<<

AUSTRIA'S ROLE IN PROTESTANT WORLD MISSIONS

by Wolfgang R. Binder

A Thesis Subrnitted to the Faculty of PROVIDENCE THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY

In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree

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LlST OF FIGURES ...... vii LlST OF TABLES ...... ix LlST OF ABBREVlATlONS ...... X Chapter

I. INTRODUCTION ...... 1 II. AUSTRIAN PROTESTANT MISSION INVOLVEMENT IN THE PAST ...... 7 A. Developments on the Home Front ...... 7 "Protestant" Movements in before the Reformation...... 7 The Reformation and Its Effects in Austria ...... 12 The Anabaptist Movements in Austria .. . 15 a) The Origins ...... 15 b) Their Rapid Spread throughout Austria ...... 18 B. Missions Involvement ...... -...... 20 1. Mission Theory and Practice in the Sixteenth Century...... 20 a) The Reformers...... 20 (1) Mission theory ...... 20 (2) Mission practice ...... 29 b) The Anabaptists ...... 34 2. Mission Theory and Practice in the Seventeenth Century ...... 42 iii a) Mission Writings ...... (1) Adrian Saravia ...... (2) Gottfried Wilhelm von Leibnitz ...... (3) Hugo Grotius ...... b) Mission Activities ...... (1) Peter Heyling ...... (2) John Eliot ...... (3) Other to North American Indians ..... (4) The Dutch East India Company ...... C) Austria's Contribution to Missions in the Seventeenth Century ..... 3. World Missions in the Eighteenth Century ...... a) Samuel and Johann August Urlsberger ...... b) Count Nicolaus Ludwig von Zinzendorf ...... C) Johann Leonhard Dober ...... d) Christian David ...... e) David Zeisberger ...... 4 . The Nineteenth Century ...... a) Austria's Contribution to the Moravian Mission ...... b) Austria's Contribution to the Basle Mission ...... c) Other Mission Societies ...... 5 . Austria Since World War I...... a) Between the Wars ...... b) After World War II ...... (1) Developments within the Lutheran Church ...... (2) The free Churches ...... (3) Other Developments ...... AUSTRIAN PROTESTANT MISSION INVOLVEMENT IN THE PRESENT ...... A . The Current Church Situation in Austria ...... B. The Extent of the Involvement...... 1 . The Involvement of Churches ...... a) Sending of Missionaries ...... b) Corporate Praying for Missions .... c) Corporate Giving for Missions ...... 2 . Involvement of Individuals...... a) Praying for Missions ...... b) Giving to Missions ...... POSSIBLE REASONS FOR A LIMITED INVOLVEMENT OF AUSTRIAN CHRISTIANS IN PROTESTANT MISSIONS ...... The Spiritual Condition of the Church .... Lack of Prayer ...... 100 Lack of Information ...... 103 The Pastors...... 112 a) Theological Reasons ...... 113 b) Practical Reasons...... 117 c) Missiological Reasons ...... 120 The Theological Training Institutions ..... 122 The Call ...... 124 7 . Austrian Mentality ...... 128

a) Fear of Failure ...... , 129 b) Provincialisrn ...... 130 C) Apathy ...... 131 d) Pessimism ...... ,...... 131 V . CONCLUSIONS ...... 134 Appendix 1 . LIST OF MISSIONARIES AFTER WORLD WAR 11 .... 138 2. LIST OF CURRENT MISSIONARIES ...... 140 3 . QUESTIONNAIRE WlTH RESULTS ...... 142

BIBLIOGRAPHY...... 147 LIST OF FIGURES

Figure Page

1. Freauencv of Missions Praver Meetinas IQuestion 421...... -=.-=.-=- 88

2. Church Meetings with Praver for Missions JQuestion 431...... 89

Church Sup~ortfor Missionaries [Question 441...... 92

Certaintv About the Accuracv of Fiaures JQuestion 49) ...... -92 Freauencv of Personal Praver for Missions JQuestion 551...... ,...... -...... 94

Amount of Personal Su~~ortfor Missions JQuestion 56)...... 95 Number of Praver Letters Received (Question 50) .. 1 04

Number of Missions Magazines Received IQuestion 59) ...... - 105 Number of Missions Books Read Kheçtion 64)...... 1 05

Peo~leWithout the Gos~elin Millions JQueçtion 21 ) ...... 1 O8

Lan~uaaesWithout Scrioture (Question 221 ...... 1 08 Worldwide Preachina via Radio (Question 102...... 1 09

Willingness to Su~portMissionaries (Question 581. 1 1 1

Willinaness of Church to Supoort Missions JQuestion 58) ...... 1 1 2

vii viii

1 5 . Sermons on Missions in Last Year (Question 331 .... 1 1 3 16. Church Goal for Missions Kluestion 391 ...... 115 1 7 . Austria First (Question 9) ...... 1 1 8 18. Church Attendance (Question 25)...... 1 1 9 19. Missionaries Need a Call (Question 3) ...... 125 LIST OF TABLES

Table Page

1. Denominations and Number of Missions Prayer Meetinas...... 90

Lenath of Beina a Christian and Fre~uencv of Prayer...... -..-...... 94 Monthlv Incorne and Freauency of Praver ...... 95

Monthlv Incorne and Monthlv Sugport of Missions ... 96

Missions Maaazines- Received ...... 1 06 Missions Books Read ...... 106 Mission Orqanizations Are Not Biblical ...... 1 1 7 Bapt Ba ptists BM Basler Mission (Basle Mission) CAR Central Af rican Republic CF1 Christliche Fachkriifte International ClFl Christliche Initiative für Indien CG Christliche Gemeinden (Christian Church, a type of Brethren Church) DIGUNA Die Gute Nachricht für Afrika (Good News for Africa) DMG Deutsche Missionsgemeinschaft (German Missionary Fellowship) EAWM Evangelischer Arbeitskreis fur Weltmission EFG Evangelisch-Freikirchliche Gemeinden (Protestant Free Churches) EMMS Edinburgh Medical Missions Society EK Evangelische Kirche (Protestant Church, mostly Lutheran) ELMN Evangelisch-Lutherisches Missionswerk in Niedersachsen (Protestant-Lutheran Mission of Niedersachsen) EMS Evangelisches Missionswerk in Südwestdeutschland (Protestant Mission of South-West Gerrnany FEBA FEBA Radio (Far East Broadcasting Associates) FEG Freie Evangelische Gemeinden (Free Evangelical Churches, different from churches with the same name in North Americal HMH Herrnhuter Missionshilfe (Moravian Church) KM Karmel-Mission LM Liebenzeller Mission (Liebenzell Mission) LMO Liebenzeller Mission ~sterreich(Liebenzell Mission Austria) xi MAF Missionary Aviation Fellowship MBMS Mennonite Brethten Missions/Services MF Missionsgerneinschaft der Fackeltrager (Torchbearer Mission Fellows hip) MRM Missionsmannschaft Rotes Meer NM Neukirchener Mission OM Operation Mobilisation PNG Papua New Guinea SEAO South East Asian Outreach SIM SIM International (formerly Sudan lnterior Mission) ÜMG Überseeische Missions-Gemeinschaft (Overseas Missionary Fellowship) VMG Volksmissionsgemeinden (an evangelical denomination without equivalent in North America) weü Wycliff-Bibelübersetzer (Wycliffe Bible Translators) CHAPTER ONE INTRODUCTION

In 1986, according to Patrick Johnstone, a missiologist and rnissionary with WEC International, Austria had only twenty-four Protestant rnissionaries or one for every 17,700 ~rotestants. In 1993 his statistics show thirty-seven Protestant missionaries from Austria working in foreign countries or one for every 10,800 Protestants.2 Even if this is an encouraging increase in the nurnber of missionaries from Austria, it is still true that "too few Austrians enter full-time Christian service, and even fewer for mission work in other lands (italics mine)."3 The ratio to Protestants in the country is still very low in cornparison to some other European countries. Belgium, for example, has one missionary for every 5,100 Protestants. Other examples include the (1 :4.800), Norway (1:2,500), Portugal (1:750), Spain (1:2,800), (1:2,500), and the UK (1:5,600).4

Patrick Johnstone, Operation World, 4th edition (Bromley. Kent, UK: STL BooksI 1986), 95.

2Johnstone, 5th edition (Carlisle, UK: OM Publishing, 1993), 103. So far it was not possible to verify either of these figures. The research seems to indicate that both numbers are too high.

41bid., passim. 2 As far as I know no study has been üone or at least published to date to discover and to analyze possible reasons for the relatively small number of missionaries from Austria. The purpose of this thesis is to give a more detailed overview of Austria's role in Protestant world missions, both in the past and in the present, and to analyze possible reasons for its relatively small mission involvement. My desire is that this work will help Austrian Christians to become more fully aware of the contribution Austria has made to Protestant world missions in the past. At the same time I would like to help them to see that more could be done and how, humanly speaking, this contribution could increase in the future. A few comments about the title will be necessary. Since there are different definitions of missions in circulation I will need to clarify in what sense I am using this term. In addition, I have to narrow down the term "Protestant" for this thesis since I will not include in my considerations al1 groups which would normally fall under the definition of "Protestantn. Lastly, since we are covering a time span of severat hundred years even the word "Austria" needs to be defined. Patrick Johnstone gives three possible definitions currently used that constitute a missionary.

