The Case of John Wilmot's 'Lucina's Rape' Tindemans, Klaas

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The Case of John Wilmot's 'Lucina's Rape' Tindemans, Klaas Vrije Universiteit Brussel The Libertine Subversion of the Masque: The Case of John Wilmot's 'Lucina's Rape' Tindemans, Klaas Published in: Magnificence in the Seventeenth Century. DOI: 10.1163/9789004436800_017 Publication date: 2020 License: Unspecified Document Version: Proof Link to publication Citation for published version (APA): Tindemans, K. (2020). The Libertine Subversion of the Masque: The Case of John Wilmot's 'Lucina's Rape'. In G. Verstegen, S. Bussels, & W. Melion (Eds.), Magnificence in the Seventeenth Century. : Performing Splendour in Catholic and Protestant Contexts (pp. 328-346). (Intersections; Vol. 72). 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Sep. 2021 chapter 15 The Libertine Subversion of the Masque: The Case of John Wilmot’s Lucina’s Rape Klaas Tindemans John Wilmot, Second Earl of Rochester (1647–1680) was the (in)famous “court wit” – courtier, poet and libertine – of king Charles II during the Restoration era in England. He left a small but exquisite oeuvre of satirical poems, apho- risms, and other more undefinable texts. He wrote two dramatic texts, includ- ing Lucina’s Rape, an adaptation of John Fletcher’s Jacobean revenge tragedy The Tragedy of Valentinian.1 The plot of Fletcher’s play remains more or less the same in Wilmot’s version, but the focus changes significantly. The cruel Roman emperor Valentinian rapes Lucina, the wife of the brave army officer Maximus, and she commits suicide. Maximus carries out a complex plan of revenge, ma- nipulating and abusing his friend Aëcius, an army general of immaculate vir- tue but also unconditionally loyal to the emperor. Maximus is chosen as the new emperor, but he is finally killed, poisoned by Valentinian’s widow. In his adaptation John Wilmot does not focus on the fate of the debaucher- ous Valentinian; rather, rape as an extremely transgressive act, and its context, are his central concerns. The act of rape, taking place offstage, is ‘hidden’ by the noise of a court masque, both visually and musically. And the ending is open, with a dead emperor and a solitary Maximus, whose sole ambition consists in imitating the nihilism of Valentinian.2 In the crucial rape scenes, the iconic magnificence of the court masque, as a genre supposed to glorify a divine and generous kingship, is used to highlight royal hypocrisy in the most violent way. However, given Wilmot’s libertine way of thinking, the play obscures, in a cer- tain way, the moral accountability of this hypocritical attitude, clearly visible in Fletcher’s version – with the exception of his bloody and chaotic ending. Is the materialist conviction of the emperor, his sadistic certainty that na- ture requires both mental and physical (sexual) submission, responsible for his aggression? Or is it Lucina’s idealist chastity, her sublimation of hidden erotic desires ambiguously recognized, only ambiguously acknowledged – a 1 Fletcher J., “The Tragedy of Valentinian”, 1647, available from University of Oxford Text Archive, http://ota.ox.ac.uk/desc/1022 (accessed: 21.7.2019). 2 Combe K., A Martyr for Sin. Rochester’s Critique of Polity, Sexuality, and Society (Newark: 1998). © Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2021 | doi:10.1163/9789004436800_017 Versteegen et al_16-Tindemans.indd 328 6/24/2020 9:30:09 PM LIBERTINE SUBVERSION OF THE MASQUE: WILMOT’S LUCINA’S RAPE 329 seventeenth-century version of ‘blaming the victim’?3 At the end of the seven- teenth century in England, the masque as a performative genre had lost its im- pact. The political reasons are obvious: the reduction of the role of the King in the political power balance, enforced by the English Civil War and enshrined by the Glorious Revolution (1688). But it is tempting to ask whether the decline of the masque, as a genre so identified with magnificence, would equally imply the decline of magnificence as a virtue in itself. This essay focuses on what exactly the ‘clash of theatricalities’, this drama- turgically quite subtle layering of events (especially in the actual rape scenes), is supposed to represent. The official, magnificent theatricality of the court masque, a mainly power-affirmative genre developed during the reigns of the English and Scottish kings James I and Charles I, before 1642, is confronted with royal misdemeanour in a very conspicuous way, thus undermining seri- ously the credibility of the court itself, in particular that of Charles II but per- haps also of royalty in general. This Roman imperial court might indeed be a satirical representation of the court of Charles