujarat for work.

Rafina had dropped out of school after completing Class 8. Her teacher used to hit her regularly. One day, he hit her for not bringing her text-books. Gradually, she lost interest in her studies and dropped out of school. Today, she is engaged with household work to which she devotes seven hours a day.

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Making bidis at home

At Narjampur, girls had helped in household tasks such as fetching water and helping their mothers to clean the house even below the age of ten. Once they were older, they also began to take care of their siblings and would wash the whole house, clothes etc. At present, they help generate extra income for the household by making bidis.

Table 7.7b. Girls 14-17 – Reasons for dropping out in Narjampur Name Age Dropped out Reasons: Reasons: (years) after complet- Home factors Combination of home ing Class … and school factors Afsana 17 6 Helps parents to Khatun earn by making bidis Sabeera 17 6 Helps parents to Khatun earn by making bidis Nurpun 15 8 Have to travel far for Khatun high school, cross river. Parents not keen to send this far. Source: CORD-NEG Village Study, 2011

Boys from Narjampur school

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The team spoke to 6 adolescent boys at Babupur village, Bhagalpur district who attended, currently or earlier, the Narjampur school. They were unable to meet adolescent boys from Narjampur village itself as they had gone to work in the fields early in the morning to tend their crops. All the boys in the group discussion were Muslims and were between the ages 14-17 years. In contrast to the discussions with girls at Narjampur, the boys were very guarded in their responses, and gave politically correct answers. The family background of these boys indicates that they are from deprived families. The boys were evidently wary that criticizing the functioning of the school could put them into trouble with the head-teacher and other teachers. The team had also heard a rumour from the students which it could not confirm, that the teachers had apparently threatened the girls who had participated in the FGD, of cutting off their names from the school register.

The boys the team spoke to in Babupur were rather evasive about the work that they do. Ehsaan Ansaari who was the most forthcoming among the boys attempted to give a clear picture of the kind of income generating work they do. Most usually miss school to graze cattle, tend crops in the fields, cut stones in the quarries or make bidis. Often, they are paid for the work they do. For instance, they get 50 rupees for working in the fields. The boys were sent for this sort of work even when they were below 10 years of age. When the boys were between 10-14 years of age, they used to do the same work except that the duration of hours devoted to work increased. At times they missed school altogether in order to work in the fields.

At Narjampur, Mohammad Gulzar had left school when he was in class 3 as he lost interest in studying. One day, when he was in class, his teacher beat him very badly as he could not answer his question. He now thinks studying is “very bad.” After him, his friends also left school one by one. Today he spends his day dividing his time between work in the house and work in the fields. His 15 year old brother, Sarfaraz had also dropped out of school after class 5. In the FGD with boys at in the neighbouring village in Bhagalpur, the boys had affirmed that their friends drop out due to lack of financial resources or interest towards studies. They also shared that girls drop out because their parents are keen to get them married quickly.

The boys finally did confirm what the girls had said about the dysfunctional state of the Narjampur school. One boy said that he was scared of examinations as often the teachers used to hit him for not doing well in the examinations. They mentioned that dropping out of school among boys in the village is common. The main reasons for dropping out includes the poor teaching quality in school and the inadequate and poor mid-day meals served. While none of those among this group had dropped out, one was enrolled in class 6 at the age of 14. Most of their fathers have gone to Punjab and Delhi to seek better sources of income. The boys also wanted to go to these states and work to increase their family incomes. Ehsaan who is 14 years old wanted to become a tailor.

Part B: Schooling in the Village

The school in Gajrasama was only from class 1-5. The schools in Mehergaon and Narjampur were upgraded middle schools, with classes from 1 to 8. All the schools are quite old with the most recent being Gajrasama, established in 1976. The Urdu Middle School of Narjampur was

138 set up in 1957 and the Mehergaon Middle School in 1959. The primary school in Gajrasama has only 2 teachers to teach 5 grades. Narjampur’s school has 5 teachers to teach 8 grades. Mehergaon is in the best position with 8 teachers in place to teach 8 grades.

7.7 Enrolment and Attendance during unannounced visit to the school (Day 1)

Enrolment is high in Mehergaon and Narjampur with 210 and 162 children enrolled respectively in primary classes. The primary school in Gajrasama had 67 children.

Table 7.8. Enrolment Disaggregated by Social Groups % SC % ST % Muslim % All others* Mehergaon 32 35 0 33 Gajrasama 0 0 0 100 Narjampur 0 0 100 0 *Includes primarily “general castes” and OBC children. Source: CORD-NEG Village Study, 2011

The Mehergaon school had a relatively mixed social composition – 35% ST, 32% SC and 33% who were primarily “general castes” and OBCs. Gajrasama’s children were all OBC. Narjampur’s children all belonged to the Muslim community. The three schools were markedly different in this sense (see Table 7.8).

While the distribution of boys and girls in Gajrasama was more or less even, (see Table 7.9), it was starkly different in Narjampur with girls constituting little more that half the number of boys enrolled. This village has a majority of Muslim OBC (Shershahwadi) families. Many of them are quite poor and also remain relatively conservative in their approach to girls’ education. (It is interesting that the Shershahwadi families interviewed in Sonpur, Katihar had revealed very different attitudes to girls’ education.) Most girls and women in Narjampur village are involved in bidi making at home. Furthermore, the girls who do continue schooling up to grade 8 in the village, end up dropping out after this, because the high school is far away and parents are not happy to send them travelling long distances.

Attendance was considerably lower than enrolment. On the unannounced visit to the schools, it was found that the proportions of enrolled children marked present were 57% for Mehergaon, and 69% for both Gajrasama and Narjampur. Some enrolled children who live in Bhagalpur in Bihar (discussed in the next section under Double Enrolment) take 45 minutes to walk to school everyday. The distance between home and the Narjampur school, and the fact that they are also enrolled in a school in Bhagalpur, is likely to contribute to their attending the Narjampur school irregularly.

Table 7.9 Enrolment and Attendance at Unannounced Visit to the School (Day 1) Mehergaon Gajrasama Narjampur No. enrolled in primary section 210 67 162 Boys 115 30 101 Girls 95 37 61

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Nos. present on Day 1 (register) 120 46 112 % present on Day 1 (register) 57.1% 68.7% 69.1% Source: CORD-NEG Village Study, 2011

Table 7.10 Class-wise Child Enrolment No. enrolled in: Mehergaon Gajrasama Narjampur Class 1 31 13 34 Class 2 48 13 39 Class 3 57 11 35 Class 4 30 17 30 Class 5 44 13 24 Source: CORD-NEG Village Study, 2011

Double Enrolment

There was no double enrolment reported from Mehergaon. However, 4 households that send their children to Narjampur Upgraded Middle School are from Bhagalpur district in Bihar and have enrolled their children simultaneously in the Babupur Village School in their own State. They claim that this is because they want that when one school is closed their children can go to the other school to study. Ironically, 1-2 of them have not been going to the Narjampur School in Sahibganj for the last 14 days, because the school in Bihar was closed. They assumed the same would be true for Narjampur in Jharkhand.

In Gajrasama, one family has enrolled their son in an unrecognized private school as well as in the village school.

7.8 Teachers: Appointment, Absenteeism, Social Background

Mehergaon

The upgraded middle school of Mehergaon has eight teachers, each of whom is the class teacher for one grade. The enrolment for the entire school was 353, giving a relatively high PTR of 44.

On the first day, 2 out of 8 teachers were absent. Both were permanent male teachers, one being the head teacher. The other teacher remained absent all week as his father had expired. The head teacher came on the third day.

When the team visited unannounced, four out of the six teachers present were found to be actively teaching. The other two were sitting idle in the office. Each teacher was with a group of children which consisted of 2 classes. Classes 1 and 2 were sitting together, then Classes 3 & 4, then Classes 5& 6, and finally Classes 7 & 8. Before the midday meal, Classes 1 and 2 were mostly engaged in reciting mathematical tables. After the meal, the teacher taught them using some TLMs. It appeared to the research team that the children in this school seemed to be active and responsive in class. All the teachers say that they use Angika along with Hindi to teach in classes 1 and 2.

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There are 3 permanent teachers and 5 contract teachers in the village. Interviews were possible only with 2 permanent and 5 contract teachers (as one of the permanent teachers was on leave the whole week). The head-teacher and another permanent teacher were Kharwars (STs), and one permanent teacher was a Yadav (OBC). Of the 5 contract teachers, 2 were OBCs (Bania and Yadav), 1 was an MBC 129 (Hajam), and 2 were Kharwars (one male and one female).

Villagers gave mixed feedback on the teachers. Some specified that only 2 of the 8 teachers were regular: the female teacher and one of the male teachers, both on contract and both from the village. They complained against another contract teacher from the village, who ‘always came late and left early’. This particular teacher had political connections and was evidently unpopular among the students.

The lack of accountability among teachers can be linked to the low level of motivation that some of the teachers expressed about their jobs. Five out of 8 teachers reported that they took up teaching jobs as they had no other alternative. One of them is happy that he is able to teach and also work in his fields, as cultivation work keeps him occupied only for some months. “ghar mein rehkar school mein padha bhi lete hain aur ghar ka kaam, kheti baadi bhi dekh lete hain…bacchon ko padha bhi lete hain aur time bhi pas ho jata hai”. Only two contract teachers, one being the only female teacher in the school, say that they wished to be teachers. One of them did a B.Ed. and was sure he wanted to teach and the female teacher was inspired as her father too had been a teacher.

There were mixed responses about the quality and usefulness of in-service teacher training. All but one teacher said that their in-service training was very useful and they use all that they had learnt there to make children more interested in subjects being taught, and to teach using songs and actions (‘ vishay mein ruchi banana, ganon, khel kood se sikhana’). However, the one female teacher, Bina Kumari, says strongly that the training is of no use. “Although we received training in Active Learning, it has not been of any benefit because we don’t actually receive any training. We have to sit and pass our time in some way or other. On paper, the training is shown to be given. ( Active Learning ka prashikshan mila. Ussey koi phayda nahin hua kyonki prashikshan nahi diya jaata hai. Sirf baithkar time pass kiya jaata hai. Kaagaz mein dikha dete hain, ke prashikshan de diya.) ” It is likely that this represents the true picture as the female teacher seemed to be highly motivated.

Gajrasama

Only two teachers are appointed to this primary school and both of them were present and teaching when the research team arrived unannounced. The female teacher lives in the village while the male teacher, who is also the Head-teacher, cycles 8 km each day, from Sahibganj. While the female teacher was teaching a group of children comprising classes 1, 2 and 3, the head teacher was teaching classes 4 and 5 along with some class 3 students. The head-teacher explained that some Class 3 students who required extra coaching sit with Classes 1 and 2, while the students who have made greater progress sit with Classes 4 and 5. The junior classes were reciting mathematical tables as instructed by the teacher.

129 Some groups in the larger OBC group have been classified as MBCs (Most Backward Classes). 141

Both teachers are from well to do OBC families, and have permanent jobs as teachers. Their sincerity and dedication earned them praise from the villagers in general, and from most households surveyed. The school does not have an office room for the head teacher; so he carries the school register home with him everyday.

The head teacher applied for the job of a government teacher as early as 1988. However, the institute where he had done his teacher training (David Hare Teacher Training, Calcutta) was not recognized and he had to fight a court case on this issue. He finally got the job in 1999. In this interim period he taught at a private school in Sahibganj for a year. He says he has always liked his profession and derives joy from teaching. He is primarily in charge of classes 3, 4 and 5. The female teacher is a graduate and has been teaching here for 15 years. Both her father and brother have been teachers, which set a precedent for her. She is in charge of classes 1 and 2. However when either of the teachers is called for government duty, the other supervises all the 5 grades.

Table 7.11 Details of Teachers Appointed and Present at Unannounced Visit (Day 1) Mehergaon Gajrasama Narjampur No. of teacher present at 6 2 3 unannounced visit No of permanent teachers: Appointed 3 2 2 Present 1 2 1 Away on official duty 0 0 0 On leave 2 0 1 Social background of permanent 2 ST (Kharwar), 1 OBC (Yadav and OBC teachers OBC (Yadav) Verma) (Muslim)

No. of contract teachers: Appointed 5 0 3 Present 5 - 2 Away on official duty 0 - 0 On leave 0 - 1 Social background of contract 2 OBC (Yadav, - 2 OBC teachers Baniya), 1 MBC (Muslim), (Hajam) and 2 ST 1 ST (Kharwar) (Kharwar) Source: CORD-NEG Village Study, 2011

Narjampur

The Urdu Upgraded Middle School has five teachers including the head teacher. Three of them are contract teachers. The first day of the team’s visit was a Thursday, a half day for the school at Narjampur, it being an Urdu medium school. The team had arrived at 9.00 am, half an hour before the official closing time. There were no children inside the school building and the two teachers who were present were leaving. The head teacher had already left the school. She returned after she was called from her home near the school. When questioned about the absence of children, the head-teacher claimed that all the children were present in the earlier part of the

142 day, except that the school had given them permission to leave half an hour earlier. The head- teacher also claimed that the MDM had taken place. But the team did not find any signs of the MDM having taken place. The kitchen area was clean and there were no visible signs of a meal having been cooked.

Three out of 5 teachers appointed were reportedly present on the day of the unannounced visit, although the school does not appear to have functioned. The school observations could hence only be done on the second day, and were not unannounced.

The next day all 5 teachers arrived. One teacher taught classes 1, 2 and 3 together. Class 4 was taught by a second teacher, Classes 5 and 6 by a third, and Classes 7 and 8 by the fourth teacher. Class 1 was taught only up to the midday meal. In this school, the general pattern is to send children enrolled in Classes 1-3 back home after the meal. The teachers were wary of the team’s presence in the school and their nervousness was evident in the classrooms. It appeared that the teachers were putting their best efforts into teaching well. In all the six days the team visited the school, a similar pattern of teaching was observed. Classes 1, 2 and 3 were asked to recite numbers and Hindi alphabets. Teachers were not present in the classrooms all the time; they were either in the office or sitting idle.

The head teacher, who is female, is a resident of the village. Four teachers are OBC Muslims, and the lone Hindu teacher is from the Kharwar community (ST). He also belongs to the village, while the other 3 are from outside. Two out of them live 5 km away, and the third lives 15 km away. Two of the teachers are graduates while three of them are post-graduates. However, only two have received professional teacher training. All the teachers teach all the classes, and who is in charge of which class is unclear. The head teacher is not in charge of any particular class but takes over the duties of any teacher who is absent or unavailable that day.

The children were observed to be uncertain about which grade they belonged to, and would sit in any classroom. Even the teachers did not know the names of most students and could not verify the grade of a student when questioned by the team. This ambiguity among the teachers posed a lot of difficulties in the household survey as the child enrolled in the register was not available at the household.

The head teacher and her husband are part of a well-to-do and influential family in the village. The husband is also the PDS dealer in the village. Villagers say that it is he who makes the key decisions about the school and not the actual head teacher, his wife. Most families surveyed allege that the teachers hardly teach, are very irregular and that the head teacher is corrupt.

One of the contract teachers had wanted to join the medical profession but could not clear the medical entrance examination. So he opted for teaching as a profession. He lives 15 km away in Sahibganj and was absent on the first day of the team’s visit. He was selected as a teacher based on his “qualifications, and recommendations by the VEC, BRCC and HT”, at a village meeting that was held after the vacancy was announced. However, he complains that the village community has not accepted him and does not co-operate with him as he is an outsider and his appointment has prevented local people getting the post. He also finds his salary insufficient for his needs. This is a common concern for two other teachers from the school as well.

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When asked the reasons for choosing teaching as a profession, three of them stated that they wanted to teach to reduce illiteracy in the villages, and share their knowledge with others. One of them was unemployed before getting this job in 2010. Another was unemployed for 8 years and then after much effort got a job in this village. Hence, the present job is indispensable for most of the teachers, with it being the only source of income for their family. For this reason, the teachers claimed that they are satisfied with their jobs except for the fact that their salaries are low and often irregular!

Most teachers paint quite a good picture of the school, while the reports from the villagers and the observations on the first day provide an almost opposite impression. When the team spoke to the villagers on the day of the unannounced visit, they claimed that the school was not open for the day and that the registers maintained by the school are fraudulent. The team suspected as much because the teachers never took the roll-call in the classrooms but rather marked the attendance register in the office. The villagers also confirmed that the midday meal was not prepared that day.