1. The stticter North American usage - ail sent to . . . minister outside their homelands. . . .

2. The wider European and Latin American usage - al1 sent to . . . minister cross-culturally whether in other lands or in their homelands . . . . 3 3. The even broader African and Asian usage, . . . al1 those sent to . . . minister away from their home areas whether cross-culturally or not and whether in their home lands or abroad . . . .5 Ralph Winter distinguishes evangelism (by a same-culture worker), regular missions (cross-cultural evangelism where a missiological breakthrough has taken place), and frontier missions (cross-cultural evangelisrn where no missiological breakthrough has yet been made).6 Another well known distinction he makes in the same article is between EO, El, E2, and E3 evangelism. For practical reasons I will use the term missionary, especially from chapter two onward, in the following way: any full-time7 Christian worker sent by a church or an organization to serve in another country among people who are culturally not closely related. This excludes Austrians working in or Switzerland (although people may have different opinions on how closely these countries are related culturally). It would exclude anyone working exclusively among German speakers for example in Brazil or Canada. It further excludes Austrians who have married foreigners and who are now working in their spouse's culture, and Austrians who have found

6Ralph D. Winter, "The Task Remaining: Al1 Humanity in Mission Perspective," in Perspectives on the World Christian Movement, ed. Ralph D. Winter and Steven C. Hawthorne (Pasadena, Calif.: William Carey Library, 1 981 ), 31 7.

7Se~ingfor one year or more on the field. This is not to say that short-term mission work is not important, but it would go beyond the scope of this paper to survey the many short-term assignments lasting only a few days or weeks. employment in churches or Christian organizations abroad but were not sent by anyone for this purpose. Although I personally consider a person working cross-culturally within Austria as a missionary, I will not include people in this category in this paper. The main reason is because most of them have not been sent for this purpose, and usually they are not exclusively working among foreigners. Again, this in no way downplays the importance and the difficulties of their work. The second term in the title which needs a short explanation is "Protestant". This term can be quite inclusive covering almost anything not Roman Catholic. I am using it more in the sense of evangelical as Johnstone uses the term. He defines evangelicals as follows:

The subdivision of Protestantism . . . which generally emphasizes:

1. The Lord Jesus Christ as the sole source of salvation through faith in him.

2. Personal faith and conversion with regeneration by the Holy Spirit.

3. A recognition of the inspired Word of God as the only basis for faith and Christian living.

4. Cornmitment to biblical preaching and evangelism that brings others to faith in Christ.* Since it will not always be possible to distinguish whether a missionary was of evangelical persuasion or not I will use the more 5 general term "Protestant". On the other hand, in the written suwey mentioned in chapter three, I have included only Protestant churches where the pastor is known to be evangelical. Historically the term evangelical in Austria referred only to non- Pentecostal churches. Of late, in some cities there has been more cooperation between the two groups, but in the written survey I still included non-Pentecostal churches only. Lastly, even the term "Austria" has to be defined for on the one hand the country was celebrating its fortieth anniversary two years ago (Zweite Republik), yet on the other hand it was holding celebrations for one thousand years Ostarichi last year. In 996 Heinrich / von Babenberg is first mentioned as Marktgraf von Ostarichi. During this 1000 year history the territory considered "Austria" varied considerably. Therefore, in the historical section I am generally referring to the area of present day Austria only. For the present situation a distinction has to be made between missionaries and Christians in Austria. For the missionary to be considered a contribution from Austria to world missions he or she needs to hold an Austrian passport. When it cornes to other forms of involvement in world missions the situation is different. Prayer and financial support is considered an Austrian contribution to world missions when the person lives in Austria and/or attends an Austrian church irrespective of his or her nationality. It would be practically impossible to separate financial contributions of an Austrian church into what has been given by Austrians and what has been given by foreigners. On the othet hand, there certainly are Austrians living in 6 other countries who pray for and give to missions, but it is impossible to include them in any kind of survey. CHAPTER TWO AUSTRlAN PROTESTANT MISSION INVOLVEMENT IN THE PAST

"The period of the Protestant Reformation is reckoned from 1517 to 1648."' One would expect therefore, that a treatise on Protestant mission involvement would only start with the 16th century. It seems necessary, however, to give some background information from some of the preceding centuries on the developments which were necessary before any Protestant mission involvement could emerge.

A. Developments on the Home Front

1. "Protestant" Movements in Austria before the Reformation

Throughout the history of the Roman there have been people who were dissatisfied with the status quo and who had "a desire for a more thoroughgoing commitment to the Christian faith."Z Some of them remained within the Catholic Church; others left the Church or were expelled for their heresies. Many probably will remain unknown to us, but the names of some have been recorded. Of the

l John Caldwell Thiessen, A Survev of World Missions, 2d ed., (Chicago: InterVarsity Press, 1956), 17.

2Kenneth Scott Latourette, A Historv of Christianity, vol. 1, Beainninas to 1500, exp. ed. (New York: Harper & ROW, 1975). 447. 8 latter, sorne remained alone while others became leaders of groups of believers or of whole movements. In 1263 there were already so many of these movements that Pope Gregory IX. issued a decree, stating: "We excommunicate and condernn ail heretics, Cathari, Patarenes, Poor Men of Lyons, Josephites, . . . and others, under whichever name they may be known. "3 One of the best known of them and in the Austrian context most important for us to consider are the Poor Men of Lyon, or Waldensians. as they are also called. They were one of "the two largest groups that became the greatest threat to the Roman Catholic system .n4 They are also the only pre-Reformation group which still has active churches today, such as Giuseppe Platone, pastor of the Waldensian Church of Angrogna, Italy, testifies: "Waldensians, in the U.S. and across several other continents, though scattered and srnall in numbers. remain unified in the old biblical motto of their Church: 'The light shines in the

3E. H. Broadbent, Gemeinde Jesu in Knechtsaestalt [The Pilgrim Church]. trans. Kurt Karrenberg (Dillenburg: Christliche Verlagsanstalt, 1987). 93.

4Nate Krupp. The Triumphant Church at the End of the Aae (Shippensburg, Pa.: Destiny Image Publ., 1988). 79. darkness.'"s Around the middle of this century they were the largest Protestant church in Italy.6 Some authors mistakenly ascribe the founding of the Waldensians ta Peter Waldo.7 Although "the origin of the name is in debateIn8 there seems to be wiciespread agreement that Peter Waldo was not the founder of the group.9 Nevertheless, when he joined the group and becane their leader, their evangelistic zeal greatly increased and they "soon spread to Spain, Italy, Germany, Austria, and Bohernia."lo In

5Giuseppe Platone, "To A Home in the Land of the Free," Christian History VIII, no. 2: 32. Cf. also Ernst Ferdinand Klein, Zeitbilder aus der Kirchenaeschichte (: Deutsche Evangelische Buch- und Traktat-Gesellschaft, 1 91 9), 391 , and Krupp, 80.

'Sec for example Ruth A. Tucker and Walter Liefeld, Dauahters of the Church (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Zondervan Publishing House, 1987), 162; Klein, 391 ; Günter Stemberger. 2000 Jahre Christentum (: Andreas & Andreas, 1983), 976; Thomas John Bach. Pioneer Missionaries for Christ and His Church (Wheaton, III.: Van Kampen Press, 1 %5), 27; and Mevers Enzvklopiidisches Lexikon, 9th. ed., S.V. " Waldenser. "

gnAlthough they derived their name frorn Peter Waldo (1 140- 121 8), people of their beliefs existed prior to A.D. 800." (Krupp, 79). ". . . in any case, in the ninth and tenth century they were no new sect anymore." (Broadbent, 88). "The Waldensian movement arose in the sixth and seventh centuries . . ." (Martha L. Moennich, Wou Missions, Grand Rapids, Mich.: Zonde~anPublishing House, 1 950, 64). the thirteenth century "they were numerous in France, Italy, Austria, and many other c0untries."1~ Whenever the extent of their spread is mentioned, Austria is included.12 One author is even more specific and informs us that in the fourteenth century "the inquisitors found numerous communities in the Danube Valley in Austria, and in

Northern Germany." 3 One of their strengths was their emphasis on "the authority of

Scripture and the need for al1 to study it."'4 Their success in this can be seen in a report by a Dominican friar in Krems, Austria:

They have translated the New and the Old Testament into the language of the people and they teach and study it. I have heard a simple farmer who was able to quote Job word for word and several others who knew the whole New Testament entirely. '5 It is to be expected that the Roman Catholic Church would not watch al1 these developments passively.

From the beginning of the 13th century the political and economic power of the Pope dilapidated. Therefore, any group which deviated from the official teaching of the church represented a loss

Broadbent, 93.

%ee for example D. S. M. Deutsch, Lehrbuch der Kirchenaeschichte (Bonn: A. Marcus & E. Weber, 1909). 351.

'3Giorgio Bouchard, "An Ancient and Undying Light," Christian History Vlll no. 2: 10.

'"Tucker and Liefeld, 1 62. 11 of authority for the church and therefore was persecuted as heretical from the 12th century on with increasing intensity.16 In 1 179 the Third Lateran Council proclaimed a crusade against the heretics, "the first occasion in which that device was employed against those who called themselves Christians."17 This attempt to eradicate the heresies was only partially successful. Additional methods were necessary.