II, which carried a reputation of debauchery, but that form of critique is perhaps too obvious, even when this reading is attractive.4 The position of Wilmot as the most notorious member of George Villiers’s ‘cabal’ of libertine courtiers adds to the ambiguity of this moralistic dramaturgical choice – moralistic at first sight. It raises dif- ferent questions about the changed function of theatricality under the Restoration regime. More fundamentally, Lucina’s Rape might be symptomatic of the political role libertinism – as an attitude and as a (philosophical) state of mind – played at the moment when English governance moved away from theatrical vehi- cles for declaring its traditional legitimacy, and from staging magnificence as a splendorous display of generosity toward its subjects. The political system, including its (performed) discourse, develops, during the second half of the seventeenth century, in the direction of political, partisan opposition between Tories and Whigs, between attachment to divine kingship and anticipation of a constitutional regime – the Glorious Revolution of 1688. Libertinism ex- poses the ambiguities of this development. Without claiming thoroughly to reinterpret libertine theatricality in the latter years of a superseded regime, I will try to contextualize this revealing situation, wherein ingredients of the 3 Byrne P., “‘Where Appetite Directs’: Tragic Heroism’s Recovery in Rochester’s Valentinian”, Pacific Coast Philology 40 (2005) 158–177. 4 Wilson J.H., “Rochester’s Valentinian and Heroic Sentiment”, English Literary History 4 (1937) 265–273. Versteegen et al_16-Tindemans.indd 329 6/24/2020 9:30:09 PM 330 Tindemans court masque, revenge tragedy, heroic Trauerspiel, and comedy of manners so strangely meet. What kind of ‘structures of feeling’ – patterns of cultural expression not (yet) fixed as a hegemonic (or heterodox) discourse, as Raymond Williams defines this term5 – underlie this particular conspicuousness or spectacularism of po- litical power? Does Wilmot’s equivocally heroic drama imitate or pervert this ‘official’ magnificence, more specifically with the presence of rape, the crux of his dramaturgy? It is by the mimesis of this act, in all its criminal cruelty, that the unperceived and surreptitious relations of power, especially in their affec- tive patterns, are articulated. My attempt to clarify the generic specificity of a drama such as Lucina’s Rape in relation to revenge tragedy and court masque might seem futile or pointless, but it may help to elucidate the typically seventeenth-century relationship – Jacobean (1567–1625) or Caroline (1625–1642) – between politics and spectacle and to redefine this type of magnificence. An overview of the use of rape in seventeenth-century discourse, in political activism and in drama, provides a necessary context for my discussion. In closing, I shall examine the con- nection between this dramaturgical exemplum and libertinism as a political- philosophical way of thinking, a subversion of magnificence as a public virtue. Or to put it differently, the ‘deconstructive’ gesture of Wilmot’s Lucina’s Rape exemplifies how the antique virtue of magnificence, rediscovered in the Renaissance and redefined in the Stuart masque as a complementary relation among outward splendour, generosity of the rich, and the affirmation of sov- ereign legitimacy, loses its cultural (and ethical) cohesion at the dawn of the seventeenth century. 1 Masque and Heroic Drama in the Restoration Is the court masque, as developed under the Stuart dynasty in the early seven- teenth century, an ideological machine comparable to the royal spectacle seen under the reign of the French roi soleil Louis XIV, and thus focused on a de- materialized kingship rooted in divine right? Or was it a performative vehicle meant to contain actual discussions on both the fundamentals and the execu- tion of a slowly secularizing monarchic regime, and thus, to a limited extent, a space for debate and even critique on the balance of power?6 The discussion 5 Williams R., Marxism and Literature (Oxford / New York: 1977) 128–135. 6 Knowles J., Politics and Political Culture in the Court Masque (Houndmills – New York: 2015) 1–3. Versteegen et al_16-Tindemans.indd 330 6/24/2020 9:30:09 PM LIBERTINE SUBVERSION OF THE MASQUE: WILMOT’S LUCINA’S RAPE 331 between historians is ongoing, and the risk with any assessment is the ten- dency to see the glorification of kingship – always present in the masque – from the perspective of later events, catastrophic or not: the English Civil War between 1642 and 1651, the decline of absolute kingship during the Restoration after 1660, the Glorious Revolution of 1688.
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