The school authorities, claimed the villagers, were putting up a façade of running the school regularly to impress the team. They spoke of how the school functions on the whims of the head- teacher: classes are not held on time, the teachers arrive late or not at all, and are not regular. Even the daily meal provided under the Mid-Day Meal programme has failed to attract children to school, given the fact that a watery gruel of khichdi made of rice, very little dal/pulses and turmeric powder is prepared daily for the children. The children mentioned that the school very rarely gives them plain rice and vegetables.

The political connections of the head-teacher’s husband have enabled the family to wield a strong influence over the area. Rumours were afloat that the head-teacher’s family had warned certain households in the village to be cautious while answering the research team’s questions.

Teacher Recruitment: Role of VEC, BRC and Head-teacher

In Narjampur and Mehergaon, teacher recruitment was done at village level, with the VEC, BRC and the HT playing a role. Villagers played an active role in encouraging local people to fill up vacancies.

Narjampur

The head teacher, who became a teacher in 1988, recalls that she responded to a newspaper advertisement for the post of government school teachers. She applied and gave an interview to the DEC and DC at Sahibganj and got her job in 3 months.

The permanent Urdu teacher recalls how ‘an educated man’ in the village informed him that an opening has been announced for a teacher in the village and also helped with filling the form.

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A para teacher says that a vacancy was announced by the ‘Sarva Shiksha Pariyojana’. His application went through the gram sabha, and then the B.D.O and the D.C after which he was selected. He was appointed in 2010.

Another contract teacher who was appointed in 2006, explains that when the government decided to recruit para teachers they sent a letter to the CRCC, who forwarded the letter and a deadline to the head teacher. She announced the vacancies in the village and candidates had to submit applications within the given date. These were opened on the decided date in the presence of the VEC, BRCC and Head teacher and a selection was done.

The third contract teacher says that he also responded to a local newspaper’s advertisement, and gave his application to the VEC of the village. He was appointed in 2009. He belongs to the village.

Mehergaon

Bina Kumari recalls how the villagers encouraged and helped her to apply for the job. “ham ST mein sabse zyada padhe likhe the, mein sabse shikshit, gaon ki beti thee, adivasi the… is kaaran gaon walon ne meri madad kee”.

Another contract teacher says that he was teaching in a private school before but when a vacancy came up in the school in the village, the villagers encouraged him to apply.

7.9 Teachers’ feedback on children’s attendance

Student irregularity and non-attendance is a cause for major concern in all the three schools across the project villages. While the teachers place the blame on the students, and their parents for not sending them to school, holding them up for agricultural or household chores, the absence of basic teaching facilities in the schools is largely ignored. While it is true that parents engage their children in income generating activities especially in Narjampur where girls are either absent or drop out from school to make bidis at home, children also lose interest in attending school or studying further (as gathered from the interviews with children) due to poor teaching quality, being beaten by some teachers and irregularity or non-functionality of compulsory government programmes such as MDM, distribution of free uniforms and scholarships. The nature and extent of factors that determine student attendance and dropout rates vary in each village.

Mehergaon

In Mehergaon the teachers say that while enrolment is almost universal, irregularity and dropping out remains an issue. ‘Families who are poor don’t really want to send their children to school. The children attend irregularly because they are asked to take the animals out to graze or work in the fields’. At such time we have to go and again encourage the parents to send the children’, says one teacher. Particularly parents who are illiterate don’t send their children regularly. ‘Even if parents are interested’, says another, ‘when they go to work in the fields or for

145 wage labour, they cannot keep an eye on their children.’ “tab bacche school aane mein aana kaani karte hain”. Another teacher said that some children come to school only around the time the midday meal is served. The complaint from the families however, is that teachers do not keep an eye on the children and so they run off to play among the mango trees. “The teachers sometimes just write something on the board and go away”, said one parent.

The teachers reveal that some of the richer families in the village take recourse to double enrolment so as to give their children a private school education. They are enrolled in both the village school and an unrecognized private school.

Gajrasama

The teachers lament that children are not regular at school, and they have to send other children to call them if they don’t come. This disrupts school routines.

The female teacher says that attitudes in the village towards education are becoming more positive. She recalls that her in-laws too were not keen to let her work, but since her husband could not find a job anywhere, they were forced to allow her to apply. She does not feel language is an issue affecting attendance. While she knows Hindi, Bengali and Bhojpuri, she says that children are exposed to television today and do not have trouble understanding Hindi. The head teacher adds that the classrooms are small and teaching children is sometimes difficult. Some parents also do not send their children regularly.

Narjampur

Some of the teachers argue that parents in the village are not keen on sending their children to school. “Because the children are from rural backgrounds, they pay only little attention to study...we have to even get them to complete their homework (d ehaati bacche hone ke kaaran yahaan ke bacche zyadatar padhai mein bahut kam dhyaan dete hain… unhe homework bhi karaana padta hai )”. Another teacher said that while parents are interested in sending children to school, the children have to do a lot of work -- boys mostly in goat and cattle grazing and girls in bidi making and in housework. Those who come, he said, ‘their main attraction is the midday meal; after the midday meal, 25% leave the school.’

Teachers say they have to go and call children sometimes and they suggest that awareness campaigns be run in the village. However, only one teacher admitted that there are children between the ages 6 and14 who are still not enrolled in school. Drop-out and nominally enrolled children appear to be considerable in Narjampur, but the teachers mostly put the blame on the limited literacy in the village. One of them says that children from classes 1 and 2 find it difficult to follow Hindi, and hence teachers make use of Bengali and Urdu in explaining the contents of the textbooks to them. This was also reported by children from the household interviews.

7.10 School Infrastructure

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None of the schools have electricity. None have playgrounds, although all have boundary walls. See Table 7.12 for details.

Table 7.12 School Infrastructure Mehergaon Gajrasama Narjampur No. of Classrooms 8 3 10 No.of Pakka Rooms 8 3 10 Type of repair reqd. in 2 unusable, 6 0 Minor (in 3 classrooms need minor repair rooms) Boundary wall Yes Yes Yes Ramp availability No Yes No Blackboard Available and functional Yes Yes Yes Drinking Water Available Yes Yes Yes Functional Yes Yes Yes Toilet Available Yes Yes Yes Functional No Yes Yes Separate toilet for girls No Yes Yes Electricity No No No Playground No No No Source: CORD-NEG School Survey, 2011

Mehergaon

Mehergaon has 8 pakka rooms for 8 grades, but 2 of these are unusable (the floors have deep potholes), which leaves 6 rooms for 8 grades. The classrooms do not have desks and chairs. The school has no electricity. A major problem in the school is a non functional toilet. Its septic tank has been out of order since a year. Due to this children do not like to come to school, a few teachers said. A parent also told us that her child returns home when he needs to use the toilet, even in the middle of the school day. Apart from this, the hand-pump supplies clean water but despite being within the boundaries of the school, is freely used by the villagers. A parent in fact said that people sometimes sleep in the school premises at night.

Gajrasama

The school building is brand new and there is no repair required. While there are separate toilets for boys and girls, one is not functional at the moment. Drinking water is not an issue, as the handpump provides good water.

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Clean, new toilets, but only 1 functional

Narjampur

The handpump in the school gives water with high iron content that is unusable for drinking. Teachers say that access to the school is a bit poor, and hence MDM supplies and incentives take time to reach them. At times, they have to borrow rice from the village, until supplies arrive. They also feel that the school needs more teachers and that existing ones could use more training. The lack of a playing space is also a problem. However the building appears to be in gooed condition with 10 classrooms, 3 of which require minor repair. The head teacher explains that they were sent extra funds for infrastructure that were not taken back even though the school had enough classrooms. They have hence built 2 more rooms. There are separate toilets for both boys and girls.

7.11 Incentive Schemes: Textbooks, MDM, Others

Uniforms are not supplied in any of the schools.

Overall 96 percent children have received textbooks for this year, which is a very positive situation. However, textbooks are distributed in scattered installments over 30-40 days. The sets for each class do not match with the number of children enrolled, they are sometimes a bit short and sometimes surplus.

Mehergaon

Teachers here complain that while the Mehergaon school is the CRC (Cluster Resource Centre) as well, the CRC Co-ordinator prefers to operate from Sahibganj, the BRC (Block Resource

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Centre) office. He does not come regularly. They complain that scholarships often reach 4-5 months late and books come in unorganised batches. “Sometimes books for Class 8 come first, and books for Classes 1 and 2 come at the end ( kabhi class 8 th kee kitabein pehle aa jaate hain, aur ant mein class 1 and 2 kee atee hain)”. The head teacher interestingly gave no criticism at all. He said that there are no problems with enrolment, children don’t drop out, textbooks come on time and so on. He says that he teaches in whichever class the teacher is absent and says that he prefers to concentrate on ‘slow learners’. Another teacher mentions that while they are all assigned their classes, they sometimes have to fill in for an absent teacher. At such times, “we teach general knowledge or English’, he said, pointing to the interesting position that these subjects occupy in the minds of teachers.

Gajrasama

While uniforms are not supplied to the school, the teachers have encouraged some children to get blue skirts/shorts and white shirts stitched. According to school records, scholarships have been given to 71 children this year.

Narjampur

Teachers claim that scholarships are given, although according to the Head teacher, the amount is insufficient. However not one of the 20 households surveyed report getting scholarships from the school, which seems to point to some irregularities. The villagers allege rampant misappropriation of funds by the school’s administration. The Head teacher even said that uniforms are given to children, which seemed to be a blatant falsehood. There were also problems with textbooks. “Sometimes class 1 students get Class 4 books and Class 4 students get Class 8 books", said one parent.

In all three villages, hardly anyone reported problems in the distribution of incentives. Mostly children are given the scholarship money directly, or in the case of Gajrasama, parents are called at a stipulated time and handed over the money and made to sign that they have received it. Only 3 of the total 60 households said they encountered problems in getting incentives (one house in Mehergaon, and two in Narjampur).

Midday Meal Scheme in the 3 Villages

Mehergaon

In Mehergaon the meal is quite regular and is served between 9:30 am and 10:00 am. On day 1 the meal was served at 10:00 am though the teachers stopped teaching at 9:30 am. The children played among themselves for half an hour. Two people were involved in the cooking process, and all the teachers were involved in supervising the cooking and serving of the meal. The place where children ate was not cleaned before eating, and children did not wash their hands. Rice, dal and parwal curry was served. The meal was finished by 10:25 am. After this classes were resumed. The place where the food was served was cleaned after the meal.

The researchers observed that some children enrolled in Classes 7 and 8 were not eating the meal. The teacher said that all children usually don’t eat at school. Seventy plates were 149

distributed and not everyone was able to get a plate. However some children had brought their own plates too. Some children brought their younger siblings with them only for the purpose of eating. A few children left after the midday meal on day 1. On day two, 28 children left the school after the midday meal.

The midday meal seems to be quite regular as reported by both teachers and households. However there are complaints from the latter about the quantity and quality of food. 10 year old Nisha complained that “Today we got rice, dal, and bhujiya. The rice is not cleaned, we are given bad rice ( aaj dal, bhaat, bhujiya mila. Chawal chunta bhi nahin hai, ganda bhaat khilata hai )”. 10 year old Priyanka said that once when she complained to the teachers that there was an insect in the food, they simply asked her to remove it and eat the rest of the food. Few children and parents also felt that the amounts given were too little.

Gajrasama

In Gajrasama the MDM starts at 9:35 am every day. This was reported as well as observed on both days. The preparation and serving of the meal is well organized. Some parents complain that only khichdi is given in school but most of the kids in these same households reported getting rice, dal, aloo chokha/ parwal curry in the last 2 days. However, some children did complain that the khitchdi is too thin, or the rice is not clean and has stones and some insects. The Secretary of the SBMS – Saraswati Bahini Mata Samiti is actively involved in making and distributing the meal. All the children sat in an ordered fashion and ate the food. The meal finished at 10:25 am, taking one hour, 20 minutes in total. None of the children left school after the meal (see Box).

On Day 2, when the team made its pre-announced visit to Gajrasama, however, 11 children left after the midday meal (actually 14 left but three more children came and sat in class 1 at the time of the MDM being served). The research team observed that “the children were served large helpings of rice, dal and vegetable and they seemed to be happy eating the food”.

The midday meal at Gajrasama

The school is very well organized. The 2 cooks prepare food for the children and the secretary of the SBMS also helps them in cooking and serving the meal. The food on the second day the team visited was lemon rice, dal and salad (as per menu). Younger children ate first (Classes 1, 2 and 3), followed by classes 4 and 5, who ate after 30 minutes. Children came out of their classrooms in a row, washed their hands with soap, brought their thalis to the kitchen, washed them and sat in a row. The children were made to wash their hands after the meal as well.

The cook then gave them a glass of water each After each batch the area was cleaned. The salad had chana, onion, tomato, beetroot and salt, though most children did not eat the beetroot.

Narjampur

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In Narjampur meanwhile, the midday meal is quite unorganized and according to the students and villagers also quite irregular. It mostly comprises very watery khichdi. Sabita Kumari’s mother said that the food is not good and her daughter does not eat there. Mohammad Shamsul Haq says, “ Khitchdi paani ki tarah hoti hai, bacche khana pasand nahin karte. Roz alag khana banna chahiye ”.

There are accusations of corruption in the making of the building, and in the running of the midday meal scheme. “Proper monitoring is needed. Transfer the head teacher, stop the MDM and teach properly”, said one parent crisply. On the first day of the team’s visit, the recess bell was announced at 9:30 am and the children played here and there until the meal started at 10:25 am. Two people were cooking. The head teacher and the assistant teacher were supervising the process. Some senior children helped in the serving. All the children sat in a classroom, row wise. Many of the children took the food on plates and went to their houses!

Some children from Classes 7 and 8 do not eat in the school. They explain that the food is not made regularly and its quality is not good, which is why they do not eat at school. No cleaning of hands or of the eating space was observed. Rice, and potato-parbal curry was served on this day. The children said that this was done for the researchers’ benefit, the usual practice is to serve khichdi. About half the children left school after the midday meal, including all Class 1 and 2 students.

7.12 School Functioning based on Observations during Pre-announced Visit (Day 2)

Mehergaon

Six out of the eight teachers appointed arrived on day 2. The head teacher was on leave and the other did not come throughout the week. Three teachers arrived between 6:25 am and 6:30 am. One came at 6:50 am, another at 7:00 am and the last at 7:45 am. The teacher who came last is known to always come late and leave early, the villagers complained. The two absent teachers are the only ones who do not belong to the village.

When the team reached at 6:25 am, some children had already arrived. One lady was cleaning the front yard of the school. The first bell for assembly went at 6:35 am. Many more children came by about 6:45 am. Others kept coming till 7:30 am.

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Class in progress at the Upgraded Middle school

Only 53% of enrolled children were present in school on day 2 before the MDM. Only 39% remained after the meal. Teaching wrapped up at 11:30 am and all teachers left at 11:35 am.

Gajrasama

This school was the most functional of all three, as was seen on both day 1 and day 2. The team reached at 6:30 am and found that the female teacher was already there. She lives in the village. The head teacher arrived at 6:30 am. A few minutes later the bell rang. Students of class 2 and 3 started coming to school. The first few had arrived at 6:30 am. The children washed their hands and feet from the handpump and some fetched drinking water from the tubewell in a bucket. Classes 4 and 5 came after 15-20 minutes. At 6:45 am, the teacher conducted assembly. There were 19 children at this time. After assembly and morning prayers, lessons started. The remaining students, mostly class 1, arrived at around 7:25 am. While 72% of enrolled children were present before the midday meal, 55% of enrolled were left after it was over. Teaching activity stopped at 11:25 am and the teachers left by 11:30 am.