Taught by the experience of the Albigensian crusade, she [the papacyl resolved no more to trust to occasional efforts for the repression of heresy, but to organize a systern of persecution, which should be always in operation. Hence proceeded that masterpiece of Romish ingenuity and bigotry, the notorious Inquisition. 1 8 Although in earlier centuries perçons accused of heresy had occasionally been sentenced to death by ecclesiastical or secular authorities, now a growing number of inquisitors were sent to complete the work begun by the crusades. Towards the end of the fourteenth century large numbers of heretics were sentenced to death in many parts of Europe. We know, for example, that in 1397 about one hundred men and vvomen were burned at the stake in Steyr, Upper Austria.'g Nevertheless, small

'6Mevers illustrierte Weltaeschichte (Mannheim: Bibliographisches Institut, 1981), S.V. "Die Zeit der Verzweiflung: Hexenverfolgung in Europa," by Brigitte von Seckendorff.

leJohn Foxe, Annals of Christian Martvrdom (n.p.: Inspirational Promotions, n.d.), 342. 12 pockets of these believers remained in different parts of Europe, including Austria. In the second half of the fifteenth century there still must have been a considerable number of Waldensians in Austria, for we read of Stephan, a Waldensian , who was supposed to ordain Matthias von Kunwald.20 Although many of the believers during these centuries had great evangelistic zeal, we do not read of any organized missions efforts like we find in the Catholic Church during the same time period. Nevertheless, the Waldensians and similar groups have laid a foundation, even in Austria, on which in later centuries various missions efforts could be built.

2. The Reforrnation and Its Effects in Austria

"The 15th century and the beginning of the 16th century are a time of change in which many new ideas, discoveries, and inventions with their consequences began to have an impact . . ."21 There was a hunger for spiritual things and a great interest in questions of faith in many parts of central Europe. In Austria there was, in addition, a growing unease about Maximilian's politics. The situation got worse when Karl V., his grandson and successor, ceded the Habsburg country to his younger brother Ferdinand 1. "In addition, . . . an

**lbid., 127.

21 Deutsch, 446. economic recession made itself felt which offered a fertile soi1 for the spread of the reformation." It is not surprising, then, that the Reformation met with great success in Austria. David P. Daniel States:

The cal1 for the reform of the life and teachings of the church which emanated from Wittenberg early in the sixteenth century elicited an almost immediate response in southeast central Europe. ln the lands which came under the rule of Ferdinand I after the disastrous battle at Mohhcs, reformation doctrines and practices spread quickly. By the middle of the sixteenth century the majority of the population in the lands ruled by the Austrian Habsburgs adhered to one of the several evangelical reform movements. Hussite, Lutheran, Helvetic, Anabaptist and Anti-Trinitarian theologies al1 found supporters in the region.23 Not only did the general population turn in great numbers to the new faith, even the majority of the aristocracy ernbraced the new teaching.Z4 There was great interest in Luther's writings everywhere. Artisans, miners, farmers, and students were al1 responsible for the rapid spread of Luther's teachings. From Salzburg, for example, there

22Josef Gelrni, "Die Geschichte Tirols von 1490 bis 1792." Osterreich in Geschichte und Literatur 35 (1991 ): 300.

23David P. Daniel, "Ecumenicity or Orthodoxy: The Dilemma of the Protestants in the Lands of the Austrian Habsburgs." Church Histoqt 49 no. 4 (December 1980): 387.

24Franklin H. Littell and Erich Geldbach, 1 Christentums [The Macmillan Atlas History of Christianityl, trans. Erich Geldbach, (n.p.: R. Brockhaus, 1989), 65. 14 were so many students in Wittenberg that Archbishop Lang prohibited further studies there.25 Although some persecution started almost immediately - the first martyr of the Reformation in Austria, Kasper (or Caspar) Tauber, was executed in Erdberg by on September 17, 152426 - decades passed before there was a more organized effort to starnp out Protestantism. The Counter-Reformation was planned in 1579 and with major help frorn the Jesuits, successively executed. In 1585 Rudolf II. prohibited any non-Catholic church service. When Protestant aristocrats were given the alternative "Faith or Homeland" in 1628, 754 of them chose to emigrate.27 In 1731132 thousands of believers were exiled from Saltburg. Until Josef II. issued the Toleranzpatent in 1781. Protestants either lef? the country or went underground.

25Walter Mauerhofer and Reinhard Sessler, Um des christlichen Glaubens Willen (Kitzbühel: Selbstverlag, 1 989). 16.

26Fritz Laubach, ed. , Justinian von Welz (Wuppertal: R. Brockhaus, 1989), 7; and Georg Traar, Eine Wolke von Zeuaen (Wien: Evangelischer Presseverband in ~sterreich.1974). 8. According to Peter F. Barton there were two other instances of Protestant martyrs before Kasper Tauber. One was in Brussels, the other one in Neusiedl in Burgenland (Peter F. Barton, Evanaelisch in Osterreich, Wien: Bohlau. 1987: 36).

27Silvia Krebser, "Aspekte der Kultur und Mentalitat in OsterreichIn (Seminararbeit, Freie Hochschule für Mission, Korntal. 1992). 20. 3. The Anabaptist Movements in Austria a) The Oriains Different theories exist about the origin of the Anabaptist movements. There is also some uncertainty as to when Anabaptist teachings came to Austria. Heinrich Bullinger, the successor to the Reformer, Ulrich Zwingli, held Thomas Müntzer and his fanaticisrn at Münster responsible for the emergence of the Tauferunwesen.28 Although Conrad Grebel and Felix Manz, the founders of the Anabaptist movernent in Switzerland, were well aware of Müntzer's writings and his rejection of infant baptism, they never became his followers. Müntzer himself was never baptized as an adult and he never baptized anyone else. "The disaster at Münster was a side appearance which the majority of the movement cannot be charged with."29 There seems to be agreement as to when the first faith or adult baptism in Switzerland probably took place. On January 21, 1525 Grebel baptized Blaurock in Zürich who in turn baptized fifteen

28Grete Mecenseffy, "Ursprünge und Stromungen des Taufertums in ~sterreich."Mitteilunoen des Oberosterreichischen Landesarchivs 14: 77.

29Wolfgang Schaufele, Das missionarische BewuBtsein und Wirken der Taufer (Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchner Verlag des Erziehungsvereins, 1966). 7. others.30 Yet the origin of in Austria may be open to further research:

It appears then that what some scholars have treated as a closed question is still an unresolved issue. A second indigenous beginning or even several distinct beginnings of Anabaptism are still possibilities. That Anabaptism originated in more than one place may, in fact, be the more plausible hypothesis when one considers the theological divergences of other Anabaptist groups from the Swiss movement. It is not the intention here to assert that such groups originated without any Swiss contact, though such origin, however, is a distinct possibility. It certainly is iegitimate to question the usefulness of the monogenesis model in the light of historical evidence. The implications could be far reaching, both in seeking out the historical antecedents of the South German and Austrian Anabaptist movement, and in determining the relationship of this wing of the movement to Anabaptism and the Reformation in general.31 Nevertheless, we have records about when and by whom some churches were founded, and in other cases we at least know that they existed by a certain date.

Our first real evidence of Anabaptism in the Tirol, however, arises from May 1526 when a brother from the Tirol told Hut at Augsburg that there were believers in the Inn Valley. In the following year

3*Deutsch, 521 ; Mecenseffy 77; Kenneth Scott Latourette, A Histoty of Christianitv, vol. 2, Reformation to the Present, exp. ed. (New York: Harper & Row, 1975), 781.

JIWerner O. Packull, "Denck's Alleged Baptism by Hubmaier: Its Significance for the Origin of South German-Austrian Anabaptism." The Mennonite Quarterlv Review XLVll no. 4 (October 1973), 337. 17 the Anabaptist leaders seem to have begun strenuous efforts to disseminate their doctrines in the Tirol.32 When came from Nikolsburg to Vienna, sometime in the spring of 1527, he visited an already existing Anabaptist church in the KarntnerstraBe. He then moved westward, and found Anabaptists in Melk, , and still further to the West, a church in Steyr, Upper Austria, led by a Jakob Portner.33 Considering the fact that Hans Hut has been called "the 'Anabaptist apostle' of Upper Austria" and that "nowhere in the Upper Austrian ~üiigregationsdo we find considerations of a Swiss connectionn34 one does wonder where these churches came from. Maybe they were in existence before the Reformation. Latourette describes Anabaptists as "manifestations of a continuing strain in Christianity which had been present from the very beginning and which before and since the Reformation has expressed itself in many forms (Italics mine)."35 As we have rnentioned before, already in 1397 one hundred believers were executed in Steyr, long before the "official" Anabaptist movement came to Austria.

32Claus-Peter Clasen, "The Anabaptists in South and Central Germany, Switzerland and Austria." The Mennonite Quarterl~Review LI1 no. 1 (January 19781, 23.

34Grete Mecenseffy, "Die Herkunft des oberosterreichischen Taufertums." ARG XLVIl (1956): 252-53; quoted in Packull, 335.

35Latourette. Reformation, 786. It should be added that in Austria, too, there was more than one form of Anabaptism. Friedmann points out that traditionally three groups of Anabaptists have been distinguished: the Swiss Brethren, we Mennonites (who were not active in Austria), and the . A fourth group, which only became distinguishable around the middle of this century, are the Marbeck or South German Anabaptists. "With the appearance of the Philippites, not only in Moravia but throughout Austria and Southwest Gerrnany, a fifth group enters the arena of history, and I am sure that still other Anabaptists groups will be distinguished as research becomes more detailed and new sources are d iscovered. "

$1 Their Rapid Spread throuohout Austria Even if we do not know the exact beginnings of the Anabaptist movement in Austria, we do know for sure that it was very successful. "In no other German-speaking country did Anabaptism spread as widely as in Austria."37 According to Josef Getmi, Anabaptism spread like a wildfire in Tyro1.38 "In Schwaz alone apparently eight hundred of the total population of 1,200 joined the new faith. It is right to assume that by the end of the twenties there were more Anabaptists

36Robert Friedmann, "The Philippite Brethren: A Chapter in Anabaptist History," The Mennonite Quarterlv Review XXXll no. 3 (October 1958), 272.