Table 7.13 Observations on Attendance and Timings during pre-announced visit (Day 2) Observations Mehergaon Gajrasama Narjampur

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School Opening Official Opening Time 6:30 6:30 6:30 Majority of children arrived 6:45 7:25 6:55 Arrival time of first teacher 6:25 6:20 6:30 (5 minutes early) (10 minutes early) No. of other teachers 5 1 4 No of teachers who arrived in 3 2 (all) 2 time (other 3 came at (others came at 6:50, 7 and 7:45) 7:20, 8 and 8:20) School Closing Teaching activity ended 11:30 11:25 9:30 for class 1, 2** 11:30 for 3,4,5 Departure of last teacher 11:35 11:30 11:30 Offical closing time 11:30 11:30 11:30 Midday Meal Break for Midday meal began 10:00 9:30 10:25 Nos. in school (primary classes) Before Midday Meal 111 48 75 After Midday Meal 83 37* 13 Proportion of enrolled in school Before Midday Meal 52.9 71.6 46.3 After Midday Meal 39.5 55.2 8 Notes. *About 3 children in Gajrasama came into class 1 at the time of the MDM and then stayed on. **The school in Narjampur ends for class 1 and 2 after the MDM. They are all sent home. However many children from Classes 3 and 4 also went away. There were no children from Class 5 in school that day. Source: CORD-NEG, Village Study, 2011

Narjampur

On day 2, one teacher reached the school at 6:30 am, the 2 nd at 6:35 am. The head teacher herself arrived late at 7:20 am, while the other 2 teachers came at 8:00 am and 8:20 am, respectively. 3 children reached at 6:40 am and most others came by 7 am. Before teaching began, assembly was conducted. The students recited a religious hymn. The researchers felt that the whole scenario looked ‘orchestrated’, and villagers report that the school does not open regularly. On Day 2, while 46 percent of enrolled children were in school before the midday meal, only 13 children were left after. This is also because in this school, classes 1 and 2 are sent off home after the midday meal. Class 1 and 2 activities stopped at 9:30 am and for the others at 11:30. All teachers stayed till the end and left at 11:30 am.

7.13 Classroom Observation (Pre-announced Visit – Day 2)

Mehergaon

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2 classes each were sitting together making it 4 groups in total. Teaching happened in all 4 periods – the teacher explained the lesson and did some correcting work, then went to some other classes for a while. Students were copying numbers from the board. Some others were chatting among themselves. In the last period they did some exercises and recitation. The higher grades were involved in similar work at different times.

The teacher used the blackboard only to give exercises and that too only after the midday meal. She did not explain or summarise the lesson. She only addressed some children by their names, often called out to the boy who was the monitor of the class. There was some use of TLM’s observed – the teacher asked children to point out numbers and pictures from charts. The teacher did not move among the children while teaching and maintained eye contact with only some. She sometimes checked to see if she was being understood. However she mostly had an instructional tone that did not encourage questions. While only Hindi was used for teaching, Angika was used by the teacher and the students to talk informally to each other.

In a 20 minute period that was observed, she asked 7 questions which she addressed to some of the children. They all required one word/line answers. The children did not ask any questions. They were asked to recite Hindi and English alphabets as well as tables. Classes 3 and 4 were asked to sing songs and recite poems. There was nothing innovative about the teaching, and they were given excercises for most part of the day. Active teaching happened in classes 1-4 after the MDM. Even so, the kids looked interested in the teaching and actively answered questions and showed an eagerness to take the lead in answering. Overall the children of this village looked bright, which may be linked to the relative prosperity in the village.

The Mehergaon School: a visual

The room for Classes 1 and 2 were medium sized, and had interesting pictures based on popular fables on its walls. There are also charts, pictures of the human body, trees and flowers, numbers and alphabets. The classrooms were quite clean and rooms did not show any major signs of disrepair. The school was built in a picturesque setting against the hills and behind a large field.

Gajrasama

The students were divided in two groups: the lady teacher was teaching classes 1, 2 and 3, and the head teacher was teaching classes 4 and 5. Teaching continued for 5 periods up to 11:25 am (each of 45 minutes duration). The children of Class 1, 2 and 3 were first taught sums. The teacher wrote sums on the blackboard and the children copied it. Later they together repeated a poem after the teacher. After this she spent some time checking their work and then taught them English words. The teacher asked the students to recite the English words after her. In the last period she taught Hindi words and some numbers using flash cards. The children were able to respond better to the teacher as she was using the flash cards to display the alphabets and numbers. She always used the child’s name while addressing them (helped by the small number of students), spoke clearly, maintained eye contact with most of the children, continuously checked to see if she was being understood, and let her tone encourage children to ask questions

154 and engage. The teacher also moved among the children while teaching. Both she and the children used Hindi to communicate in class. The children did not show much sign of apprehension or hesitation. The children were responding to questions asked by the teacher and some of them even asked the teacher to repeat a word form the poem she was reciting as they could not understand it. This indicates the degree of openness the teacher conveyed. Nowhere else were children found asking questions. Even so the methods were mostly based on rote learning.

Classes 4 and 5 were given exercises on the blackboard in the first period and then the teacher checked their work. In the third period they learnt English, then did some exercises given to them and finally recited some numbers in the last period.

The Gajrasama School: a visual

The toilets are outside the main building. So is the kitchen. The children look happy and as if they have learnt something from the teachers. The classes are held in time. The MDM is punctual (between 9:30 – 9:45 am). As far as we could observe, the children were served large helpings of rice, dal and vegetables and they were happy eating it.

Outside the school compound there are small houses (semi-pucca and pucca). There are 2 classrooms, fairly large, which accommodate the children easily. The building was made recently and the doors and walls were freshly painted. The rooms are airy and the windows overlook the Ganges that flows a few yards away.

Narjampur

Classes 1 and 2 were reciting numbers 1 to 20, in period 1. Each student was asked by the teacher to recite. In the next 2 periods there was no teaching activity. In the fourth period, they were reciting alphabets. After the MDM, they were sent off home.

In the second and third periods, Classes 3 and 4 were given dictation. Class 5 to 8 students were copying from the blackboard. In the fourth period, Classes 3 and 4 were reading their textbooks while Class 5 was studying Hindi grammar. In the last period, Classes 3 and 4 again had to do dictation, while Class 5 was left to study on their own. Although 5 teachers were in place, the level of teaching activity was very low.

The teachers asserted their control over the children by giving them strokes with a stick. The teachers did not know the names of the students and in which classes they were. As they were ignorant of the names of the students, they beckoned them by shouting and gesturing at them.

During the observation in class 1 on day 2, the teacher never used children’s names to address them and ordered them around by beckoning them with his finger. He maintained eye contact with very few and was not observed to be using Bengali to explain anything to the students. The children however spoke Bengali among themselves. The teachers tone was authoritarian which discouraged questioning, and no one asked any questions. He sometimes checked to see if he was understood. He also roamed between the children while teaching and used the blackboard to

155 explain the subject matter. He asked only 3 questions in a period of 40 minutes. He addressed this to the whole class and got a reply from the whole class. Two were one word/line answers and 1 was a one word answer. Similarly three questions were asked in the maths class and answered by the whole class. One was to recite the tables and the others for counting numbers. No TLM use was observed in class 1.

The entire structure was of rote learning – children were asked to repeat numbers, tables and alphabets many times. This did not engage the children, and a majority of them were not participating but moving in and out of the classroom. It was clear they lacked knowledge of the subject matter as well.

The girls kept to themselves, chatting in groups in the classroom. There was no playground; the boys were running in and out of the school. No constructive play was observed. The children seemed more interested in returning home than in staying in school.

The team observed that even the children in primary classes had no clue which class they were supposed to be in and would go and sit in any class they pleased. This also points to the fact that little structured learning is happening in the school.

The Narjampur School: a visual

The classroom where Classes 1 and 2 were sitting was large but untidy. Classes 3 and 4 were sitting together outside in the corridor. Classes 7 and 8 were sitting idle with no teacher attending to them, most of the time. Students were sitting on the dusty floor – there were no desk or chairs. Class 5 and 6 had some pictures and charts on the wall. The children did not seem to know the subjects they were studying and were apprehensive to speak out.

7.14 Test of Reading and Mathematical ability/ Number Recognition 130

Reading

All children in the 20 households, in the age group of 6-14 years and enrolled in primary classes were tested. They were asked to read class 1 level text. If they could read that they were to answer 2 questions based on the text. After this they were asked to read Class 2 level text. If they could not read the class 1 level text, they were made to read words and then read single alphabets.

Testing children in Class 2, in Mehergaon 6 out of 9 could not read at all, in Gajrasama, the figure was 3 out of 6, and in Narjampur the figure was 3 out of 9. So the Class 2 children in Mehergaon appear to be worst off in not being able to recognise even a single letter. If we look at the proportions of children enrolled in primary who could not read, we found that it was as high as 52% in Gajrasama, 46% in Mehergaon, and 33% in Narjampur.

130 Administered to all children in 6-14 age group enrolled in primary classes, in the 20 surveyed households, randomly selected based on the children’s attendance register in school. 156

If we look at proportions of students enrolled in Classes 4 and 5 who could read a Class 2 text, we find that in Gajrasama, it was 6 out of 15 who could do so, while in Mehergaon it was 3 out of 13 who could do so, and in Narjampur it was 2 out of 12 who could do so. Gajrasama seems to be best off in this case, the other two villages show somewhat similar results.

The school in Gajrasama was reported to be functioning well, while the school in Mehergaon was functioning to some extent. One would also have to consider the role of private tuitions, and the enrolment in madarsas for Muslim children in understanding factors which contribute to children’s learning to read.

Table 7.14 Reading Test Results; Classwise Mehergaon Households Class No. of Could not Read Read Read Read Children read at all Single Two letter Class 1 Class 2 Tested letter word text text Class 1 7 4 3 0 0 0 Class 2 9 6 3 0 0 0 Class 3 10 3 6 1 0 0 Class 4 6 2 2 0 0 2 Class 5 7 3 2 0 1 1 Total 39 18 16 1 1 3 Gajrasama Households Class No. of Could not Two letter Class 1 Class 2 Children read at all Single word text text Tested letter Class 1 8 8 0 0 0 0 Class 2 6 3 3 0 0 0 Class 3 5 2 2 0 0 1 Class 4 10 5 1 0 0 4 Class 5 5 0 3 0 0 2 Total 34 18 9 0 0 7 Narjampur Households Class No. of Could not Two letter Class 1 Class 2 Children read at all Single word text text Tested letter Class 1 9 6 3 0 0 0 Class 2 9 3 6 0 0 0 Class 3 12 3 7 2 0 0 Class 4 9 1 5 1 0 2 Class 5 3 1 2 0 0 0 Total 42 14 23 3 0 2 Source: CORD-NEG, Village Study, 2011

However, when when looks at the test results gender-wise, some interesting figures emerge, especially in Gajrasama. Here, out of the 34, children tested, 18 were boys and 16 were girls. Of these, 13 boys could not read at all, while there were only 5 such girls. Meanwhile, 5 girls could 157 read class 2 level text and only 2 boys could do the same. It is not clear why there are such marked differences between the learning of boys and girls in Gajrasama.131 In Mehergaon and in Narjampur, there are small differences between the learning levels of the boys and girls.

Table 7.15 Reading Test Results; Gender-wise Class No. of Could not Read Read Read Read Children read at all single two letter Class 1 Class 2 Tested letter word text text Mehergaon Boys 19 8 8 1 1 1 Girls 20 10 8 0 0 2 Gajrasama Boys 18 13 3 0 0 2 Girls 16 5 6 0 0 5 Narjampur Boys 22 8 12 2 0 0 Girls 20 6 11 1 0 2 Source: CORD-NEG, Village Study, 2011

Numeracy

In numeracy, children in all 3 villages did very poorly. Looking at numbers of Class 2 children who could not recognise a single digit – the figures are 4 out of 9 in Mehergaon, 4 out of 6 in Gajrasama, and 3 out of 9 in Narjampur. The class 2 children in Gajrasama seem worst off.

Looking at numbers of Class 4 and 5 children who could do subtraction and division, we find that this was true for only a small minority of children in all 3 villages: 4 out of 13 children in Mehergaon, 5 out of 15 children in Gajrasama, and 2 out of 12 children in Narjampur.

Table 7.16 Numeracy Test Results; Classwise Mehergaon Households Class No. of Unable to Recognise Recognise Do Do Children recognize single digit double digit subtraction division Tested numbers number number Class 1 7 4 2 1 0 0 Class 2 9 4 3 2 0 0 Class 3 10 1 5 2 1 1 Class 4 6 0 5 0 0 1 Class 5 7 0 4 0 1 2 Total 39 9 19 5 2 4 Gajrasama Households Class No. of Unable to Recognise Recognise Do Do division Children recognize single double subtraction

131 It is possible that boys from better off families are being sent to private schools while their sisters are being sent to the local village school. 158

Tested numbers digit digit number number Class 1 8 6 0 2 0 0 Class 2 6 4 2 0 0 0 Class 3 5 0 4 1 0 0 Class 4 10 0 2 3 4 1 Class 5 5 0 3 2 0 0 Total 34 10 11 8 4 1 Narjampur Households Class No. of Unable to Recognise Recognise Do Do division Children recognize single double subtraction Tested numbers digit digit number number Class 1 9 6 3 0 0 0 Class 2 9 3 5 1 0 0 Class 3 12 1 11 0 0 0 Class 4 9 0 2 5 2 0 Class 5 3 0 3 0 0 0 Total 42 10 24 6 2 0 Source: CORD-NEG, Village Study, 2011

Results for boys and girls indicate that there is little difference in number recognition between boys and girls (see Table 7.17)

Table 7.17 Numeracy Test Results; Gender-wise Class No. of Unable to Recognise Recognise Do Do division Children recognize single digit double digit subtracti Tested numbers number number on Mehergaon Boys 19 4 8 5 1 1 Girls 20 5 11 0 1 3 Gajrasama Boys 18 6 5 4 3 0 Girls 16 4 6 4 1 1 Narjampur Boys 22 5 14 2 1 0 Girls 20 5 10 4 1 0 Source: CORD-NEG, Village Study, 2011

Part C. Some Comparisons

The village studies were conducted in 3 villages (Mehergaon, Gajrasama and Narjampur) in Sahibganj block, selected so as to have variations in levels of accessibility and literacy rates. Enrolment across the 3 villages was reported to be high based on a survey of randomly selected households. In the 60 selected houses from the 3 villages, it was found that out of 165 children

159

(6-14 years), 154 were currently enrolled (93%), 6 were dropouts (4%), and 5 were never enrolled (3%). The proportion of 6-14 year olds out of school was reported to be as low as 7%. We compare the 3 villages below.

Mehergaon: Mehergaon is a relatively accessible village on a pakka road. Migration has brought with it prosperity and educational aspirations. The village is ST dominated (Mandal / Kharwar); and also has SC families (Dusadh, Paswan, Nai); and some “general castes” (Brahmans) and OBCs. The OBC group in this village includes the Banias and the Hajams – the latter are classified as MBCs. Bhojpuri, Angika and Hindi is spoken in the village.

Mehergaon Upper Primary School has 353 children enrolled in Classes 1-8. Numbers enrolled in the primary grades are 210. The school has a mixed social composition. Thirty five percent of children are from ST groups, 32% are SC, and 33% are from “general castes” and OBCs. It is children from the dalit households who are the most marginalised among the enrolled children. The school has 3 permanent teachers (2 ST, 1 OBC) and 5 contract teachers (2 ST, 3 OBC): altogether 4 teachers who were from the comparatively well-off Kharwar (ST) community and 4 who belong to the Hindu OBC community – 3 from the Yadavs (upper OBCs) and 1 from the Hajam (MBC) community. The social distance between the teachers and children is greatest for the dalit children in this village.

Infrastructure is inadequate. The school has 6 pakka and usable classrooms for the 353 strong enrolment, which gives it a high SCR of 59. It has drinking water facilities but unfortunately the hand-pump is also used by the village community. Toilet facilities are available but not functional, and this is reported to be affecting school attendance. The PTR is comparatively high at 44.

The school is functional. Teaching activity was observed on the day of the unannounced visit. The cooked midday meal was observed. However, there are indications that there are considerable problems with the quality of functioning, in terms of teachers’ hours in school. The head-teacher was absent on the first 2 days of the team’s visit. Another permanent teacher was absent throughout. Some villagers reported that the 3 permanent teachers are all irregular, and only 2 of the 5 contract teachers work well. One contract teacher was reported to be particularly negligent about being in school and teaching, protected by his political connections.

Attendance based on the register on the day of the unannounced visit was relatively low (57%). Proportions of enrolled children observed to be present on the day of the pre-announced visit was also low (53%). There are some reports of double enrolment in government and private schools.

Ten children from the register were tracked on 4 days when the team visited the school to check the regularity of their attendance. It was found that across the 4 days, the absentee rate among the tracked children was 40% in Mehergaon. The high figure may reflect children being absent on account of the wedding season, but also the limited teaching activity in school. The children also reported being engaged in a range of household chores including grazing animals, which would contribute to their irregular attendance in school. Most of them spend 1 to 4 hours everyday on such activities. In the course of discussions with adolescents (primarily from ST families) who had once studied in this school, it was mentioned that the kind of work they did as children did

160 not necessarily lead to them missing school. However, this would not be true for the dalit children in the village, and for other children from families which were financially badly-off.

Tests were administered to all children in the sample households enrolled in Classes 1-5. We discuss here the results only for the 13 children from these households who were enrolled in Classes 4 and 5. It was found that 5 out of these 13 children could not read at all. Four children could read single letters, 1 child could read the Class 1 level text, and three could read the Class 2 text, indicating that very limited learning has taken place in terms of capacity to read. All 13 could recognise numbers. However, 9 out of 13 could recognise only single digit numbers. The low levels of learning possibly reflects the limited attention the children get in school as well as their socioeconomic backgrounds (children who are first-generation learners; children for whom going to school may not be a social norm).

Adolescent boys and girls were asked about their experiences in this school. Both said that teaching learning activities were very limited when they were in school. They also complained about being hit by the teachers.

Gajrasama: Gajrasama is also an accessible village, though less accessible than Mehergaon. It is on a pakka road, on the banks of the Ganges river. It is OBC (Yadav) dominated and has a few SC (Turi) families. Angika is the main language spoken; followed by Bhojpuri and then Hindi.

Gajrasama Primary School has just 67 children enrolled, all of whom are from the Hindu OBCs, a relatively advantaged group in rural areas. No SC child was on the school’s rolls. The school has 2 permanent teachers, both belonging to the Hindu OBC community, as did the children. The PTR was a reasonable 34. The female teacher lives in the village, the male teacher comes from Sahibganj town. Both are regular and praised by the villagers. The school was functioning on the day the team visited unannounced. Attendance based on the register on the day of the unannounced visit was relatively high (69%). The proportion of enrolled children observed to be present on the day of the pre-announced visit was also relatively high (72%).

Ten children were tracked on 4 days when the team visited the school to check the regularity of their attendance. It was found that across the 4 days, the absentee rate among the tracked children was 20% in Gajrasama. The low absenteeism figure for the Gajrasama school was in keeping with its functioning reasonably well. Six out of ten children tracked were present on all 4 days.

Tests were administered to all children in the sample households enrolled in Classes 1-5. We present results for the 15 children in these OBC households who were enrolled in classes 4 and 5. The results are discouraging in that 5 out of 15 children could not read at all. Another 4 children could read one letter at most. However, there were 6 out of 15 children in Gajrasama who could read a Class 2 text. Numeracy results were a little better. All 15 children could recognise numbers – of them 5 could recognise single digits at most, 5 could recognise double digits, and 5 could do subtraction.

Adolescent children (all OBCs) in Gajrasama had positive memories of singing and dancing classes on Saturdays, and sports activities such as cricket and chess in their primary school. They

161 reported that they attended school regularly, although they all did a lot of household chores from a young age.

Narjampur: Narjampur is the least accessible of the 3 villages selected. It is a large village with 9 tolas. The village is Muslim (Shershahwadi) dominated. There are also a number of SC (Dusadhs) families. Bengali is spoken mainly; Angika, Bhojpuri, and Hindi are also used. Though the village was once prosperous, there is now a lot of pressure on children to work, and absenteeism in school is high. Children are more involved in housework and other income- related activities (girls in bidi-making, with their mothers; boys in stone-cutting).

Narjampur Urdu Middle School has 247 children enrolled in grades 1-8, 132 all Muslim. The SC children in the village clearly go to to another school. The school has 2 permanent teachers, both Muslim, and 3 contract teachers (1 ST, 2 Muslim), altogether 4 Muslim teachers and 1 Kharwar teacher. The number enrolled in grades 1-5 is 162 with a pattern of declining enrolment between Classes 1 and 5. Girls are only 38% of those enrolled at primary level. Taking grades 1-8 together, the school has a high PTR of 49. The SCR is reasonable – there are are 10 pakka classrooms for the 247 children enrolled in grades 1-8. There is functional access to drinking water and toilet facilities including a separate toilet for girls.

While the register showed that 69% of children were present on the day the team visited unannounced, the team found no children in school when they arrived at 9 a.m. Two contract teachers were present and the head-teacher came when called. Villagers report that the school barely functions (teachers come irregularly, do not teach, and the midday meal is irregular and of poor quality), and contrary to the head-teacher’s claims had not opened at all on the day of the team’s unannounced visit. On the day of the pre-announced visit, 46% of enrolled children were observed to be in school before the midday meal. All 5 teachers were present and there was teaching activity for all 8 grades in the school, although the children were primarily asked to repeat alphabets and numbers, and remained quite disengaged from the process. The team found that the children had no idea which class they were enrolled in, and the teachers also appeared to be unclear. The teachers were also quite freely hitting children with a stick.

The head-teacher’s husband is politically powerful, and is able to protect her and other teachers from any potential complaints. The sole tribal teacher also belongs to the village. One of the contract teachers, a Muslim, who lives 15 kms away says the village community in Narjampur does not accept him because they feel a local person should have got the post.

Ten children were tracked on 4 days when the team visited the school to check the regularity of their attendance. It was found that across the 4 days, the absentee rate among the tracked children was only 20% in Narjampur. The low absenteeism figure is not in keeping with what villagers expressed about the functioning of the school or what was observed by the team with regard to either teaching activity or the midday meal scheme. The picture has certainly been clouded by the fact that names randomly selected from the register were in Urdu and that the team depended on the teacher to read it to them; the team was unable to find the child (and their household) whose names had been selected, and had to re-sample a number of times.

132 Some families from across the border in Bhagalpur district had enrolled their children both in government schools in their own state and in this Jharkhand school. 162

Tests were administered to all children in the sample households enrolled in Classes 1-5. The results were dismal, and similar to the other villages. It was found that while 10 out of 12 children enrolled in Classes 4 and 5 in Narjampur could read, 7 could recognise single letters at most. One child could recognise two-letter words and only two could read the Class 2 text. Number recognition was slightly better. All could recognise numbers, but 5 of the 12 could recognise single digits at most; another 5 could recognise double digits at most; only 2 could do subtraction.

Some of the enrolled children in the 6-14 age group seemed to have a limited connect with schooling – they did not attend because their elder siblings were not going or because they did not feel like going. Many of the girls in this age group were doing 3 or more hours of household work – cooking, cleaning, sibling care, collecting fuel, bringing water. Adolescents reported that they were engaged in income-earning activities from a young age, in addition to household chores. Adolescent girls reported that such work was a reason for their dropping out of school. The boys reported that they dropped out to earn but also because of poor quality teaching and the inadequate and poor quality midday meal. Both girls and boys complained bitterly about the quality of the school – the poor facilities, the negligence and violence of the teachers, the irregular and poor quality of the cooked midday meal scheme. The girls also complained about the difficulties of being able to access the bicycles given by the government as incentives to encourage girls’ education.

Discussion

Our hypothesis was that schools in more accessible villages are likely to be more functional. This was true for Gajrasama, but to a lesser extent for Mehergaon. What factors worked in Gajrasama’s favour seems to be a prosperous and homogeneous (all Yadavs) parent community, and a relatively small school. While the school had only 2 teachers appointed, both are permanent; one even lives within the village. Both enjoy a high level of respect from parents and children for their regularity and conscientious work. The two teachers also belong to the more advantaged OBC group, the same broad social group all the parents and children belong to. This school did not have any children from any socially disadvantaged groups.

What factors worked against school functioning in Mehergaon appear to be the high enrolment, the high PTR, and the irregularity of some teachers. The school also had a very mixed social composition with a high proportion of dalit children (32%), and some children belonging to the Hajam (MBC) community. It is possible that the social distance between the permanent teachers and the SC / MBC parent community makes it easier for the teachers to be less unaccountable. What was disturbing was the low attendance of children even on the day of the team’s pre- announced visit.

In the least accessible school in Narjampur, there appeared to be a weakness in supply and demand. The school was highly dysfunctional – the children, all Muslim, did not appear to know which class they were enrolled in. This school had the highest PTR – 49. It also had only a low proportion of children present, even when the team was expected. On the day before, when the team arrived unannounced, no children were present. Although the head-teacher claimed that the

163 school had closed early, villagers reported that the school had not opened that day. The head- teacher, a Muslim, belongs to the village, and is protected by her political connections. Her lack of accountability is a matter of concern.

Adolescents in the village had very negative memories of being beaten a lot and taught very little in the school. Schooling was also weak in this village because of demand factors. Compared to other villages, the parents seemed less motivated about sending their children to school, and are struggling to eke out a living, with the help of their children. Adolescents indicated that they carried a heavy load of work right through their school-going years.

Summing up, the village studies in Sahibganj block gave us an insight into a highly functional school in Gajrasama where relations between the parents and teachers were very cordial. This school is interesting because no children from socially disadvantaged groups are enrolled though there are some dalit families in the village. In Mehergaon, we get an insight into a village and a school with a highly mixed social composition. The school functions to a limited extent. Children from the Santhali, Paswan and Muslim families are most vulnerable to suffer on account of the poor quality schooling in the context of their belonging to families who need their support with household chores and other work, and also are unlikely to be able to make up for the deficiencies in school quality by teaching the children themselves. In Narjampur, the school is functioning so poorly that the children hardly knew which class they were enrolled in. Although the majority of the teachers and the entire parent community are Muslim, the teachers are in a situation where they are able to get away with great negligence.

The segregation of social groups in the schools of Gajrasama (all OBC) and Narjampur (all Muslim) is of some concern. Schools are meant to be sites of social integration. The limited learning in all 3 villages is also a matter of concern.

As in the villages studied in Katihar, we see that there are children from marginalised groups who are badly affected by the weaknesses in school functioning. In Mehergaon, it is the children from the Santhali, Paswan and Muslim families who are more likely to attend irregularly, and drop out altogether, while in the Urdu school in Narjampur, children from the Muslim community are the only children who are enrolled, and impacted by the dysfunctional school in Narjampur. As discussed in some detail, when discussing children of marginalised groups in Katihar, these children from marginalised groups in Sahibganj are already so vulnerable to being excluded from the school system because of their own socioeconomic backgrounds, which includes the language issues for Santhali and Bengali Muslim children, the stigma attached to belonging to a community on the fringe (Santhali / Paswan / Shershahwadi), and the economic pressures to work. Teachers need training to be helped to reach out to them, apart from carrying out their general duties in a responsible and accountable manner.

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Annexure: Village Maps, Sahibganj Block

Village Map - Mehergaon

165

Village Map – Gajrasama

166

Village Map – Narjampur

167

Section 8. Overview and Concluding Discussion

Secondary data indicates that the States of Bihar and Jharkhand are both among the worst off in India in terms of development, with Jharkhand having experienced a slightly higher rate of growth in the last decade mainly on account of its being able to exploit its mineral wealth. Bihar is experiencing more political stability and progress in some areas, in particular, an improvement in infrastructure and a drop in crime. The current government has also successfully projected itself as a development-oriented government, and one which is against corruption. It appears to have made some inroads into the vote-banks of disadvantaged groups such as the dalits as well as the minorities; the latter are proportionately high in Bihar. In both States, the upper OBCs (the Yadavs, the Kurmis) are politically powerful. While Jharkhand came into being on the basis of tribal aspirations to have a separate State, political analysts report that increasingly it is the non- tribal OBCs who appear to be gaining political ground. 133

Huge challenges in education sector in both States

Low per capita expenditure on education

Secondary data indicates that there are huge challenges in the education sector in both States. The per capita expenditure on education is relatively low in both States – in 2006-07, this was Rs 604 in Bihar and Rs 932 in Jharkhand, compared to Rs 2118 in the better-performing state of Himachal Pradesh. 134 Bihar has a history of underutilising central assistance on account of the severe resource crunch that it faces internally. 135

Access increased

Access to primary and upper primary schooling has been increased in both States. In Bihar, a large number of New Primary Schools 136 were opened and subsequently upgraded to regular primary schools. A number of primary schools have been upgraded to upper primary schools. Similarly for Jharkhand, there has been an enormous increase in the number of primary and upper primary schools that have become available in rural areas. With rapid expansion of the system, in spite of investments from the Centre and the States in infrastructure and recruitment of teachers, the shortage of classrooms (SCR of 92 in Bihar and 80 in Jharkhand in 2005-06) and and trained teachers is still enormous in both States. Drinking water facilities and toilets are also still inadequate. Jharkhand has a substantial proportion of schools without buildings.

Recruitment of low-cost teachers

133 See Robin (2008). 134 Data on Budgeted Expenditure (Revenue Account) on Education 2006-07. Source: Select Educational Statistics, 2007-08. 135 GDP in Bihar has been much lower than in other States. The State Government has had difficulty putting out its share of education expenditure. 136 These schools were set up to improve access to children living in more remote hamlets. They had minimal infrastructure, facilities and only low-cost teachers. 168

Both States have also followed a policy of recruiting low-paid teachers; in Bihar this has been through the panchayat, in Jharkhand through the VEC. Both States appear to be taking advantage of the high level of unemployment in the State. Although the jobs are low-paid, it is reported that both money and connections are being used to influence selection. 137 It is unlikely that the candidates want the job because they have the motivation to teach children. Even more challenging is the task of teaching children who are first-generation learners from disadvantaged social groups. In matters concerning gaps in school functioning, the new recruits may also feel more answerable to those who recruited them (the sarpanch and other panchayat members and the head-teacher) than to the more remote authorities in the Education Department. These are important issues to raise as it has been assumed that recruiting teachers locally is a good policy as they are more likely to be present (since they are based locally) and better acquainted with local conditions (including better acquainted with local dialects).

Overage enrolment at primary; less than universal enrolment at upper primary

Although the numbers of schools have increased, and enrolment rates have been rising steadily, the GERs 138 close to 150 at primary level in 2010-11 in both States indicate high overage and/or underage enrolment. GERs at upper primary level in the same year are very low in Bihar (60), but slightly higher in Jharkhand (84). A grim picture is also presented by NFHS-3 which gives school attendance figures of 62% for Bihar and 72% for Jharkhand (6-14 age group) for 2005-06, indicating that the two States were still far from universal enrolment, let alone age-appropriate enrolment.

Challenges quite acute in Katihar and Sahibganj

The two districts were carefully chosen for study because they share an inter-State border. It is interesting that this is relatively recent (post 2000 when Jharkhand was given Statehood). Prior to this they were also border districts, both sharing borders with the densely populated State of West Bengal. Katihar and Sahibganj are also relatively close to both Nepal and Bangladesh. Both districts are densely populated, with Katihar having a higher population density (782 compared to 579, in 2001).

The objective of the study was to study the schooling experience of children in inter-state border areas, on both sides of the border. One hypothesis of the study was that the access and quality of children’s schooling experience would be negatively impacted by their being based in border districts, far from the centres of power in the State capitals. Both Katihar and Jharkhand are relatively far from the State capitals (Katihar is 305 km from Patna and Sahibganj is 416 km from Ranchi). However, the two districts vary considerably in terms of their connectivity with the State capitals, and with other areas. Connectivity between Katihar and Patna is relatively good, as also between Katihar and other metros such as Kolkata and Delhi. Katihar town is an important railway junction. However, Sahibganj and Ranchi are less well connected,139 as also

137 Based on conversations in the field. 138 GER (Gross Enrolment Rate) is the ratio of number of children enrolled in a specified grade or grades to the number of children in the age group which corresponds to the specified grade or grades. GER at primary level is the ratio of number of children enrolled in Classes 1-5 to the number of children in the 6-10 year age group. 139 The Rajdhani comes to Katihar. No fast train comes to Sahibganj. 169

Sahibganj and other States. 140 Connectivity within Katihar is reported to have recently improved on account of better roads and a crackdown on crime which has made travel safer. Connectivity within Sahibganj district is still extremely poor. There is a limited rail and road network, with roads being of very poor quality.

The degree of connectivity is likely to affect the interaction of education authorities in Patna and Ranchi with their counterparts in Katihar and Sahibganj districts, respectively. Within the district, connectivity will impact the interaction of district and block level education authorities, and of block level authorities and head-teachers. One example of a system likely to be affected by limited connectivity is the fund flow which is reported to be quite slow. As explained by an education official in Katihar, funds have to come from the State to the District, which are then passed to the Block level, and from there they distribute funds to the Head-teacher. The Head- teacher has to send a receipt back via the same chain. Once this cycle is completed, the State releases the next set of payments. This entire procedure might take upto 3 months.