37Mecenseffy, Ursorünoe und Strornunaen, 77. 19 in the Tyrol than in al1 the Lutheran areas of the Reich together."39 Blaurock who was very successful in Klausen was rnartyred there in September 1 529. Schaufele has a whole section on how many people were baptized by different known Anabaptists.40 Leonhard Schiemer, for example. confessed in an interrogation shortly before Christmas 1527 in Rattenberg that he had baptized more than two hundred persons between spring and November of 1527. Michael Kürschner had baptized about one hundred persons between June 1528 and April 1529. Hans Hut won about one hundred new members to the local church in Waldeck in just two weeks. Years later, in spite of heavy persecution, Hans Mandl still was able to baptize more than 400 people in the Tyrol.41 Shortly before he was captured for the last tirne ha spoke to about 1,000 brothers and sisters during a gathering in the woods. It is impossible to find exact figures on how many Austrians were converted and baptized in those years. Nevertheless, "we definitely know of 770 Anabaptists and Anabaptist syrnpathizers [by narnel in 85 towns and villages (in Upper and Lower Austria. Styria, Carinthia, and the Forest of Bregenz). The real number, of course, was much higher. "42

%chaufele, 24. 4olbid.. 239-41 .

41 Broadbent, 169.

4*Clasen, 28. 20 An additional indication of the extent of the movement is the number of known leaders. According to Clasen, there were fourteen known Anabaptist leaders in the Tyrol in 1527, eighteen in 1528, and thirteen in 1529. The numbers for Austria were one in 1 526, seventeen in 1527, and thirteen in 1528.43 Maybe the extent of the movement can best be seen by the number of martyrs who died for their Anabaptist beliefs. "According to one account, 1,000 Anabaptists were burned in the Inn Valley alone from 1527-30."44 Another example comes from Upper Austria where in 1528 Wolfgang Brandhuber was executed together with seventy members of his church in Linz9

B. Missions Involvement

1. Mission Theory and Practice in the Sixteenth Century al The Reformers

(1 1 Mission theory. Since Austria does not have Reformers of her own, we have to look to the well known Reformers in Germany and Switzerland to see what they thought and taught about missions.

43Claus-Peter Clasen, "The Anabaptist Leaders: Their Numbers and Background," The Mennonite Ouarterlv Review XLlX no. 2 (April 1975). 1 23.

44"A Gallery of Factions, Friands and Foes," Christian History IV no. 1, 15. For a long time mission historians and other experts in the field were unanimous in their analysis of the Reformers' attitude towards mission. "There is al1 too abundant evidence that most of the leaders of the Reformation, including Luther, Melancthon, Calvin, Zwingli and Knox, seem to have had no serious sense of responsibility for direct missionary efforts in behalf of heathen or M~slerns."~~Several of the better known names in the field say the same thing with different words.47 Maybe the most comprehensive analysis cornes from the German missiologist Gustav Warneck,48 whose "negative evaluation has had much influence on lesser writers."49 Charles Chaney cannot understand why he still is quoted by so many:

It is the judgment of this writer that Luther was not without a concept of the mission of the church, and that his understanding was not only firmly rooted in the Scriptures but is also much nearer

46Robert Hall Glover, The Proaress of World-Wide Missions, 4th ed. (New York: Harper & Bros., 1953),68. See also for example Reginald Matthews, Missionary Administration in the Local Church, (Des Plaines, III.: Regular Baptist Press, 1970).42.

47See for example Kenneth Scott Latourette, A History of the Expansion of Christianitv, vol. 3, Three Centuries of Advance (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Zondervan Publishing House, 1 970),25;J. Herbert Kane, A Global View of Christian Missions (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Baker Book House, 1978), 73; Thiessen, 17, and David J. Hesselgrave, "Confusion Concerning the Great Commissiont" Evanaelical Missions Quarterlv 15 no. 4 (October 1979): 197.

48Gustav Warneck, Abri8 einer Geschichte der pratestantischen Missionen (Berlin: Verlag von Martin Warneck, 1 91 3). 6-2 1 .

49John Warwick Montgomery, "Luther and Missions," Evan~elical Missions Quarterlv 3 no. 4 (Summer 1967): 193. 22 to the understanding of the Church and its mission in this mid- twentieth century than many have dared to think and others cared to admit. It is exceedingly strange that today, after a most notable change in the understanding of the relationship between the Church and its mission in the world since the dawn of this century, Warneck's reasons for lack of missionary thought and activity in Luther and the other Reformers are still so glibly and often cited.50 Almost hundred years ago, Preston Laury wrote "A History of Lutheran Missions." As many Lutherans after him. he defended Luther and tried to prove that the Reformer did not disregard the missionary injunction. Yet even in his defense he admitted a weak spot: "In his preaching he hardly would overlook such a plain statement as the missionary command. His writings. however, do not contain any reference to active work among the heathen. Especially in the second half of this century, many more authors came to the defense of the Reformers, especially Luther and Calvin. Bunkowske reminds us that "Luther speaks of his task of writing as 'a divine office and work' even though many 'do not see how necessary and useful' Ihis writings] 'are to the world.'" He. therefore cornes to the conclusion: "ln short Luther's writing activity is to be seen as part of his worldwide missionary activity."52 He further points out that

%harles Chaney, "Martin Luther and the Mission of the Church," Journal of the Evanaelical Theoloaical Societv Xlll (Winter 1970), 40.

S1Preston A. Laury, A History of Lutheran Missions (Reading. Pa.: Pilger Publishing House, 1899), 21 .

52Eugene W. Bunkowske, "Was Luther a Missionary?" Concordia Theoloaical Monthlv (1985), 168. Luther is the father of Bible translation in the vernacular languages throughout the world. In the light of John Wycliffe's translation about 150 years previously and in the light of the above rnentioned translations by the Waldensians, this is only a half truth at best. Probably nobody would argue that his translation has had a greater effect than al1 others before him, yet this may well be because of Johann Gutenberg and not because of Luther's missionary vision. Volker Stolle admits that, even to this day the Lutheran church has had difficulties being involved in the whole Protestant mission movement. In comparison to other Protestant denominations, she still has few converts outside the original Reformation countries. Without giving good reasons for this, he is still convinced that Luther's theology is not at fault.

His reformatory preaching is basically sa mission oriented that it would have had to outrightly urge that its meaning for al1 people in the whole world be demonstrated through practical missions. . . . The impression remains that the mission dynamic of Luther's theology could not assert itself.53 Fred H. Klooster takes a different approach to defend Calvin. First he agrees with H. Bergema that the negative opinion about Calvin's interest in and influence upon missions "is due partly to ignorance and partly to slavish following of other writers."54 He then continues:

53Volker Stolle, Kirche aus allen Volkern (Erlangen: Ev.-Luth. Mission Erlangen, 1983), 91 .

54Fred H. Klooster, "Missions - The Catechism and Calvin," Calvin Theoloaical Journal 7 no. 2 (November 1 972): 183. Similarly Hardeland states that the accusation against the Lutheran church in this respect "are partially based on insufficient knowledge of 24 What I find particularly disconcerting in these negative judgments of Calvin and other Reformers with respect to missions, is the almost exclusive concentration upon foreign missions. To restrict one's consideration of the Reformers to foreign missions is to guarantee a truncated view of the question. Christ's command concerning missions required that his followers begin at Jerusalem and Judea and then move on to Samaria and the uttermost parts of the earth. One might expect that specialists in the study of missions would not restrict their attention to the foreign field in evaluating the Reformers. Unfortunately, he doesn't give a Scripture reference for his assertion that Christ's followers were to begin at Jerusalem and Judea and then move on to Sarnaria etc. Therefore, I can only assume that he has Acts 1:8 in mind. At least I am not aware of any other passage which could lead one to such a conclusion. Without going into any detailed discussion on the exegesis of this verse, I still want to point out that Jesus is using a polysyndeton in this verse. This is a device to emphasize each part of a list instead of indicating a succession. The disciples were ta be wiinesses in Jerusalem as well as in the other locations. Even if this would not be the case one question would remain: Why are Jerusalem and Judea considered to mean one's home area when most of the disciples came from Galilee? Klooster's main argument throughout the paper is that "the Reformation deserves to be called one of the greatest home missionary

history, partly on a wrong assessment of the situation. It is not justified to the extent it is made and the ones usually making the accusation are ethically the least entitled to it." (Otto Hardeland, Geschichte der lutherischen Mission nach den Vortragen des Prof. D. Plitt, : U. Deichert'sche Verlagsbuchhandlung Nachf., 1 894: 3). 25 projects of al1 history."55 I would not argue this point at all. Yet for the purpose of this paper, we have defined missions as cross-cultural work. This is in no way intended to diminish the work of the Reformers. Nevertheless, in my opinion the question is still valid: how did the Reformers view world missions? Although, as already mentioned, many scholars try to show that Luther and Calvin especially, were mission minded and had a vision for world missions, one wonders why it took so long for someone to discover it. Is Calvin mission minded, for example, when he writes: "We must daily desire that God gather churches unto himself from all parts of the earth; . . ."?56 If sot one should be able to tell by practical applications in his life and church. This will be looked at in the next section. Johannes Verkuyl thinks that "the attempts of Walter Holsten and Werner Elert to prove that Luther did have a vision for world mission are somewhat forced. "57 Already "Holl's appraisal of Luther as a missionary theologian is not shared by most other Lutheran

56Calvin Institutes of the Christian Reliaion (ed. by John T. McNeill, trans. by Ford Lewis Battles in The Librarv of Christian Classics vol. XXI [: The Westminster Press, 1 9601) lll.XX.42.