Literacy in the two districts is very low (54% in both Katihar and Sahibganj, Census 2011), far below the State averages (64% in Bihar and 68% in Jharkhand in 2011), and even further below the national average (74% in 2011), an indication of the level of educational deprivation in these districts. Both districts have a high proportion of disadvantaged communities. Katihar has a high proportion of Muslims (43%), and small proportions of SCs (9%) and STs (6%). Sahibganj has a high proportion of Muslims (31%), though less than in Katihar. It also has a large tribal population (29%) and a small dalit population (6%).

Secondary data indicates that both in Sahibganj and Katihar, access even to primary schooling is not available in close to all villages. In 2001, the proportion of villages with primary schools in Sahibganj was as low as 46%. The situation in Katihar was also poor, but better than in Sahibganj. Sixty one percent of villages had access to primary schools. The situation was much worse for availability of upper primary schools. Access to both primary and upper primary schools has improved greatly in the previous decade, though exact figures are not available from Census 2011 yet.141

In the light of the density of population and the very limited access to schools that there was in 2001, both Sahibganj and Katihar are likely to continue to need more investment to be able to provide universal access to primary and upper primary schooling. One should note that even the schools, such as they are, are not accessible year-round. Much of Katihar district is flooded every year, and schools have to be closed for several months at a time. In addition, a large proportion of villages are not accessible on pakka roads, and the location of schools across fields, and in fields, makes it extremely difficult to access these schools when it rains. There are implications for maintaining quality in schools that have been set up in these districts – ensuring that good infrastructure and facilities are available and functional is difficult in remote and less-developed areas, as also in areas that are regularly flooded.

140 Sahibganj is comparatively well connected with West Bengal. 141 Disaggregated village level data based on Census 2011 is yet to be made available. 170

Some blocks in Katihar, and particularly some blocks in Sahibganj districts are remote.142 Recruiting teachers to be appointed to schools in these areas is difficult, especially qualified and trained teachers. However, the situation with regard to teacher recruitment has changed drastically from earlier when States recruited qualified teachers at State-level and at district- level. Now, in both Bihar and Jharkhand, teachers are recruited at village level; teacher education qualifications are not essential, and because of high levels of unemployment, these jobs are in great demand even though they are low-paid. In spite of the teacher recruitment that has taken place, according to DISE, in 2008-09 the PTRs in Katihar and Sahibganj were very high -- 50 and 51, respectively. Neither Katihar nor Sahibganj have a DIET (District Institute of Education and Training), institutions which play an important role in providing pre-service training for primary school teachers and in providing in-service training for teachers.

Secondary data is useful to give a macro picture of the districts as a whole. This study went below district level, and provides credible ground-level data on the quality of schooling in a number of contiguous blocks on both sides of the border between Katihar and Sahibganj. The challenges in the educational system suggested by secondary data were extremely visible in our study. The findings of the school surveys are discussed in sections A and B. Table 8.1 has the findings both the Katihar and Sahibganj surveys presented in tabular form. The village studies are discussed in sections C and D.

A.Findings from the Katihar cross-sectional survey of schools:

We begin by discussing infrastructure and provision in the 30 randomly-selected schools surveyed in the 3 contiguous blocks of Katihar which made up our sample. We follow this by looking at the profile of teachers in these schools before zeroing in on the functioning of the schools.

A.1 Infrastructure and teacher provision

In terms of infrastructure, there were a few positives in that drinking water facilities were generally available, and that 82% of classrooms in the surveyed schools were in good condition. Construction activity was going on in 13 schools in Katihar at the time of the survey, so there is no doubt that infrastructure was being improved. But enormous challenges exist. Some of these are mentioned below. We discuss some of the infrastructural issues first before moving onto discussing the acute shortage of teachers: i. Highly inadequate number of classrooms: The high SCR indicates that classrooms in many schools would be overflowing, if all enrolled children were actually present. One of the primary schools had an SCR of 323 – an enrolment of 323 in a school with a single classroom! The lowest SCR among these 30 schools was 25. One school had no building at all.

Primary schools were slightly better off than upper primary schools, though the situation in both was very poor. The SCR in the primary schools was 83, while the SCR in the upper primary schools was 95.

142 The two blocks on the border (Manihari block in Katihar district and Sahibganj block in Sahibganj district) are actually well connected because they are on the banks of the mighty Ganges river. 171

ii. Toilets in just over one-third of schools: Functional toilets were available only in 36% of schools. There was no electricity in any school.

iii. Boundary walls available in close to two-fifths of schools: Boundary walls were available only in 39% of schools. This remains an important consideration as it could serve to keep children inside the school during the school day, and might reduce them running off at will. iv. Playgrounds in less than one-sixth of schools: There were playgrounds only in 14% of schools, reflecting the shortage of land for schools in Katihar.

v.Teacher shortage remains an acute problem in spite of the teacher recruitment which has taken place: None of the schools was a single teacher school; and there was only 1 school which had only 2 teachers. But we found that the PTR is still very high -- 57. We also found that it varies hugely – worst off was a school with a PTR close to 160! There was also a school with a PTR of 25.

Primary schools were somewhat better off than the upper primary schools. They had a PTR of 47 while upper primary schools had a PTR of 66. The highest PTR among all the primary schools was 92, while the highest PTR among all the upper primary schools was 159.

A.2 Profile of Teachers Appointed

Over four-fifths of teachers were panchayat teachers: At the time of the survey in 2011, the proportion of permanent teachers in Katihar, part of a regular teacher cadre, was only 19.5% (41 in number). The majority (170 in number – 80.5% of teachers) were all part of a low-cost teacher cadre, based on recruitment by the panchayat. This has implications for the profile of teachers.

High proportions of female teachers: The surveyed schools in Katihar had a high proportion of female teachers (46%). Nearly all of them were panchayat recruits (43%); a few were regular teachers (3%). The proportion of female teachers has implications for enrolment and retention of girls.

Religious background of teachers was close to three-fourths Hindu, one-fourth Muslim: The religious background of the teachers did not represent the religious background of the general population. The teachers were 73% Hindu, 25% Muslim. The population was 57% Hindu, 46% Muslim.

Close to half of teachers were from disadvantaged social groups: Putting the socially disadvantaged groups together, we find that 10% of teachers were SCs, 14% were STs, and 25% were Muslim, together constituting 49% of the teachers in the surveyed schools. This is a huge push factor for people from these historically disadvantaged groups to educate their children. The ST community was better represented among the teachers (14%) than in the district as a whole (6%), perhaps reflecting the higher proportion of STs in one of the three blocks in Katihar covered in the survey.

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The profile of the teachers in terms of their social background is discussed in detail as it has implications for the level of approval the teachers receive from the village community, particularly in the context where there are such marked sociocultural differences between communities, an acute shortage of employment opportunities, and a prevalence of caste-based politics at all levels of governance. It also has implications for the level of accountability the teacher might feel towards the parents and children of communities which are marginalised both on account of caste and class, and affects the amount of time that the teacher puts into teaching activities (we discuss the poor quality of school functioning in the next section). In addition, the social background of the teachers has implications for the extent to which children from marginalised groups feel included or excluded by the school system, depending on whether the teacher is able to relate to their language and culture, and whether he communicates approval or disapproval of their social background. While teachers from socially disadvantaged groups have been recruited, the largest group among the teachers in these blocks are the Hindu OBC group (37%).

Relatively small proportion of teachers lived in the village itself: This was as low as 29%. Prima facie, one would expect this figure to be higher in the context of the system of panchayat teacher recruitment, in which panchayats select teachers from a list of potential recruits who are locally based. Teachers could be living in other villages, or may prefer to live in the block or district headquarters or other towns.

More than half the teachers had completed Class 12 at most: In Katihar, this applied to 56% of teachers (19% had completed only Class 10; 37% had completed Class 12). The rest were graduates and post-graduates.

Only 56% of teachers had had some teacher education: A significantly large proportion of teachers (44%) had no teacher education at all. The variation between permanent and contract teachers was enormous. While 81% of permanent teachers had had some teacher education, this applied to only 51% of contract teachers.

IGNOU distance education largest source of teacher education: Among the permanent teachers, 37% had primary-level teacher training through courses such as JBT and Dip.Ed., while 24% of them had distance education through IGNOU. Among the panchayat recruits, only 3% had JBT / Dip. Ed. Training, while 45% had had distance education through IGNOU. Distance education was the single largest source of teacher education (out of 57% of teachers with teacher education, only 16% had training from a source other than IGNOU).

The high level of recruitment of low-cost teachers is likely to adversely impact the quality of teaching. It was seen that the contract teachers in Katihar had lower levels of education than the permanent teachers, and lower levels of teacher education qualifications.

The increased recruitment of local / contract-based teachers is supposed to positively impact teachers’ accountability. We did find that there was greater absenteeism among permanent teachers (see section A.3), but we mention here that panchayat teachers were unhappy not just about their low salaries, but also about the irregularity of their salaries. This created a pressure for them to take up additional work.

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A.3 School functioning in Katihar

We look at school functioning through a number of parameters: the presence of the Head- teacher; the presence of teachers and reasons why they were not in school; teachers present who were actively teaching; Class 1 children who were being taught; attendance of children; reliability of the register; and finally schools in which the midday meal scheme was operational.

Head-teachers present in 56% of the surveyed schools

Head teachers (including Acting Head-teachers) were present in 20 of the 36 sample schools, although this includes 7 schools in which they came after the team arrived possibly in response to news of the team’s visit. In 7 schools, the head-teachers were reported to be away on non- teaching duties (5 on non-school related and 2 on school-related); in 5 schools they were officially on leave, in 5 schools, the respondent could not say why they were missing from school. Although head-teachers in primary schools are expected to teach, this was not generally observed.

Very high proportion (39%) of teachers not present in school

Eighty three teachers (39%) out of a total of 211 teachers appointed in the 36 surveyed schools were not in school on the day of the survey. When the team arrived at the school unannounced, only 43% of teachers appointed were present. An additional 18% arrived later, possibly in response to news of the team’s visit.

The proportion of teachers not in school was higher among the permanent teachers (56%); the situation was slightly better among the low-cost panchayat teachers (35% were missing). We discuss below the reasons for the absence of these teachers, taking all teachers together.

Non-teaching duties a significant cause for teachers’ absence from school: Close to half (47%) of the 81 143 absent teachers were reported to be away for official reasons. This included 22 teachers who were not in school because of election-related 144 duty (27% of absent teachers); and 16 teachers who were not in school because of school-related non-teaching duties (20% of absent teachers).

Some teachers were officially on leave -- 22% of 81 absent teachers. It is possible that if there had been no visit to the school, these teachers may mark themselves as present at a later date. Teachers have shared that this is commonly done. Close to one-third (31%) of 81 absent teachers were not in school for reasons which were ‘unknown’.

Only one-fifth of teachers present in school were actively teaching

Among the teachers present in school when the team arrived, 21% were actively teaching. Close to one-third (31%) were with children but not teaching. 8% were doing administrative

143 Information was not collected for 2 of the 83 missing teachers. 144 Panchayat elections in the State were going on during the survey, 174 paperwork. Two-fifths of the teachers have been classified as doing Other Activities. This includes those who were talking to each other or just hanging around, not doing anything specific.

One third of schools had teaching learning activities for Class 1

Some teaching learning activity for class 1 children was going on in an extremely low proportion (33%) of schools when the team arrived. In another 30% of schools, the children were in class but there was no teaching learning activity observed.

Very low attendance of children

A very low proportion of children (12% of the 327 children enrolled on average) were found to be present in school on the day of the survey. There were some variations between the primary and upper primary schools. Both had very high enrolment – over 200 children on average in the primary schools and over 400 children on average in the upper primary schools. While observed attendance was 24% of enrolment in the primary schools, it was only 7% in the upper primary schools, indicating that the situation was much worse in the upper primary schools. The attendance figures are so low that they seem to indicate that large numbers of children are out of school altogether. Some proportion is likely to be simultaneously enrolled in other schools. Double enrolment in more than one government school, and simultaneously in a government and private school is reported as a problem which is even getting the attention of the Chief Minister.

The very low attendance levels reflect the fact that schools were barely functional at the time of the survey (end-April to mid-May 2011), which was just before the schools were closed for the summer, and coincided with panchayat elections in the State. It is possible that attendance rates are higher at other times in the year. However, such irregular attendance can mean very limited learning takes place. We were interested to see if school functioning would be vastly better in the next phase of fieldwork -- the village studies in 3 villages in Manihari block in Katihar – which began in the second week of June 2011, a few days after schools reopened after the summer vacations. 145 The picture was not encouraging (see Section C – Findings from Village Studies in Katihar).

Some discrepancy between attendance in the register and observed attendance

Although only a small proportion of children (17%) were found to be marked present in the register, an even smaller proportion of children were observed to be present (12%).

There was a large discrepancy between the proportion of children marked present the day before (46%) and the proportion marked present that day (17%). It appears likely many of the children who were absent on the day of the survey may later be marked present.

Cooked MDM scheme functioning only in one-third of schools

145 There was some urgency in doing the fieldwork before the rains began and the possibility of floods forcing the schools to close. 175

The cooked MDM scheme was observed to be functional in only one-third of the 36 surveyed schools.

Summing up the Katihar survey findings

The Katihar school survey found little to recommend in the situation. Provision of physical infrastructure and teachers in existing primary and upper primary schools was highly inadequate. There was also a huge backlog of untrained teachers. The situation was also quite dismal on all parameters of school functioning. • A high proportion of teachers was not in school on the day of the survey. • Teaching activity in the school was also very limited, even among the teachers who were present. Teaching learning activities were generally restricted to rote learning or writing. • A very low proportion of children were found to be attending school. Attendance in the primary schools was observed to be better than in the upper primary schools. Teachers, on their part, stressed the limited role that parents played in ensuring that their children attend school regularly. The researchers observed and heard that schools in this area were also closed at short notice due to climatic factors such as extreme heat, extreme cold, and floods.

Table 8.1 Summary of Findings Katihar blocks Sahibganj blocks (Bihar) (Jharkhand) Infrastructure and Facilities Student Classroom Ratio (primary 83 43 schools) Maximum SCR in a primary school 323 95 Student Classroom Ratio ( upper 95 47 primary schools) Maximum SCR in an upper primary 176 72 school Proportion (%) of schools with: Boundary Wall 38.9 6.3 Playground 13.9 15.6 Drinking water (functional) 80.6 78.1 Toilets (functional) 36.1 56.3 Electricity 0.0 3.1 Cooked midday meals observed 33.3 87.5 Teacher Allocations PTR (primary schools) 47 44 Maximum PTR in a primary school 92 69 PTR (upper primary schools) 66 64 Maximum PTR in an upper primary school 159 165 176

Teacher Characteristics Proportion (%) of teachers: Female 45.8 25.9 Live in the same village as the school 28.8 60.5 Panchayat / contract 80.5 63.8 Male contract 37.4 49.1 Female contract 43.1 14.7 Permanent 19.5 36.2 Male permanent 16.6 25 Female permanent 2.9 11.2 Graduates and above 43.6 53.5 With teacher education qualifications (CT/ DipEd / B.Ed.) 56.4 88.8 Scheduled Castes 9.5 6.9 Scheduled Tribes 13.7 33.6 Muslims 25.0 9.5 OBCs (Hindus) 37.4 38.8 Student Enrolment and Attendance Average enrolment (primary schools) 213 114 Average enrolment (upper primary schools) 442 314 Attendance from register as proportion (%) of enrolment 17.4 36.1 Observed attendance as proportion (%) of enrolment 12.2 31.2 Observed attendance (%) in primary schools 23.5 42.1 Observed attendance (%) in upper primary schools 6.8 24.2 School functioning Proportion (%) of teachers present in school on day of survey 60.7 80.4 Present in school when the team arrived (%) 43.1 50.9 Arrived later (%) 17.6 29.5 Proportion of teachers absent because of non-teaching duties 21.8 6.3 Proportion (%) of teachers present who were actively teaching 20.9 66.7 Proportion (%) of schools with teaching learning activity for class 1 when team arrived 33 62.6 Source: CORD-NEG School Survey, 2011

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B. Findings of the Sahibganj School Survey

In this section, we discuss the findings of the school survey in 32 randomly-selected schools in 3 blocks in Sahibganj district. As in our earlier discussion on Katihar, we first look at issues related to infrastructure and provision of teachers, followed by the profile of teachers appointed to these schools, before looking at the functioning of schools.