57Johannes Verkuyl, Conternporary Missioloay, trans. and ed. Dale Cooper (Grand Rapids, Mich.: William B. Eerdmans, 1978), 19. scholars."58 In my opinion this applies to other atternpts in respect to Luther, Calvin, or any of the other Reformers. It is only fair to admit that for the Reformers the outward circumstances were not favorable towards mission. But this fact is no proof that they were mission minded, and only "lacked the means of carrying out any extensive rnissionary prograrn."59 If they only lacked the opportunities, why did they raise "'no lament' over the practical impossibility of the churches of the Reformation 'discharging the missionary obligation' to the people of the newly discovered lands of the worldn?60 "[Zwinglil declares that 'if in the present time messengers are willing to go at their own risk beyond the bounds of Christendom, they ought to be certain that they have the cal1 of God to their mission.' This is not a stirring missionary imperative."6' Stephen Neill summarizes the topic of the Reformers and their vision for missions well: "Yet, when everything favorable has been said that can be said, and when ail possible evidences from the writings of the Reformers have been collected, it al1 amounts to exceedingly little."62

SaThomas Coates, " Were the Reformers Mission-Minded?" Concordia Theolooical Monthlv XL no. 9 (October 1969): 604.

62Stephen Neill, A History of Christian Missions, 2d ed. (Harmondsworth, Middlesex, England: Penguin Books, 19861, 189. Scherer and Schick point out two possible, somewhat related, theological reasons for a lack of mission activity. Scherer sees a reason in the fact that baptism was made the basis of the missionary vocation:

The churches of the Reforrnation had been slow in setting apart missionaries to preach the gospel to al1 nations. This was due partly to their belief that the apostles had already essentially completed the task, but only partly. The reformers believed that special foreign missions were unnecessary, since every church had the responsibility to preach the gospel where it was. (They mistakenly accepted the view that there were churches everywhere.) They also held that special missionaries were unnecessary since every baptized Christian was by calling a minister to his neighbor and a witness to any unbeliever he might encounter. The Reformation thus made baptisrn the basis of the missionary vocation of every Christian!63 Schick categorically states: "It is the Lutheran Amtsbegriff (concept of office) which stands in the way of the mission work."64 This becomes even more obvious when one considers that this understanding of the church offices was one of Luther's deliminations from the Schwamer. This meant that anyone who connected the Great Commission in the New Testament in any way to an office was in danger of being considered a Schwarmer. Even the defenders of the Reformers do not deny the fact that at least their epigones not only lacked a vision for missions but even

63James A. Scherer, Missionary. Go Home! (Englewood Cliffs, N. J.: Prentice-Hall, 1964), 63.

64Erich Schick, Vorboten und Bahnbrecher (Basel: Basler Missionsbuchhandlung, 1 943). 16. 28 rejected the whole idea. "The period of the rigid ecclesiastical orthodoxy later downrightly barricaded itself through a system of peculiar teachings, mostly obtained from the Catholic Middle Ages, against the infiltration of missionary thinking . . ."65 The Catholics repeatedly charged the Protestants for their lack of missionary zeal. Unfortunately, "instead of saying 'We ought to have missions, and we will have thern, as soon as the Lord opens the door', the Protestants tended to Say 'Missions are neither obligatory nor desirable, and our lack of them cannot be held against us as blindness or unfaithfulness'."66 This can be best seen in the famous interchange between Count Truchsess of Wetzhausen, a prominent Lutheran layrnan, and the theological faculty of Wittenberg?' From examples like this one Schlunk comes to the following conclusion: "That such a development became possible proves once more how wrong it is to attribute a full mission awareness to the time of the Reformation. Such an essential component of Christianity as missions cannot be lost again once it is, in principle. recognized as essential."68

65Julius Richter, ed., Die Deutsche evanaeliçche Weltmission in Wort und Bild (Nürnberg: Verlagsbuchhandlung Ludwig Liebel, 1941), 15.

68Martin Schlunk, Die Weltmission des Christenturns (Hamburg: Agentur des Rauhen Hauses, 1925), 85. 12) Mission practice. In the light of the above mentioned attitudes of the Reformers, it is not altogether surprising that not a great deal can be said about mission activity in the sixteenth century. Even Klooster, a defendant of Calvin's position on missions, admits that "it is beyond dispute that the Reformers did not actively engage in foreign missions - at least very little."69 Over ninety years ago the Encyclapedia of Missions summarizes two hundred years of Protestant missions in very few lines:

For two centuries after the Reformation there was practically no missionary activity in the Protestant churches. Easmus taught the duty of world-wide evangelization, but as something for the future rather than the present. Luther seemed careless of everything but the preparation of his own community for the 'last days,' and the settlement of the violent controversies that were the inevitable attendant upon the sudden enfranchisement of individual opinion. There were, however, a number of enterprises, individual or political: the Calvin-Coligny colonies in Brazil and Florida (1 555- 64). more political than religious in character, and al1 failures; a mission to Lapland (1 559) under the auspices of Gustavus Vasa; . . . [soma instances of the seventeenth centuryl.70 Rev. Aikman refers to the same incident in Brazil but obviously attaches a very different value to this attempt to establish a mission

69Klooster, 183. See also for example Glover, 74: ". . . the Reform leaders, and the Reformation church as a whole, were for at least a full century almost completely devoid of missionary spirit or effort."

7oHenr-y Otis Dwight, H. Allen Tupper, and Edwin Munsell Bliss, The Encvclopedia of Missions (New York: Funk & Wagnalls Co., 1904), 477. They [the Swiss] conducted the first Protestant mission among the heathen; and although it was soon abandoned, because of the perfidious patronage under which it started, the great example rose to the eye of Europe, just opening from a long, deep slumber, and must have exerted a powerful influence upon the entire future of Christian missions.71 Sirnilarly, Beaver concludes: "The short-lived mission had no statistical fruits in conversions. Yet it has historical irnp~rtance."~~ Schick is less sympathetic of the Reformer when he gives as one reason for the failure of the enterprise the fact that "Calvin made a missionary decision for this specific instance only without capturing and proclaiming the missionary obligation of the church in prin~iple."~3 There is one other Protestant missions attempt in the sixteenth century which most mission histories refer to: "King Gustavus Vasa [or Wasal of Sweden, from 1526 on, encouraged work among the still pagan Lapps74 in the furthest north of his dominion; . . ."75 This was an example of the principle cuius regio, eius religio, a still very limited

71J. Logan Aikman, Cvclopaedia of Christian Missions: Their Rise, Proaress. and Present Position (London: Richard Griffin & Co., 1860). 252.

72R. Pierce Beaver, "The Genevan Mission to Brazil," The Reformed Journal, XVll (July-August, 1967), 20; quoted in Klooster. 1 84.

74According to Schlunk the Lapps were made Catholics in the twelfth century already, but he adds that they were factual pagans (Schlunk, 83). understanding of foreign missions. It also had its practical limitations, as Müller pointed out:

Here the failure of the old missionary concept indeed became apparent. Sovereign [landesherrlichel missions was only successful in areas where people made thamselves available who were gripped by the real mission spirit. . . . Therefore the strange picture presents itself to us that the Danish king has to look for his people in Germany, where in the meantirne the Pietism of Halle had done the ground work.76 A third example of Protestant missionary activity in the sixteenth century seems to be less known but is of even greater interest to our study: Primus Truber and Baron Hans Ulrich Ungnad von Sonneck (or Sonnegg) und WeiBenwolff and their mission to the Croats and to the Wends. Gensichen comments in a footnote about this incident that

Nothing can be found by G. WARNECK, Abri8 einer Geschichte der protestantischen Missionen, 191 3; H. FRICK, Die evangelische Mission, 1922; K.S. LATOURETTE, A History of the Expansion of Christianity III (Three Centuries of Advance, 1500-18001, New York/London 1939; SCHICK (see footnote 5). Only insufficient references make G.L. PLlTT / O. HARDELAND, Geschichte der lutherischen Mission 1, 1894, 16; W. OEHLER, Geschichte der Deutschen Ev. Mission 1, 1949, 20f.; M. SCHLUNK, Die Weltmission der Kirche Christi, 195 1 , 1 1 3.77

76Karl Müller, 200 Jahre Brüdermission 1. Band (Herrnhut: Verlag der Missionsbuchhandlung, 1931 ), 4.

77Hans-Werner Gensichen, Missionsgeçchichte der neueren Zeit (Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1961), T7. One could add to Gensichen's list some more titles which omit this important missions outreach: Stephen Neill, A History of Christian Missions, 2nd. ed., 1986; John Caldwell Thiessen, A Survev of World Missions, 2nd. ed., 1 956; Robert Hall Glover, The Progress of World-Wide Missions, 4th. ed., 1953; Horst R. Flachsmeier, Geschichte der evanaelischen Baron Hans Ungnad von Sonneck is descended from an old Austrian aristocrat family. Born in 1493 he became Landeshauptmann from Styria in 1530.78 At the latest he became a Lutheran that same year.79 After sewing his king well for twenty-seven years, he resigned from al1 positions and went voluntarily into exile "because he could not reconcile the execution of the King's orders against the Lutherans and against the Anabaptists with his conscience."** He found a new home in Württemberg. In Urach he financed the first Bibelmission (Bible mission) and the printing of Protestant literature for the Slovenes and for the Croats. He died on December 27. 1564, while visiting his sister in Bohemia. "Foreign missions in the Lutheran Church may be said to have their beginning with Primus Truber. the famous reformer of Carniola. Austria."*' He was born in 1508 in Ratschach on the Save. several miles south of Laibach. Although from a German speaking family he learned the Slovenian language as well. Through Peter Bonomo, the Bishop of Trient, he was introduced to the gospel and to the pastorate.