B.1 Infrastructure and teacher provision in Sahibganj

The positives in Sahibganj as in Katihar were that the majority (73%) of surveyed schools had classrooms in good condition, and that the majority of schools (74%) had usable facilities for drinking water. Here too there was construction going on, in as many as 12 schools. The challenges were many. i. Schools with too few classrooms. The surveyed schools had a high Student Classroom Ratio – 45. The maximum was 95 (a primary school), while the minimum was 14. Although there were no schools with 1 classroom; 38% of the schools had only 2 classrooms for 5 grades. The SCRs in both primary and upper primary schools were quite similar (43 in primary schools and 47 in upper primary schools). ii.Majority of schools did not have functional toilets. These were available only in 41% of schools. iii. Low proportion of schools had playgrounds. They were available only in 16% of schools. iv. Few schools had boundary walls. They were available only in 6% of schools. v. Electricity was generally not available. It was reported only in 1 school.

vi. Head-teachers not appointed in many schools: This was seen in 14 out of the 32 schools surveyed. In addition, in 2 schools, the Head-teachers were away on deputation to other schools. These 16 schools had Acting Head-teachers.

vii.Teacher shortage is a problem. The surveyed schools had a high Pupil Teacher Ratio – 51; the range was enormous – it was 165 in one school (an upper primary school) and only 23 in another. A positive feature was that among the surveyed schools, there were no single teacher schools. However, 34% of the schools had only 2 teachers. The PTR was much better in the primary schools (44) than in the upper primary schools (64).

B.2 Teacher profile in Sahibganj schools

Contract teachers are 63% of all teachers in Sahibganj: As in Katihar, the proportion of low-cost VEC-appointed teachers in Sahibganj was larger than the proportion of permanent teachers. But there was a considerable difference in the extent to which low-cost teachers have replaced regular teachers. In Katihar, low-cost teachers were 82% of all teachers, while in Sahibganj, they were 63% of all teachers.

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Higher proportions of male teachers among both permanent and contract teachers: Close to three-fourths of the teachers appointed in the surveyed schools were male (74%), unlike Katihar in which just over half the teachers were male. The proportion of male permanent teachers was 25% of all teachers. The proportion of male contract teachers was 49% of all teachers. Among the female teachers as well, the contract teachers were in greater proportion: of 26% female teachers, 15% were local recruits and 11% were permanent teachers.

Just over half the teachers were from disadvantaged social groups: Putting together the proportion of teachers from disadvantaged groups, we see that 34% were STs, 7% were SCs, and 10% were Muslims – together constituting 51% of the teachers in the surveyed schools. As mentioned when discussing Katihar, this has been a huge driver towards attracting parents from these disadvantaged groups towards schooling. This district does have a high proportion of STs (29%), but the teachers in the surveyed schools included an even higher proportion of STs.

Religious backgrounds of teachers – 74% Hindu, 10% Muslim, 16% Christian: Nearly three- fourths of teachers in the Sahibganj schools were Hindu (74%) -- much higher than the proportion of Hindus in the population as a whole, a relatively low 56%. The proportion of Muslims was 10% -- much lower than the proportion of Muslims in the population as a whole, (31%). The proportion of Christian teachers (all but one were STs) was relatively high (16%), while the proportion of Christians in the population as a whole is 6%.

Relatively high proportions of teachers live in the village: In Sahibganj, over three-fifths (61%) of teachers live in the village in which they are teaching. This may play a positive role in the comparatively higher proportion of teachers that were present in the Sahibganj schools compared to the Katihar schools.

Close to half the teachers had completed Class 12 or less: In Sahibganj, this applied to 46% of teachers (11% had completed only Class 10; 35% had completed Class 12). The rest were graduates (46%) and post-graduates (8%). While 31% of permanent teachers had completed only Class 10, there were no contract teachers who had only this basic qualification. More than half the contract teachers were graduates and 10% were even post-graduates, reflecting the limited employment opportunities available for graduates and post-graduates in Sahibganj.

Eighty nine percent of teachers had had some teacher education: While 98% of permanent teachers had had some teacher education, this was also high (84%) in the case of contract teachers. Only a small proportion (11%) of all teachers taken together had no teacher education at all. A much higher proportion of the teacher cadre in Sahibganj was trained compared to the teacher cadre in Katihar.

Regular teacher education qualifications (such as JBT, Dip. Ed.) common among both permanent and contract teachers: Among the permanent teachers, 74% had primary-level teacher training through courses such as JBT and Dip.Ed., while 2% of them had distance education through IGNOU. Among the contract teachers, nearly half (46%) had JBT / Dip. Ed. Training, while 30% had had distance education through IGNOU. Distance education was not the single largest source of teacher education (out of 89% of teachers with teacher education, only 20% had training

179 through IGNOU). Teachers in Sahibganj can be said to be better trained than the teachers in Katihar, given the assumption that the regular courses prepare teachers better than distance education.

B.3 School functioning in Sahibganj schools

Head-teachers present in 27 schools

Head-teachers (including Acting Head-teachers) were present in 27 of the 32 schools that were surveyed (absent in 3 schools; on deputation in 2 schools). In 15 schools, they were busy with paperwork when the team arrived, in 9 schools they were actively teaching. In no school did they arrive at the school after the team.

Relatively low proportion of teachers were not in school:

Twenty two 146 teachers (19.6%) out of a total of 116 teachers appointed in the 32 surveyed schools were not in school on the day of the survey. The proportion of teachers not in school was higher among the 42 permanent teachers (25.6%); the situation was slightly better among the 74 low-cost contract teachers (16.4% were absent).

However, when the team arrived in school, only 57 teachers were present (50.1% of all teachers). Another 33 teachers (29.5% of all teachers) arrived after that, possibly in response to news of the team’s visit. We discuss below the reason for the absence of the 22 teachers who were absent from school that day.

Non-teaching duties a relatively less important cause for teachers’ absence from school: Only 7 of the 22 teachers who were not in school on the day of the survey were reported to be away for official reasons. This included 6 teachers who were not in school because of non school-related duties; and 1 teacher who was not in school because of school-related non-teaching duties. Eleven teachers were officially on leave. 147 Four of the 22 absent teachers were not in school for ‘unknown’ reasons.

Two-thirds of teachers were actively teaching when the team arrived

When the team arrived at the school, 67% of the teachers present in school were actively teaching; 14% were with the children though not teaching; and 11% were doing administrative paper work. This reflects a relatively functioning school system.

Teaching learning activity for class 1 children in close to two-thirds of schools

Some teaching learning activity for class 1 children was going on in 63% of schools. In 31% of schools, the Class 1 children were in class but there was no teaching learning activity observed.

146 An additional four teachers had been deputed to other schools. 147 As mentioned earlier, it is possible that these teachers may mark themselves present at a later date, withdrawing the leave application they have kept in school in case of an inspection. 180

Low proportion of children (31%) present in school Schools had high enrolment (over 100 in primary schools and over 300 in upper primary schools) but they were much smaller than the schools in Katihar.

Only a low proportion of children (31% of the 189 children enrolled on average) were found to be present in school on the day of the survey. Here as in Katihar the proportion of children present in primary schools was higher than in upper primary schools – 42% among primary schools and 24% among upper primary schools.

It is not clear what proportion of the children enrolled are absent because they are also enrolled in other schools or what proportion are out of school altogether. The low proportion of children in school is somewhat at odds with the high proportion of schools which had a functioning midday meal scheme (see below).

High proportion of schools with functioning MDM scheme

The cooked MDM scheme was observed to be functional in 88% of the 32 surveyed schools.

Some discrepancy between attendance in the register and observed attendance

The data in the attendance register appeared to be inflated compared to what was observed. Although 36% of children were found to be marked present in the register, an even smaller proportion of children were observed to be present (31%).

There was some discrepancy between the proportion of children marked present the day before (41%) and the proportion marked present that day (36%), but not a complete mismatch. As mentioned earlier, it is possible that some children who were absent may later be marked present.

Summing up the Sahibganj survey findings

We find that the school survey indicates that more investment is required in physical infrastructure. However, there are certain encouraging features in the situation in Sahibganj. The Student Classroom Ratios (SCR) are below 50 in both primary and upper primary schools (moderate compared to Katihar). Access to drinking water and to functional toilets is relatively high. Cooked midday meals were being served in most schools.

The PTR was high in the primary schools, and even higher in the upper primary schools. While there is a shortage of teachers, the major strength of the teacher community in these schools was that close to 90% had teacher education qualifications. In terms of school functioning too, there were some encouraging features. Four-fifths of teachers were present in school on the day of the school survey (very high compared to Katihar). Most of the 32 schools also had Head-teachers present at the time of the survey. Non-teaching duties was reported as a reason for absence from school by a relatively small proportion of teachers. The proportion of teachers present who were engaged in active teaching when the team arrived was also comparatively high, as was the proportion of schools observed with teaching learning activity for Class 1 children.

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However, there were still very visible problems which remain. There is a need to reduce the absenteeism of teachers; ensure that teachers arrive in time and stay the length of the school day; ensure that teachers present in school actively teach the children; reduce the proportion of schools where children were present but not being taught. Most damning is the low proportion of children observed to be present in school.

C. Findings from Village Studies in Katihar

Three villages were selected for intensive village studies – Motipur, Sama and Sonpur. Of the three villages, Motipur was very accessible. The others were difficult to access – one was Sama and the other was Sonpur – with Sonpur being less accessible than Sama.

In the 60 selected 148 households across the 3 villages, out of 160 children (6-14 years), 148 were currently enrolled (92.5%), 5 were dropouts (3.1%), and 7 were never enrolled (4.4%). Proportions out of school were 7.5%. It is likely that many of those reported as currently enrolled are nominally enrolled, as indicated by the low student attendance rates recorded in the study.

Motipur: Motipur was a bustling village which had road-point access. It had some pakka houses; also access to electricity. The village was Yadav dominated, but also had Nishad (Godi) households. Other tolas had Santhals, Muslims and dalits as well.

Motipur had a primary school with 206 children enrolled. The majority of enrolled children were OBC Hindu (62%). A substantial proportion was also from the more disadvantaged groups, though each of these groups was a relatively low proportion (9% SC, 11% ST, and 18% Muslim). The school had 1 permanent teacher and 5 panchayat teachers. The permament teacher, belonged to the OBC (Kurmi) group; the panchayat teachers included 3 Dusadh (SC) teachers, 1 OBC (Yadav) teacher and 1 Muslim teacher. The sole permanent teacher was well-connected. He was irregular and also alleged to be corrupt (along with 2 of the panchayat teachers). Only the MDM in the school was functional.

Although the school in Motipur had 3 classrooms, all pakka and usable, it was inadequate for the 206 children enrolled. The school had both drinking water and toilet facilities. The PTR was a comparatively low 34, with 6 teachers appointed (a seventh was on deputation). The team found little evidence of teaching in the school.

Ten children from the Motipur school were tracked on 4 days when the team visited the school to check the regularity of their attendance. It was found that across the 4 days, the absentee rate among the tracked children was extremely high -- 65%.

Children were tested on the basis of the Pratham tests. The results are dismal. Out of twelve children enrolled in classes 4 and 5 in Motipur, 6 could not read at all, 3 could only read a single letter, and 3 could read a class 2 text. The numeracy test results were not encouraging either. Seven out of these 12 children could only recognise single digit numbers.

148 Twenty children’s names were randomly selected from the school register in each of the 3 sample schools. Their households were selected for a household survey. 182

Sama: Sama village was difficult to access – it was 16 kms from town and 4 km from a pakka road. The road to the village becomes sludgy even with a little rain. The village is also regularly flooded. Sama was tribal dominated -- some Santhal households in the village were relatively prosperous. But there were also poor Santhal families and poor Musahar families.

The school in Sama had 146 children enrolled of whom 60% were girls. The largest proportion of enrolled children was from the Santhal group (39%). A considerable proportion (one-third) was from Musahar households. A smaller proportion (just over one-fourth) of the children were from OBCs and “general castes”.

Infrastructure was very poor. There were two 149 classrooms in use for an enrolment of 146 children. The walls and floors of these classrooms were broken.

There were 2 permanent teachers, and 2 contract teachers. The PTR was 37, slightly higher than in the Motipur school and the Sonpur school, but still well below the PTR found (44) during the cross-sectional survey of schools in Manihari, Amdabad and Pranpur blocks.

This school was the least functional of the 3 schools visited as hardly any children were present and hardly any teaching activity took place. The head-teacher came only on one of the six days that the team visited. In general, the teachers came late and closed the school early. The HT was “general caste”, the other permanent teacher was Muslim, the 2 contract teachers were OBC.

Ten children from the Sama school were tracked on 4 days when the team visited the school to check the regularity of their attendance. It was found that across the 4 days, the absentee rate among the tracked children was 78% in Sama. This is in keeping with the levels of functioning observed in the school: Sama had neither teaching activity nor a functioning midday meal.

Children were tested on the basis of the Pratham tests. Children performed poorly. Out of 14 children in Classes 4 and 5 who were tested in Sama, 4 could not read at all, 5 could read a single letter, one a two letter word, one a Class 1 text and only 3 could read a Class 2 text. Numeracy was also poor: out of these 14 children, 6 could recognise only single digits, 5 could recognise double digits, and only 3 could do subtraction.

Sonpur: Sonpur village was the most difficult to access -- 7 km from a pakka road, through fields, and across a stream. The village is regularly flooded.

Sonpur was a minority and tribal dominated village, in which the minority community was quite powerful. There was also a small but influential Hindu OBC population. The village was openly segregated along religious / caste lines. There was a Muslim/Bengali tola (largely Shershahwadi); a Santhali tola (mostly Hindu); and a third tola where there were a few OBC (Sharma, Yadav, Mandal) and SC (Musahar, Dhobi, Paswan) households.

149 There was an additional classroom which was not available for the school – it was used as an Utpreran Kendra for mahadalits. 183

The Sonpur school had 177 children enrolled. Close to three-fifths were Muslim (58%). A significant proportion (32%) were Santhals. A small proportion (9%) were from the more advantaged OBC and “general caste” households. There were also a few dalit children.

The school had 1 permanent teacher and 4 contract teachers, giving it a PTR of 35. Of all three schools visited, only in this school were there signs of some teaching activity for all 5 grades. The teaching activity was however mostly repeating Urdu / Hindi alphabets, in some cases after the teacher, and in some cases after one of the children. The midday meal scheme was functional in the school.

Ten children from the Sonpur school were tracked on 4 days when the team visited the school to check the regularity of their attendance. It was found that across the 4 days, the absentee rate among the tracked children was relatively low (30%) in Sonpur, compared to much higher rates in the other 2 villages of Motipur and Sama. This is in keeping with the levels of functioning observed in the school: Sonpur had some evidence of teaching activity and a functioning midday meal scheme. However, the tests (discussed below) did not suggest a functioning school system.

Children were tested on the basis of the Pratham tests. The results are dismal for Sonpur village too. Of 21 children enrolled in Classes 4 or 5 who were tested in Sonpur, 10 could not read at all, 8 could read only a single letter, 1 could read a two-letter word, 2 could read a Class 1 text, and none could read a Class 2 text. Numeracy results were also poor. Of these 21 children, 1 could not recognise any numbers, 11 could recognise single digits at most, 7 could recognise double digits, and only 2 could do subtraction.

Discussion

Our hypothesis was that more accessible villages are more likely to have schools with better infrastructure and facilities 150 and to be more functional. 151 This was not true for the accessible Motipur school. Although it had pakka classrooms, they were too few in the context of the school’s high enrolment. It had a functioning midday meal scheme, but this was due to the courageous intervention of one woman who opposed the corrupt and well-connected Head- teacher. Where its accessibility helped the Motipur school was that it had a large number of teachers who were appointed leaving it with a moderate PTR of 34.

We would also expect that more accessible villages would have a more informed and possibly more empowered village community. This was true in the sense that the villagers in Motipur were quite outspoken in their criticism of the “irregular and corrupt” head-teacher and their support for the single teacher who had stood up to him. However, the community was not empowered enough to be able to get either the head-teacher or his supporters among the panchayat teachers transferred to some other school. The team noted that most of those who spoke out against the head-teacher as being negligent and corrupt were the Nishad (SC) and the

150 It should be physically easier to provide better physical infrastructure and facilities to more accessible villages. Teachers are more willing to be appointed to more accessible villages. 151 It is easier for teachers who live in towns to reach more accessible villages, and hence more likely that they will be there. More accessible villages are also more likely to have higher proportions of socially advantaged social groups, who can exert greater pressure on teachers to be accountable. 184 poorer Yadav families. The Kurmi (OBC) Head-teacher appeared to be in a powerful position. The more powerful Yadav families in the village either supported him openly or were silent.