Weltmission, 1963; Ruth A. Tucker, From Jerusalem to Irian Java, 1983, and several others. In contrast, sorne others do mention Ungnad, Truber, or both and will be referred to below.

78Georg Traar, Eine Wolke von Zeuaen (Wien: Evangelischer Presseverband in ~sterreich,1974). 36. Most of the information given about him cornes from this source, except when indicated differently.

eoMecenseffy, Ursprünae und Stromunoen, 8 1. 33 His messages were well accepted and soon the city council of Laibach called him to the Spitalskirche. He was made the canon and he preached in German as well as in Slovenian. When the Protestants lost the Schmalkaldischen Krieg in 1547, he soon had ta flee Laibach. While in exile in Kempten in Bavaria, he never forgot his fellow believers in Carniola. He was especially worried about the farmers since they did not speak German. In the Slovenian language there were no books, and, of course. there was no Bible either. Since he knew Slovenian as well as his mother tongue Gerrnan, he started to write leaflets in Slovenian. Together with Vergerio, the former Bishop of Capodistria, who as well had left his homeland and his position for the gospel, Truber translated the Gospel of Matthew in 1555. It was smuggled into Carniola and very soon was out of print. Around this time Baron Ungnad von Sonneck joined these two. The work grew. Stefan Consul, a former priest, started to translate the Bible into Croatian. By 1561 the New Testament was finished in both languages. The genesis of the Standard Slovenian language was a by-product of this effort. On June 26, 1561. Primus Truber returned to Laibach, but when Archduke Karl took over the lnner Austrian Countries (Carinthia, Styria, and Carniola) in 1564, he had to leave for good. He pastored a small church in Württemberg for another twenty-two years before he died on June 29. 1586. The Uracher Kreis, as these men were also known, hoped to reach the Turks as well, but this was never realized. Nevertheless, of the few Protestant missionary attempts in the sixteenth centun/ this seems to be the one that most deserves to be called missions in our sense of the word. b) The Anaba~tists

If the outward circumstances were not favorable towards missions for the Lutherans and the other churches of the Reformation. how much more so for the Anabaptist movement. Barton, a Lutheran university professor, laments that the numerous expulsions and executions of the Lutherans sornewhat weakened the spirit of the reformatory movement "even though the number of executed Anabaptists was many times higher than that of Lutherans."82 Deutsch informs us that there was only one place where they were able to live in peace (at least for a short while):

Nowhere could the Anabaptists build up a peaceful existence except in Moravia even though their fellowship was widely spread out. Altglaubige [Catholicsl showed no mercy toward them. In Austria and in the Tyrol. where they did considerable damage to the spread of the Lutheran doctrine, they were mostly burned or drowned without proper proceedings, but even in Lutheran countries they were not tolerated even though there in general they were proceeded milder against.83 In the section on the spread of the Anabaptists, we have already rnentioned the great numbers of Anabaptist martyrs in Austria. An additional handicap for any organized missions effort was the lack of uninterrupted church Me. The intensity of the persecution in Upper Austria, Bavaria, and Franconia from the outset of the Anahaptist rnovement made it impossible for them to meet anywhere for any length of time. Mobility was a common and necessary qualification. If one meeting place was discovered they tried another, and if they could not meet in town they met in the country, in the woods, or in some deserted miIl or barn. If a congregation in one town was seriously disrupted, many members would move to a neighboring town so as to be able to meet with brothers.84 Irrespective of all these difficulties, the Anabaptists had a vision for the lost in their homelands and, as we shall see, beyond the boundaries of their country or the confinement of their mother tongue. Raupp, in his collection of source texts about missions, concludes: "During the sixteenth century the Anabaptists maintained a much more fervent interest in missions than the Lutheran and the Reformed Church."*5 Similady, Klaassen attributes their rapid spread to their missionary zeal: ". . . two years after the forming of the first congregation, the movement had spread hundreds of miles beyond its starting point through a unique missionary zea/ (Italics mine)."*6 Littell says about the Hutterites and their Produktionskomrnunismus "On this

e4Herbert C. Klassen, "Ambrosius Spittelmayr: His Life and Teachings," The Mennonite Quarterlv Review XXXll no. 3 (October 19581, 260.

*=Werner Raupp, ed., Mission in Quellentexten (Erlangen: Verlag der EvangAuth. Mission; Bad Liebenzell: Verlag der Liebenzeller Mission, 1990), 52.

86Walter Klaassen, "A Fire that Spread," Christian Historv IV no. 1,9. 36 economical foundation they carried on the most active Protestant mission of the sixteenth century (Italics mine)."87 The Anabaptists considered most rnernbers of any of the

GroGkirchen (= Catholic, Lutheran, or Reformed Churches) as pagans who needed to hear the gospel and who were in need of a conversion experience. One has to bear this in mind when thinking about their missions activities. Missions for them did not start beyond the borders of the so-called Christian nations of their time, but neither did they see their responsibility confined to tkese countries. From Moravia they were often sent to their former home areas. "Here they were familiar with the localities, the circumstances, the mentality of the people, and of course with the dialect spoken, which was definitely of importance since there was no standardized colloquial language in the sixteenth century."** Yet. as we shall see later, the sphere of their mission activities was not confined to their dialect or even their language. A good example for the difference between Lutherans and Anabaptists generally speaking, as there was a wide spectrum on both sides, is the charge Hans Nadler from Erlangen, a traveling Anabaptist laid on the Lutheran clergy. He

challenged the Lutheran clergy to go to the Catholic areas - to the bishoprics of Mainz, Würzburg, Bamberg, and Eichstatt - where upright people could also be found who would gladly want to 37 become saved. 'Now' - Nadler added sarcastically - 'the Lord has spoken, go forth, so they sit down.'*g As we have already mentioned above, there could be a connection between the theology of baptism and one's zeal for missions. Again Schaufele:

As child baptism established an entrance into the Corpus Christianum so the mode of baptisrn influences the method of missions: child baptisrn leads to passing the gospel on within the boundaries of the traditional church order, whereas the practice of believers' baptism inevitably results in an "unrestrainedt'. "Paul- like" method of missions.g0 From the beginning of the Anabaptist movement missions was an integral part of being or even becoming a Christian. One of the first leaders was Hans Hut. He "was one of the most zealous and successful of al1 Anabaptist missionaries. He founded Anabaptist churches al1 over Austria. His method was to preach, baptize converts, then immediately appoint other missionaries to be sent out. Although many of these 'apostles' were executed, the movement spread rapidly (Italics mine). In Steyr, Upper Austria. Hans Hut chose four men by lot to go and preach the faith of Anabaptisrn. One of thens was sent to Augsburg. In Linz he baptized Arnbrosius Spittelmeier in July of 1527 and sent him to Erlangen. These messengers were sent with specific

89lbid., 78.

sol bid.

9' Klaassen, 9. 38 instructions and had ta report back to Hans Hut to receive further instructions.92 This "immediate" appointment of missionaries was a necessity since most of the leaders were only able to preach for a very short time, a few years at the most. "Only 22 of the 269 leaders who had appeared between 1 525 and 1529 were still active after 1529, the others having died, recanted or been executed. Hardly any of the 202 leaders who arose in Germany, Switzerland and Austria between 1530 and 1 549 were still preaching after 1 550."93 In light of the situation the Anabaptists were in, one would expect that any missionary activity would be entirely governed by the persecutions. "Although the itinerary of the missionaries was on the whole influenced by the persecution. nevertheless. even during the early period of the movement. beginnings of systematic mission strategies can be recognized. "a4 Schaufele further points out that it was necessary to systernatically win people for the church of Christ since there were no authorities who supported or even recognized the movement - in contrast to the GroBkirchen. Probably the most active group of Anabaptists and the one with the most strategic missionary activities was in Moravia. ". . . in the

92Schaufele. 147.

93Clasen. "Leaders". 1 23.

%chaufele, 146. 39 years 1 531-1 534/5 Philippite Brethren of Moravia had started missionary activities Iike al1 other Anabaptists and established indigenous brotherhoods in the cities of Upper Austria. Certainly also the Hutterites were busy sending missioners (Sendboten) out into

many countries, . . ."95 In principle, every male member of the church was obligated to missionary activity. "Whoever joined the brotherhood, was baptized on the condition that 'he must be willing to be used in the lands'."g6 Since Moravia was at that time part of the Haus Habsburg, al1 these missionary activities are of interest to us in the context of this paper. In addition, a very large number of the Anabaptists in Moravia were from present day Austria. "Seeking to provide refuge for his persecuted followers, Jakob Hutter. the Tirolese leader, established a formal union in 1529 between the believers of the Tirol and the community at Austerlitz. From about 1530 on, the Anabaptists in the

Tirol alrnost invariably emigrated to Moravia. "97 We can, therefore, safely assume that many of the missionaties sent from the Moravian brotherhood were actually Austrians. In some cases it is even explicitly stated: "The emissary Hans Schmid, who originated from the Tyrol, was sent to the Rheinland in 1558 where he

97Claus-Peter Clasen, "Anabaptist Sects in the Sixteenth Century: A Research Report," The Mennonite Quarterlv Review XLVl no. 3 (July 1972), 266. then died in Aachen as a martyr."g* In the beginning of the mavernent most missionaries were recruited from among the immigrants. In the later decades of the century the church was able more frequently to, send "home grown" missionaries. So far al1 examples cited dealt with missionaries going to mainly German speaking areas of Europe. Yet their vision and their practice reached beyond this natural barrier of foreign languages.

For this, appointed itinerant preachers - especially from the Hutterite brethren - were systematically sent out . . . also to European foreign countries, to , Holland, Italy, Greece, and others; although they actually did not establish any missionary work in countries that had never been reached by the Gospel, although they in no case forgot thern.99 Every spring missionaries were commissioned and sent out to different parts of Europe. From one of these services in 1568 a missions hymn with twenty-five stanzas is prese~edwhich is the oldest Protestant Song about missions we know of so far.

98Schaufele. 170. From this same Hans Schmid we also have a good theological defense for their missionary activities: "God has revealed His will and council to the church which is that she carry on His divine work; this is especially the biggest and most distinguished work to go to ignorant peoples and tell them God's council and will, to be a light to the world, to lengthen the cords of the tents [Is 54,21, and to proclaim repentance to sinners . . ., so that the number of the saints will be fuffilled and the will of the Father will be known to al1 men so that in the end they will have no excuse . . . [For this] I would have been willing to be sent even to Turkey." (G. Bossert, ed.. "Hans Schmidt, 1590," QGWT 1930. Bd. 1 : Herzoatum Württemberq, 652- 658; quoted in Raupp, 52. Schaufele summarizes the missions activities of the Hutterites as follows:

The fact that is even more impressive is that the Hutterite propaganda activity extended beyond the borders of the German language. Hutterite apostles preached in the Slovakian parts of Hungary, in Poland, in upper ltaly. Thus for their tirne the Hutterites carried on an admirable, extensive, internationally oriented mission activity . . . - One should not faii to notice, of course, that at the same time Jesuit missionaries reached Central and Eastern Asia (India, , China), Africa, South and North America. Before we move on to the next century we want to point out the influence the Anabaptists of the sixteenth century had on later important developments. Raupp thinks that the Anabaptist missions practice became in many respects a "mode1 for the pietistic message of revival and mission movement. " Io1 And for Schaufele "the Anabaptist movement picked up certain initial Christian contents and forms of faith which, no doubt, had a continuous effect on the Anglo- Saxon free church and on Pietism." lo2 If there is at least some truth to these two opinions, then Austria, through her Anabaptist movement in the sixteenth century, has had some impact on world missions for several centuries thereafter. What we have already seen is, that most of the missions activities which were carried out in exile, will continue to be even more so in the seventeenth century. To this we shall turn next.

2. Mission Theory and Practice in the Seventeenth Century

Throughout the sixteenth century there were periods of severe persecution and periods of relative religious freedom in different parts of the Austrian empire. Usually the persecution was first directed against the Anabaptists. The transition from a reform-Catholic position ta a Protestant position was a gradua1 one, whereas rebaptism was seen as a provocation and therefore, was punished much more harshly. The central figure in the persecution of the Anabaptists was Ferdinand 1. (1503-1 564). Christian History says about him:

No other European leader paid such relentless attention to Anabaptisrn's suppression - a mission he virtually accomplished in Austria. . . . Crowned Archduke of Austria in 1521, King of Hungary and King of Bohernia in 1526, and Holy Roman Emperor after his brother Charles V abdicated in 1556, Ferdinand found in the persecution of Anabaptists the perfect action to bring about some cooperation among the diverse groups of his territory.1°3 "The basic commission which was supposed to scare people off because rebaptism was punishable by death, dates back to August 20, 1527."104 For a while it seemed like the rnovement grew no matter what the authorities did. Sometimes spectators at an execution

103''A Gallery of Factions, Friends and Foes", 15.

1~4Mecenseffy,Ursprünae und Stromunaen, 80. became Anabaptists because of the witness of the martyrs. Nevertheless, "it was a short flowering of Anabaptism; the harshest measures by the government of Ferdinand of Hapsburg (sic.) nipped this movernent almost in the bud."los And so, after a few decades, it could be said: "The movement practically disappeared in South Germany, and was completely eradicated in Austria by fire and sword."106 A Tyrolese historian judges about his home country that " Few of the nurnerous, bloody wars that the Tyrol waged have claimed so many lives, perhaps none have caused such terrible ravages in the country . . ."IO7 The situation of the Lutherans was only slightly better. Fewer were executed but many more were forced to leave the country. Already in 1525 the miners from Schladming were confronted with the alternative Glaube oder Heimat (faith or homeland)?8 In 1582 the Protestants were expelled from the city of Salzburg. In the little town of Waidhofen an der in Lower Austria there were 160 houses empty in 1600 because the Lutheran population had just left the town. In Erzberg in Styria so many miners had left the town by 1600 that the production was only one fifih of what it was before 1598.

~07GeschichteTirols. Band II (Innsbruck. 1876), 144; quoted in Schaufele, 25.

108Barton. 47. All other information in this paragraph cornes from different pages of the same source. Many more examples could be added. These will suffice to show that in the seventeenth century the Protestant church in Austria was weak and mostly struggling to survive. Foreign missions was no topic at all. Nevertheless, we do not need to skip this century altogether. As in the century before, we need to look basically to one Austrian in exile to find someone with a mind for missions. Most Protestant mission histories touch only very briefly on the seventeenth century, and for good reason. Not too many positive examples of vision or activities can be found in respect to missions. Some wrote about missions, others ventured into mission activities, one person did both. a) Mission Writincls

From the late sixteenth and the beginning of the seventeenth century mission thoughts pop up here and there, sporadically, but as time goes on more frequently. The representatives of these thoughts can be classified in three groups:

1. into such, which on the one hand do not acknowledge the duty of the church to send but on the other band award the right, even the duty, to Christian governments of heathen peoples to Christianize these; 2. into such, which in principle accept an obligation of the church to missions but don? consider the tirne and opportunity to carry it out as suitable; and 3. into such which without any stipulation attest the sending to be the church's responsibility . Pratorius (Stephan Pratorius, 1 536-1603), Meisner, Calixt, Scultetus, Joh. E. Gerhard (the younger), Duraus, Dannhauer, Havemann, Veiel and other theologians first raise their voices, of course mainly in order to lament about the lack of a mind for missions or to remind authorities of their duty to missions, but the 45 voices are very faint and because they lack the practical application they die away almost completely unheard.'Og (1 I Adrian (or Hadrianl Saravia (1531 -1 61 3). Already in 1 590 Saravia published a leaflet in defense of the office of the bishop. In it, he came to speak of missions and writes: "The command, to preach the gospel to all the world, is the obligation of the church since the apostles were taken to heaven." (2)Gottfried Wilhelm von Leibnitz (1646-1 71 6). After Leibnitz had met Jesuit missionaries to China while visiting Rome in 1689, he developed a missions interest in this country. He had great plans and even founded the Akademie der Wissenschaften in Berlin for the purpose of a Protestant mission to China. One of his main interests in missions was the advancement of al1 kinds of sciences. It is difficult to say how clear his understanding of the gospel really was. Nevertheless, his Novissima Sinica, published in 1697, made an impression on August Hermann Francke and substantially influenced the founding of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in England. 1 ' (3)Huao Grotius (1583-1 645). In 1627 this universal genius wrote an outline on the Christian faith, De Veritate Religionis

lOgGrossel, Die Mission und die evangelische Mission Kirche im 17. Jahrhunden (Gotha, 1897); quoted in Warneck, 25.

"OReinhold Gareis, Geschichte der evanaelischen Heidenmission (Konstanz: Verlag von Carl Hirsch, 1901), 9.

Stephen Neill, Niels-Peter Moritzen, and Ernst Schrupp, eds. Lexikon zur Weltrnission (Wuppertal: R. Brockhaus Verlag, 1975), S.V. "Leibnitz und die Mission," by Rolf Christiansen, and Schlunk, 108. Christianae. This handbook for missionaries was translated into Malay and later into Arabic and influenced some German students to give their lives to missions. 2 b) Mission Activities

"The seventeenth century saw more scattered Protestant missionary efforts Ithan the sixteenth 1, but aside from the work carried on in the American colonies, none of the ventures had real staying p~wer."~'3 (1 1 Peter Hevlinq. lnfluenced by Grotius, this law student from Lübeck left for Egypt in 1633 and went on to Ethiopia where he translated the New Testament into Amharic. Flachsmeier sees in hirn the first German Protestant missionary. ' 14 J2) John Eliot (1604-1 690). This Englishmen came to Massachusetts in 1631 and became pastor of the church in Roxbury a year later. It was not until 1644 when Eliot was forty years old that he seriously began his missionary endeavor. He learned the language of the Algonquin lndians and finished translating the whole Bible by 1663. He served faithfully until his death at the age of eighty-five. What carried him through the years of opposition and hardship? Ruth

1 12Neill. 1 90, and Flachsmeier, 1 1 2.