The less accessible tribal-dominated village of Sama was worse off than Motipur in terms of infrastructure and facilities – it had only two usable classrooms (both in need of repair) and no midday meal scheme. It had the least functional of the 3 schools visited. The enrolled children belonged primarily (74%) to the Santhal and Musahar communities. The social distance between the teachers (“general caste” and OBC) and the Santhal and Mushar children enrolled in the school could contribute to the teachers’ lack of accountability. It appears that the parent community is not able to demand better infrastructure for the school or to exert pressure on the teachers to function regularly. The discussions with adolescent Santhal children indicate that better-off Santhal families send their children to residential mission schools if possible, or to other primary schools. The team met adolescent Musahar and Santhal boys who had never been enrolled and those who had dropped out of school. Financial problems made schooling a difficult option to pursue for these young people. The lack of a functioning school made it of little use.

Sonpur was a minority and tribal dominated village, in which the minority community was quite powerful. There was also a small but influential Hindu OBC population. The village was the least accessible of the three, but also relatively prosperous. The village had the most functional school. There was teaching activity. There was also a functioning midday meal.

The village is reported to have regular flooding, which takes its toll on the physical infrastructure in the school (apart from contributing to fewer working days). The school had 5 classrooms. Although this gives it a better student classroom ratio than the schools in the other villages of Motipur and Sama which had only 3 classrooms and 2 classrooms respectively, the team found the infrastructure inadequate. The rooms were packed even with 30 children because they were quite small in size.

The results of the learning achievement tests were quite discouraging, and do not seem to reflect a functional school system. While the Sonpur school appears to be functioning much better than the Motipur school and the Sama school, clearly the children in Sonpur require more in terms of teaching input. Discussions with adolescents indicated that children from the Muslim community and the OBC Hindus are being able to access schooling. Children from the Santhal families in Sonpur are the ones who are most vulnerable to being excluded from the system.

Adolescents in the 3 villages were asked about their experiences in school. While the young people had some positive memories of playing carrom and football in school, on the whole their memories were quite negative. Schools were reported to be functioning poorly in terms of teaching time. Adolescents recalled that they attended irregularly because they feared being scolded and beaten. Fear of punishment led some to dropping out altogether.

Children also attended irregularly because of work pressures on them – to do household chores such as cooking, cleaning, childcare, and collecting water, fodder and fuel. There are also pressures on children to be involved in working on their own fields and taking animals out to graze. In addition, there are pressures to be involved in income-earning activities, doing wage labour and piece-rate work with adults in their families. While parents reported keenness for

185 education in all three villages, children reported little supervision even from parents who wanted them to attend school, and less pressure to attend from parents who did not attach so much value to education. Irregular attendance was often a prelude to dropping altogether.

Summing up, we can note that the three village studies in Katihar highlight how different children’s schooling experiences can be. The school in Sonpur was functioning relatively smoothly, although teaching activity did not seem to extend beyond rote learning. Even here, the study indicates that there are children who are being excluded, in particular, children from Santhal families and from poor Muslim families. The school in Motipur was barely functioning. The head-teacher was quite unaccountable, both in terms of attending school regularly and in terms of handling the school funds appropriately. We see how some teachers support him, and how the teacher who challenged him is not allowed to teach. We get an insight of the pressures under which teachers have to work. Only the cooked midday meal scheme is working. The village community’s powerlessness is also visible – they are unable to get the head-teacher transferred, or the responsible teacher who opposed him, re-instated. Children’s schooling appears to be suffering, particularly those from the poorer families among the Santhals, the Musahars, and the Shershawadi Muslims. The school in Sama is not functioning at all – hardly any teaching activity was visible. Again, this affects most acutely children from the Musahar households and the poorer Santhal families. Children from communities, marginalised on account of caste/religion and class, are barely being able to access their fundamental right to schooling in all three villages.

Children from these groups are in any case vulnerable to attending school irregularly and dropping out altogether because of living in a context in which schooling is not a social norm. Parents may have concerns about the benefits of education for their children, particularly when their own livelihood strategies have little connection with the ability to read and write, and may not support their children to attend school regularly. Pressures on the children to support themselves and their families, both directly through income-earning work and through taking on household responsibilities which free up other members to earn, are also enormous for children from these marginalised groups.

Many children may have had no exposure to the language in which they are taught in school, particularly true for children from Santhali families and from Shershahwadi families. The latter were reported to speak Thetee Bengali (a mixture of Hindi and Bengali). Young children who come to school may also have no exposure to printed material, and be alienated by the emphasis on reading and writing and rote learning.

Feelings of alienation in school for children of marginalised groups may also be aggravated by negative perceptions of the teachers 152 about these groups, and their more positive attitudes to children from the more advantaged social groups. While work pressures were cited by children as a reason for their absence from school, all these other factors, related to the child’s socioeconomic background that we have mentioned above, also contribute to the reported disconnect from the whole schooling process felt by many children. Teachers may themselves need training to enable them to reach out to these children in ways which will help them

152 The majority of teachers continue to be from the more privileged Hindu OBC castes and the “general castes”, though there are higher proportions of teachers from socially disadvantaged groups compared to earlier. 186 overcome these barriers, quite apart from an overall commitment to function in a responsible and accountable way, as suits their profession.

D. Findings from Village Studies in Sahibganj

The village studies were conducted in 3 villages (Mehergaon, Gajrasama and Narjampur) in Sahibganj block, which were selected so as to provide variations in degree of accessibility and literacy rates. Enrolment across the 3 villages was reported to be high based on a survey of randomly selected households. In the 60 selected houses from the 3 villages, it was found that out of 165 children (6-14 years), 154 were currently enrolled (93%), 6 were dropouts (4%), and 5 were never enrolled (3%). The proportion of 6-14 year olds out of school was reported to be as low as 7%. Here too the study found low student attendance rates indicating that many children may only be nominally enrolled. We compare the 3 villages below.

Mehergaon: Mehergaon is a relatively accessible village on a pakka road. Migration has brought with it prosperity and educational aspirations. The village is ST dominated (Mandal / Kharwar); and also has SC families and some “general castes” and OBCs.

Mehergaon Upper Primary School has 353 children enrolled in Classes 1-8. Numbers enrolled in the primary grades are 210. The school has a mixed social composition. Thirty five percent of children are from ST groups, 32% are SC, and 33% are from “general castes” and OBCs. It is children from the dalit households who are the most marginalised among the enrolled children.

The school has 3 permanent teachers and 5 contract teachers: altogether 4 teachers who were from the comparatively well-off Kharwar (ST) community and 4 who belong to the Hindu OBC community – 3 from the Yadavs (upper OBCs) and 1 from the Hajam (MBC) community. The social distance between the teachers and children is greatest for the 32% dalit children in this village.

Infrastructure is inadequate. The school has 6 pakka and usable classrooms for the 353 strong enrolment, which gives it a high SCR of 59. It has drinking water facilities but unfortunately the hand-pump is also used by the village community. Toilet facilities are available but not functional, and this is reported to be affecting school attendance. The PTR is comparatively high at 44.

The school is functional. Teaching activity was observed on the day of the unannounced visit. The cooked midday meal was observed. However, there are indications that there are considerable problems with the quality of functioning, in terms of teachers’ hours in school. The head-teacher was absent on the first 2 days of the team’s visit. Another permanent teacher was absent throughout.

Attendance based on the register on the day of the unannounced visit was relatively low (57%). Proportions of enrolled children observed to be present on the day of the pre-announced visit was also low (53%). There are some reports of double enrolment in government and private schools.

187

Ten children from the register were tracked on 4 days when the team visited the school to check the regularity of their attendance. It was found that across the 4 days, the absentee rate among the tracked children was 40% in Mehergaon.

Results of tests for the 13 children from the sample households who were enrolled in Classes 4 and 5 showed that five could not read at all. Four children could read single letters, 1 child could read the Class 1 level text, and three could read the Class 2 text, indicating that very limited learning has taken place in terms of capacity to read. All 13 could recognise numbers. However, 9 out of 13 could recognise only single digit numbers.

Gajrasama: Gajrasama is also an accessible village, though less accessible than Mehergaon. It is on a pakka road, on the banks of the Ganges river. It comprises solely OBC households (mostly Yadavs).

Gajrasama Primary School has just 67 children enrolled, all of whom are from the Hindu OBC group, a relatively advantaged group in rural areas. The school has 2 permanent teachers, both belonging to the Hindu OBC community. The PTR was a reasonable 34. Both teachers are regular and praised by the villagers. The school was functioning on the day the team visited unannounced. Attendance based on the register on the day of the unannounced visit was relatively high (69%). The proportion of enrolled children observed to be present on the day of the pre-announced visit was also relatively high (72%).

Ten children were tracked on 4 days when the team visited the school to check the regularity of their attendance. It was found that across the 4 days, the absentee rate among the tracked children was 20% in Gajrasama.

Fifteen children enrolled in classes 4 and 5 were tested. The results are discouraging in that 5 out of 15 children could not read at all. Another 4 children could read one letter at most. However, there were 6 out of 15 children in Gajrasama who could read a Class 2 text. Numeracy results were a little better. All 15 children could recognise numbers – of them 5 could recognise single digits at most, 5 could recognise double digits, and 5 could do subtraction.

Narjampur: Narjampur is the least accessible of the 3 villages selected. It is a large village with 9 tolas. The village is Muslim (Shershawadi) dominated. Though the village was once prosperous, there is now a lot of pressure on children to work, and absenteeism in school is high. Children are more involved in housework and other income-related activities (girls in bidi-making, with their mothers; boys in stone-cutting).

Narjampur Urdu Middle School has 247 children enrolled in grades 1-8, 153 all Muslim. The school has 2 permanent teachers, and 3 contract teachers, altogether 4 Muslim teachers and 1 Kharwar teacher. The number enrolled in grades 1-5 is 162. Taking grades 1-8 together, the school has a high PTR of 49. The SCR is reasonable – there are are 10 pakka classrooms for the 247 children enrolled in grades 1-8. There is functional access to drinking water and toilet facilities including a separate toilet for girls.

153 Some families from across the border in Bhagalpur district had enrolled their children both in government schools in their own state and in this Jharkhand school. 188

While the register showed that 69% of children were present on the day the team visited unannounced, the team found no children in school when they arrived at 9 a.m. Two contract teachers were present and the head-teacher came when called. Villagers report that the school barely functions (teachers come irregularly, do not teach, and the midday meal is irregular and of poor quality), and contrary to the head-teacher’s claims had not opened at all on the day of the team’s unannounced visit. On the day of the pre-announced visit, 46% of enrolled children were observed to be in school before the midday meal. All 5 teachers were present and there was teaching activity for all 8 grades in the school, although the children were primarily asked to repeat alphabets and numbers, and remained quite disengaged from the process. The team found that the children had no idea which class they were enrolled in, and the teachers also appeared to be unclear. The teachers were also quite freely hitting children with a stick. During discussions with the team, adolescent girls and boys complained bitterly about the quality of the school – the poor facilities, the negligence and violence of the teachers, the irregular and poor quality of the cooked midday meal scheme.

Ten children were tracked on 4 days when the team visited the school to check the regularity of their attendance. It was found that across the 4 days, the absentee rate among the tracked children was only 20% in Narjampur. The picture has been clouded by the fact that names randomly selected from the register were in Urdu and that the team depended on the teacher to read it to them; the team was unable to find the child (and their household) whose names had been selected, and had to re-sample a number of times.

The results of tests administered were dismal, and similar to the other villages. It was found that while 10 out of 12 children enrolled in Classes 4 and 5 in Narjampur could read, 7 could recognise single letters at most. One child could recognise two-letter words and only two could read the Class 2 text. Number recognition was slightly better. All could recognise numbers, but 5 of the 12 could recognise single digits at most; another 5 could recognise double digits at most; only 2 could do subtraction.

Discussion

Our hypothesis was that schools in more accessible villages are likely to be more functional. This was true for Gajrasama, but to a lesser extent for Mehergaon. What factors also worked in the accessible Gajrasama’s favour seems to be a prosperous and homogeneous (all OBC) parent community, and a relatively small school. While the school had only 2 teachers appointed, both are permanent; one even lives within the village. Both enjoy a high level of respect from parents and children for their regularity and conscientious work. The two teachers also belong to the more advantaged OBC group, the same broad social group all the parents and children belong to. This school did not have any children from any socially disadvantaged group.

What factors worked against school functioning in the highly accessible village of Mehergaon appear to be the high enrolment, the high PTR, and the irregularity of some teachers. The school also had a very mixed social composition with a high proportion of dalit children (32%), and some children belonging to the Hajam (MBC) community. It is possible that the social distance between the permanent teachers and the SC / MBC parent community makes it easier for the

189 teachers to be less unaccountable. What was disturbing was the low attendance of children even on the day of the team’s pre-announced visit.

In the least accessible school in Narjampur, there appeared to be a weakness in supply and demand. The school was highly dysfunctional – the children did not appear to know which class they were enrolled in. This school had the highest PTR – 49. It also had only a low proportion of children present, even when the team was expected. The head-teacher, a Muslim, belongs to the village, and is protected by her political connections. Her lack of accountability is a matter of concern. Adolescents in the village also had very negative memories of being beaten a lot and taught very little in the school.

Schooling was also weak in this village because of demand factors. Compared to other villages, the parents seemed less motivated about sending their children to school, and are struggling to eke out a living, with the help of their children. Adolescents indicated that they carried a heavy load of work right through their school-going years.

Summing up, the village studies in Sahibganj block gave us an insight into a highly functional school in Gajrasama where relations between the parents and teachers were very cordial. In Mehergaon, we get an insight into a village and a school with a highly mixed social composition. The school functions to a limited extent. In Narjampur, although the majority of the teachers and the entire parent community are Muslim, the teachers are in a situation where they are able to get away with great negligence. The segregation of social groups in the schools of Gajrasama (all OBC) and Narjampur (all Muslim) is of some concern. Schools are meant to be sites of social integration. The limited learning in all 3 villages is also a matter of concern.

As in the villages studied in Katihar, we see that there are children from marginalised groups who are badly affected by the weaknesses in school functioning. In Mehergaon, it is the children from the Santhali, Paswan and Muslim families who are more likely to attend irregularly, and drop out altogether, while in the Urdu school in Narjampur, children from the Muslim community are the only children who are enrolled, and impacted by the dysfunctional school in Narjampur. As discussed in some detail, when discussing children of such backgrounds in Katihar, children from these backgrounds in Sahibganj are already so vulnerable to being excluded from the school system because of their own socioeconomic backgrounds, which includes language issues for Santhali and Bengali Muslim children, the stigma attached to belonging to a community on the fringe (Santhali / Paswan / Shershahwadi), and the economic pressures to work. Parents are unlikely to be able to make up for the deficiencies in school quality by teaching the children themselves. Teachers need training to be helped to reach out to them, apart from carrying out their general duties in a responsible and accountable manner.

Summing up: Comparing schooling in Katihar and Sahibganj

While there was an enormous shortage of classrooms in both sets of sample schools, the Sahibganj schools had lower SCRs than the Katihar schools, indicating that physical infrastructure was less strained in Sahibganj, which to some extent reflects the lower population density in Sahibganj. The schools in both Katihar and Sahibganj also reported limited access to functioning toilets. Here again Sahibganj was slightly better off than Katihar.

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Teacher shortage continues 154 to be a huge problem in both areas. The PTRs in both Sahibganj and Katihar were roughly similar, high in primary schools and even higher in upper primary schools.

A substantial proportion of the teacher cadre were regular/permanent teachers in Sahibganj, whereas this proportion was very small in Katihar. While the large-scale recruitment of low-cost teachers appears to be contributing towards improving the PTR, particularly for schools in more remote areas, there are several ways in which this may well lead to a reduction in school quality. For one thing, the recruitment process has been decentralised. Local politics plays a larger role with possible implications for reducing teacher accountability; secondly, the very low (and reportedly irregular) salaries encourage / force teachers to look for additional income. Their capacity to teach is another area of concern. Only a low proportion of panchayat teachers in the Katihar schools had teacher education qualifications, and mainly through Distance Education. Sahibganj had a lower proportion of contract teachers; a substantial proportion of these teachers had teacher education qualifications, and the largest provider of teacher education to these teachers was institutions offering regular JBT / Dip. Ed. courses rather than through Distance Education. This indicates that children in the Sahibganj schools were more likely to be taught by a trained teacher than children in the Katihar schools.

It was found that teachers in the Katihar schools were less likely to be living in the village in which they were teaching, than the teachers in the Sahibganj schools. The better connectivity in Katihar district would have facilitated their being able to access the school in which they were posted. Living in the village would have contributed to the Sahibganj teachers being able to cope even with the poor connectivity within the district, and with law and order problems.

Among the teacher community, on account of large scale local recruitment of low cost teachers, the surveys found that teaching jobs are less attractive to the privileged “general caste” groups. The proportion of “general caste” teachers is higher among regular teachers than among the low- paid teacher cadre. However, teaching jobs are increasingly attractive for the Hindu OBC community, and they are the largest group among teachers both in Katihar (37%) and in Sahibganj (39%). With the large scale recruitment of local low-cost teachers, the proportion of teachers from disadvantaged social groups has also gone up, although this is naturally limited by the lower levels of education among the disadvantaged groups. Muslims, STs, and SCs are 3 broad categories we consider. The proportion of Muslim teachers is 25% in the sample schools in Katihar and 10% in Sahibganj. The proportion of tribal teachers in the sample schools is 13% in Katihar and 35% in Sahibganj. The proportion of dalit teachers is 10% in Katihar and 7% in Sahibganj.

The schools in the 3 Sahibganj blocks were also more functional than the schools in the 3 Katihar blocks. In 27 out of 32 schools, head-teachers were present; they were engaged in active teaching in some 9 schools at the time of the unannounced visit to the school. Four-fifths of teachers were present on the day of the survey, although a substantial proportion (30%) came to school after the team arrived. Cooked midday meals were being served in more than four-fifths of schools. However, there were definite indications that the school system in Sahibganj was not

154 The problem of teacher shortage in Bihar and Jharkhand had its roots in the teacher recruitment policy in the nineties when only a small number of teachers were appointed. 191 as functional as indicated by these parameters – most damning was the fact that only 31% of children enrolled were present in school on the day of the survey (held between end April and mid May 2011), in spite of the presence of head-teachers and teachers in school, and the midday meal being served.

The village studies were useful in providing insights into the functioning of schools. In Katihar, schools were quite dysfunctional in two out of three villages selected for more intensive study. One was a highly accessible village (Motipur), in which the school was the focal point of tensions in the village, and only the midday meal scheme was being implemented. In the second village (Sama), which had only limited accessibility, there was neither teaching activity nor the cooked midday meal scheme observed. Some teachers demonstrated an astounding lack of accountability. The school in the least accessible village (Sonpur) appeared to be functioning.

In Sahibganj, the school was functional in a very limited way in the most accessible village (Mehergaon), functioning very well in a village which was less accessible than the first but still quite accessible (Gajrasama), and quite dysfunctional in the least accessible village (Narjampur). In this last village, though, the teachers did teach when they were being observed, unlike the teachers in two of the three Katihar villages.

The village studies brought up several incidents in which teachers were not accountable, attending school only irregularly and reportedly misappropriating funds, but the authorities appeared to turn a blind eye to these happenings. Political clout among the teachers is reported to be able to protect them in spite of complaints made against them. It is likely that it is easier to get away with this when the district is quite far away from more powerful State level authorities, both within and outside the education sector. The studies were also useful to get the larger context within which the schools functioned – the extreme weather conditions when the schools were closed, the irregularity of the teachers’ salaries, the demands on children during the harvest season.

The village studies provided some quantitative data on school participation. It found that nearly all the children in the small survey of 60 households were currently enrolled, but that they did not appear to be attending regularly in these villages except for one of the schools (in Gajrasama village) in Sahibganj. Children’s generally gave negative feedback about their experiences in school. The schools tended to have too few classrooms and teachers relative to the numbers enrolled. Some teachers came late and left early if they came at all. The children spoke of being taught little, and being beaten.

The objective of the study was also to explore the impact of belonging to marginalised groups 155 on children’s schooling. Negative attitudes to Santhal children are apparent from references to them as “slow” and “junglee”. 156 This adds to their general feeling of alienation as they enter world of the written word, so different to their own.

155 Disadvantaged communities, such as those belonging to scheduled castes, scheduled tribes and the Muslim minorities, have less social and economic power to sustain their children’s schooling. 156 Other examples of the negative attitudes to disadvantaged groups include dalit children being told that they are “better off grazing animals” or “best suited to play music for marriage parties”, and Muslim children being referred to as “mian”. 192

Children in these areas also face disadvantages due to language.157 The issue is particularly important for children from tribal communities, since they are located across a number of States, and hence have to learn in a language different from their own. In our study, the tribal groups were primarily Santhals and Pahariyas. Although primers in 5 tribal languages have been produced and are reportedly being used across 2000 schools in Jharkhand, the research team came across no evidence of teaching in tribal languages in the Sahibganj sample schools. The same was true for Katihar. The issue of language problems caused by living on the border between States is relevant for children from Muslim families (Shershawadis) who were taught in Hindi and Urdu but spoke a Bengali-based dialect at home, the language both of an adjacent State and a neighbouring country.

Pressures on children to work were greatest on poor families from disadvantaged social groups – in our village studies these were primarily Santhals (STs), Dusadhs (SCs) and Shershawadis (Muslims). It was a combination of caste and class 158 factors which made these children vulnerable. Some young people from these groups reported that there were compulsions on them to do income-earning work and / or household work such that they had to miss school even when they were less than 10 years old. Girls in particular reported doing a lot of household work – cooking, cleaning, sibling care, collecting fuel, bringing water. For some girls from these groups, such work was a reason for their dropping out of school. The boys reported that they dropped out to earn but also because of poor quality teaching and the inadequate and poor quality midday meal. Pressures on children to work and even engage in wage labour became more widespread by the time the children were in the 10-14 age group. Reasons for dropping out were found to reflect both the work pressures on children and the hostile and negligent school environment, coupled with the fact that schooling is still not a social norm 159 for many families.

Improving retention and learning depends on children attending school regularly and being taught regularly. Child tracking of 10 randomly selected enrolled children indicates some degree of double enrolment / nominal enrolment. There was little evidence of efforts to deal with children’s irregularity or of their dropping out altogether. Instead, there was evidence of efforts 160 to mask the problem.

There was also little evidence of education committees functioning in any type of monitoring role. In Katihar, it was reported that the earlier VSSs had been disbanded altogether. New ad-hoc committees were in the process of being set up. In Sahibganj, the VECs had been disbanded, and

157 Teaching in the child’s mother tongue, particularly in the early grades, is an important issue for young children with little exposure to the main language (Hindi) used in schools in Bihar and Jharkhand and to the written word. They may drop out on account of non-comprehension and feelings of alienation. 158 There were Santhal families and Shershawadi Muslim families who were better off, and their children were under less pressure to work. 159 Some of the enrolled children in the 6-14 age group seemed to have a limited connect with schooling – they did not attend because their elder siblings were not going or because they did not feel like going. 160 The attendance register showed that the attendance on the day before the survey was shown to be much higher than the attendance on the day of the survey. It is likely that at some later time today’s attendance will be sufficiently inflated to match the attendance on the day before the survey. At the same time, attendance from the register on the actual day of survey (while being lower than the attendance the day before) was found to be much higher than the number observed to be present in school by the research team. 193 new SMCs were being set up in line with the RTE. None of them appear to be operational. In Katihar and Sahibganj, there are only glimmers of hope that the school systems are actually improving. Overall, children appear to be getting a very raw deal, which may account for the fact that only a very low proportion of those enrolled were actually observed to be in school.

Recommendations

Access to primary schooling with a level of infrastructure and facilities mandated by RTE is not available to a majority of school-children in Bihar and Jharkhand, and even more so in Katihar and Sahibganj which are among the least educationally-developed of Bihar’s and Jharkhand’s districts. Based on the study, a few suggestions are made for future action:

Give parents more information about RTE

It is important to inform parents in general about the provisions of RTE, not only about those with regard to infrastructure, facilities and teaching time, but also about the stipulations with regard to non-discriminatory behaviour. They also need information about the emphasis in RTE on children’s all-round development, and the requirement for schools to have sports and cultural activities. Informed parents can look for a chance to make a difference whether or not they are not part of official SMCs.

Parents also need to be made aware of how they can better support their child to access their right to education. In particular, they have to be made aware of the impact of irregular attendance on a child’s learning, and what they can do to ensure greater regularity. This could include one of the parents escorting the child to school themselves or putting an older child in charge of escorting the younger children to school. Work pressures on older children and their irregularity was reported to have a domino effect on the irregularity of younger siblings. Parents could be encouraged to see what they can do to reduce work pressures on children in general.

Encourage parents concerned about the functioning of the local school to join SMCs

SMCs are RTE-mandated parent-based community organisations. They are meant to work as empowered parent organisations, with adequate representation of disadvantaged groups. However, they are most likely to be filled with parents from more advantaged social groups, and with those who will “co-operate” with the school authorities and the local government. Parents need to be encouraged to join the SMCs where possible. Participating in the school management process will give strength to any complaints they may voice about the school and may have a deterrent effect on teachers who behave negligently.

Build the capacity of SMCs

SMCs have also to be trained and supported to enable them to act as monitoring institutions. In Bihar, only ad-hoc committees are in place; elections to the SMCs will be held this year (2012). In Jharkhand, the SMCs had been formed but were not functional at the time of the survey.

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The monitoring has to be done on several fronts. It is important to obtain information about transfer of funds from the government: the amount and the purpose. There are funds which come for individuals belonging to special focus groups, such as scholarships for SC / ST children. There are funds which come for certain purposes such as training of SMC members, or for provision of textbooks or uniforms. Monitoring transfer of funds should go hand in hand with monitoring implementation of activities.

Based on information on funds, they can push for provision of facilities and teachers: additional classrooms; drinking water facilities and usable toilets, and additional teachers. They can also monitor the government provision of textbooks and grain for the cooked midday meals. They will need to report on the quantity, quality and timing of provision.

The SMCs are also required to monitor teachers’ time in school; the attendance of enrolled children; and the number of out of school children in the village. Towards paying attention to children at risk of dropping out, the SMCs could be trained to keep track of families who are migrating with their children, and to support their children’s re-entry into school. They could also track children from groups disadvantaged by caste (including religion) and class who seem particularly vulnerable to dropping out and support them through a difficult period such as the illness of a family member.

Increase awareness of the importance of diverse languages and cultures

Teachers need considerable training themselves to understand the value of diverse languages and cultures. At present, there is some theoretical awareness of gender and caste-based discrimination issues. However, greater value given to diverse languages and cultures will contribute to children from marginalised groups experiencing greater acceptance and affirmation in school. Teachers will understand at a deeper level the need for inclusive behaviour towards children from disadvantaged backgrounds.

Teachers could be trained to create interesting sessions during morning assembly to attract children to arrive at school in time – singing of local songs, for example, or children doing local dances.

Teachers could organise a cultural programme for parents and children in which they would participate to increase their own level of ownership of the school, as well as have parents and children participate to encourage the expression of local song and dance. This could be particularly beneficial for tribal communities who have a rich tradition of song and dance. Such an emphasis on non-print related activities would reduce the sense of alienation felt by children of marginalised communities as they enter the formal school system.

Civil society groups could use primers in tribal languages which have already been developed in their own programmes or by the State. Radio-based teaching programmes could also be developed as a mode for dual language teaching.

Many groups are currently engaged in strengthening village communities to engage in a variety of RTE-related activities, but they are still a drop in the ocean.

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Appendix 1

Educational Development Index, 2006-07

Table A.1. Indices & Ranking at Primary / Upper Primary Level All Managements: All Schools, 2006-07 Access Index Infrastructure Index Teachers Index State Primary Rank Upper Rank Pri- Rank Upper Rank Primary Rank Upper Rank Level Primary mary Pri- Level Pri- Level Level mary mary Level Level Bihar 0.437 19 0.495 19 0.260 21 0.237 21 0.241 21 0.400 18 Jhar- 0.435 20 0.347 20 0.306 19 0.429 19 0.303 20 0.503 15 khand Note. Ranking is out of 21 major states. Source. Part V, Educational Development Index in Elementary Education in India: Analytical Report .

Table A.2 Indices & Ranking at Primary / Upper Primary Level / Elementary Level All Managements: All Schools, 2006-07 Outcomes Index EDI EDI State Primary Rank Upper Rank Primary Rank Upper Rank Primary Rank Level Primary Level Primary / Upper Level Level Primary Level Bihar 0.388 20 0.228 21 0.309 21 0.334 21 0.321 21 Jhar- 0.460 18 0.316 18 0.360 20 0.402 20 0.381 20 khand Note. Ranking is out of 21 major states. Source. Part V, Educational Development Index in Elementary Education in India: Analytical Report .

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Appendix 2

No.22040/10/2006/NGO/Education Government of India, Ministry of Tribal Affairs

Scheme of Strengthening Education among Scheduled Tribe (ST) Girls in Low Literacy Districts

(a)Providing hostel facilities for tribal girls at the Block level to enable them to attend regular middle/secondary school, and at the panchayat level to attend regular primary school. b) Hostel facilities only can be set up for up to 100 primary school girls, and 150 middle and high school girls at the panchayat and block levels respectively. In compelling circumstances, the number to be accommodated can go up. The hostels may not be spaced at a distance of more than 0.5 kms in hill areas and 2 kms in the plains, from the regular school which they will attend. c) In exceptional cases, where the regular schools run under Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan or other schemes of Education Department are not available within 5 Km radius, schooling facility along with hostels may also be considered. d) Wherever Kasturba Gandhi Balika Vidyalayas are operating, no hostels under the scheme would be opened within a distance of 5 Km. f) No funds will be provided for construction of buildings. g) Cash stipend will be provided at the rate of Rs.100/- per month for primary level girl students and Rs.200/- per month for middle/secondary level girl students for coaching/special tuitions. h) Cash incentives will be given at the rate of Rs.100/- per month at primary level (up to class V) and Rs.200/- per month at middle and secondary levels (classes VI to XII) to meet their day to day requirements. i) Scheduled tribe girl students will be additionally motivated, by giving them periodical awards like bicycles, watches, etc. as would be decided by the Ministry, on passing Class VIII, X and XII. j) Primers will be prepared in at least 5 major tribal languages selected in coordination with the Ministry of Human Resource Development, for use of children up to Class III. k) A Mothers’ Committee will be constituted by every fundee organization by involving representative (s) of each village (s), to which the inmates belong, that will meet once a month to supervise the running of the scheme and to suggest improvements. A register of the decisions in each meeting will be kept by the fundee institution. l) A District Education Support Agency (DESA), which would be a reputed Non-Governmental Organization or a federation of Non-Governmental Organizations, will be established by every State Government/Union Territory Administration in each of the 54 identified low literacy districts that will: (i) Promote 100% enrollment of scheduled tribe girls in the identified districts, blocks or pockets (for Primitive Tribal Groups), vis-à-vis present level of enrollment, class-wise, for all schools taken together. (ii) Reduce dropouts at the primary and middle school levels. (iii) Monitor the running of the hostels/complexes. (iv) Make payments, grant of awards, etc., as may be prescribed by the Ministry.

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(v) Arrange regular interaction between girls and ANMs to promote preventive health education and establish curative linkages of these hostels/complexes with health institutions. (vi) Promote awareness among parents towards the importance of girls’ education. (vii) Tie up with potential recruiters so that immediately on passing, the student can get a job or can go in for self-employment. m) The Ministry may support any reputed and experienced organization for training of District Education Support Agency/Non-Governmental Organizations/autonomous societies for running the project successfully. n) Ministry would support any innovative intervention by any organization including District Education Support Agency in these low literacy areas to promote scheduled tribe female literacy.

6. FUNDING a) The scheme will continue as a “100% Central Sector Gender specific Scheme” from the year 2007-08 onwards and the revised guidelines and new financial norms will be effective from 1.4.2008.

Ministry of Tribal Affairs, Government of India (2008).

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Appendix 3

Pratham Learning Achievement Tests

1. Basic Reading Test - Class 1 Level

2. Recognition of Two Letter Words and Single Letters:

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3. Basic Reading Test – Class 2 Level

4. Arithmetic Test: Recognition of Single & Double Digit Numbers; Subtraction and Division

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5. Clock and Money Tests

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