14Flachsmeier, 113. See also K. B. Westman and Harald von ~icard,Geschichte der christlichen Mission (: Chr. Kaiser, 1962), 70. 47 Tucker gives the answer to this question. ". . . his unbending optimism, his ability to enlist the help of others, and his absolute certainty that God, not he, was saving souk and was in control of the bad times as well as the good."lt5 (3)Other Missionaries to North American Indians. Short mention should be made of the Mayhews on Martha's Vineyard who worked successfully for five generations from 1646 until 1806 among the Indians there. Roger Williams worked among the Indians in Rhode Island after 1636. Less successful was the Swedish minister Johann Campanius, who together with his son, worked for five years among the Delaware lndians without winning even one con~ert.''~ 14) The Dutch East lndia Companv. Founded in 1 602, challenged to missions by J. Heurnius in 1618, it started the first Protestant missions seminary in Leyden in 1622. In the twelve years of its existence twelve missionaries were trained and sent to the Dutch possessians in lndonesia and Ceylon. The primary responsibility of these missionaries was the spiritual care of Dutchmen in the East. At the same time, they were to work for the conversion of the natives. According to Kane "the majority of them returned after five years without having learned the vernacular of the people among whom they 48 labored. "II Nevertheless, the New Testament was translated into Malay (16681, the first Bible translation of South-east Asia. l8 cl Austria'ç Contribution to Missions in the Seventeenth Century

The above mentioned missionaries and writers are basically al1 the ones I found in the sources consulted. No source mentions them all. and none of them is mentioned by every source. The relative importance of the person now under consideration can be seen by the fact that al1 sources, Gerrnan as well as English. at least mention hirn and some give quite a detailed account. That person is Baron Justinian von Welz (or Weltz). Justinian von Weiz was born to Gotthard Freiherr von Welz and Rosine von Eybisswald on December 1 2, 1621, the third of seven children. His two brothers had already died. Only one younger brother and one sister lived to adulthood. The exact birth place is not known, but it was in one of the parental casties in Austria.ll9 When Emperor Ferdinand Il. decreed the expulsion of al1 Protestant Herren- and Landstade on August 1, 1628, Gotthard von Weiz and his family must have been one of the 754 Protestant nobles who had to leave Styria and Carinthia within one year. They moved to

I17J. Herbert Kane, A Global View of Christian Missions (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Baker Book House, 1985), 76.

IgLaubach, 8. Several sources mistakenly name Chemnitz in Germany as his birth place: Flachsmeier, 122; Schlunk, 107, and even Warneck, 31. 49 Chemnitz where the father died on February 22, 1630. The widow then moved to relatives in Ulm where the eight year old Justinian grew

UP* We know very little about the next thirty-three years or so except that he was in Leiden in 1641, and at the age of twenty he published the first of many tracts. From his writings we know that he got into bad Company for a while. "Through diligent study of the Scriptures and by reading histories of the martyrs and certain mystical writings, he came to a knowledge of his condition and repented."'20 Between 1663 and 1664 Welz published no less than six tracts. In A Brief Report on How a New Society Is To Be Established Among Orthodox Christians of the Augsburg Confession, he brief ly touches on mission to the heathen as one of the purposes of this new society. Early in 1664 his plan to establish the Jesus-Loving Society took concrete shape. When he received encouraging letters from great Lutheran theologians like Johann Ernst Gerhard, Balthasar Boebelius, Michael Havernann, and Balthasar Raiths,lZ1 he published his proposal with the lengthy title A Christian and Sincere Admonition to Al1 Orthodox Christians of the Augsburg Confession Concerning a Special Society Through Which with the Help of God Our Evangelical Religion May Be Spread. In it he propounded three searching questions:

i20James A. Scherer, Justinian Welz: Essavs bv an Earlv Pro~het of Mission (Grand Rapids, Mich.: William B. Eerdmans Publ. Co., 1969), 14. 50 (1) Is it right that we evangelical Christians hold the gospel for ourselves alone, and do not seek to spread it? (2) Is it right that in al1 places we have so many students of theology and do not induce thern to labor elsewhere in the spiritual vineyard of Jesus Christ? (3) Is it right that we spend so much on al1 sorts of dress. delicacies in eating and drinking, etc.. but have hitherto thought of no means for the spread of the gospel?122 Furthermore, he offered four reasons for preaching the gospel to the heathen:

(1) It is God's witl that al1 men should be saved and corne to knowledge of the truth (1Tim 2:4); this requires that missionaries be sent forth to preach the Gospel to al1 men. (2) The example of godly men down through Christian history, who have suffered and died to bring God's Word to the heathen. (3) The petitions in the church's liturgy for the conversion of those who are in spiritual darkness and error; if these petitions are not to remain mere words. they should be transformed into action by sending men to work among the heathen. (4) The example of the Romanists, who in their Congregatio de Propaganda Fidei carry out a systematic missionary program and who justly reproach the Protestants for their lack of missionary zea1.123 He laid his plan before the Corpus Evangelicorum of the Imperia1 Diet of the Holy Roman Empire in Regensburg. The response was far from enthusiastic. When the Lutheran church superintendent at Regensburg. Johann Heinrich Ursinus gave a negative appraisal. Welz suddenly found himself isolatad. iater that year, Ursinus published a reply to Welz's tract. Among other things he concludes: "Where there are Christians, missions are superfluous, and where there are no

Christians, they are hopeless." 124 Scherer summarizes the reasons for Welz's failure to arouse a mission interest in the German Lutheran church so well that a lengthy quote is in order:

Welz's failure to win a positive response from the church and Christian society of his day can be ascribed to various causes. Welz's own personal inclination to religious enthusiasm, and his belief in private spiritual revelations. tended to incriminate him in the eyes of orthodoxy. His violent and ill-tempered attack on the clergy was scarcely politic. and not altogether justified. Welz's unsavory associations with Gichtel and Breckling, both already branded as heretics and identified with contentiousness, did not help his cause. The untimely personal intervention of Ursinus, who committed the full weight of orthodox opinion to the opposition, certainly hurt Welz's case. The judgment of political servants that the project was untimely and "impracticable," in view of the political atmosphere of the times. must also be considered. Finally. there is the consideration that Lutheran orthodoxy. while slowly changing, was not yet fully ready for the winds of spiritual reform. Thus Welz was destined to become a sacrifice to orthodox intransigence. 25 Unlike some of the other writers who had encouraged missionary work Welz practiced what he preached. He laid down his title and left from Holland for Dutch Surinam where he died in 1668. "Welz was unique in calling his own church to missionary obedience and in backing up his cornmitment with his money, his reputation. and his life. Thereby he kindled a spark in the imagination of Christendom that 52 ignited a blaze of Protestant missionary devotion in the two generations that followed." 26 Schick points out a different aspect of the uniqueness of Welz: "Justinian von Weltz was from among the Lutherans the first missionary in the real biblical sense. Here, for the first time, the union between colonization and missions, between politics and evangelism among the heathen was completely severed. He was the first to establish the obligation of the Lutheran church to missions purely on biblical grounds. "127

3. World Missions in the Eighteenth Century

If one had to look to Austrians in exile for any Austrian missions involvement in the seventeenth centun/, one has to do so even more in the eighteenth. While we were able to find first generation exiles in the preceding chapter we will only be able to consider second and third generation exiles in this one. Nevertheless, some of them are still clearly seen as Austrian descendants, whereas others are no longer known for their Austrian roots. After very sporadic mission attempts in the first two centuries after the Reforrnation "it was the eighteenth century that witnessed the first great thrust of Protestant missions, for it was only then that Protestants in any significant numbers began recognizing their 53 responsibility in evangelizing those without the g0spel."1~8 From these 'significant numbers" there were still several with Austrian blood in their veins. The century opens, so to speak, with the first Protestant mission - the Danish-Halle Mission. In 1620 Denmark already established its first trading colony at Tranquebar. Chaplains were sent out from the beginning but only to minister to the colonists. It took almost one hundred years before missionary work started among the indigenous population. It was at the time when pietism was becoming a power in the churches, that King Frederick IV of Denrnark "made up his mind to emulate the Roman Catholic rulers, and to concern himself for the well- being of his lndian subjects in the tiny Danish settlement of Tranquebar on the Coromandel Coast of south-east India." When his court chaplain, Dr. Franz Lutkens, failed to find recruits in Denmark, he turned to the Spener and Francke in Germany. Two students from the university in Halle were suggested: Bartholomew Ziegenbalg and Heinrich Plütschau. On November 29, 1705, they left for India. Plütschau's term only lasted five years. "Ziegenbalg's thirteen years of service in lndia were interrupted by a furlough from the end of 1 714 to 171 6 - a furlough which itself did much to stir up interest in the work of foreign missions."~3* Two prominent Austrian exiles were influenced by his reports. a) Samuel (1 685-1 772) and Johann Auaust (1 728-1 806)Urlsber~er

Samuel Urlsberger was born in the small town Kirchheim unter Teck in Württernberg, but his family was among the many Austrian Protestants who under the pressure of the Counter Reformation had left their Catholic homeland. He was one of Francke's students in the early years of the existence of the Halle university. At eighteen he finished his theological studies, at twenty he wrote a philosophical dissertation and received his Master of Philosophy. During a public disputation he won the favor of the duke who awarded him a generous travel scholarship. The following five years of international travel were of great importance for his future life. In England he not only experienced the grace of God personally, but was also introduced to the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge. When he left England he became a non-resident member of the society. At that time he didn't know that it would become one of his life's tasks to practically translate the fundamental ideas of the society into German church life.

At this point we have to focus on that appeal [for the Tranquebar mission] that Urlsberger wrote on behalf of the duke at the beginning of his official function as court preacher [in Augsburgl and which was read from al1 the pulpits of the Lutheran churches in

13oJohn Aberly, An Outline of Missions (Philadelphia: Muhlenberg Press, 1 945). 53. 55 Württemberg on the nineteenth Sunday after Trinitatis in the year 1715. It establishes a landmark in Lutheran missions history and is significant and characteristic of Urlsberger's own inner development as well . . . It was the first time in the history of continental Protestantism, that a church in its entirety stood up for missions by means of an official declaration.l31 So we see in Samuel Urlsberger another Austrian exile who had a part in world missions. He never went to the field himself but he did much to further mission interest in the homeland. His son, Johann August Urlsberger, followed in his father's footsteps in many ways. He was fundamental in the founding of the Christentumsgesellschaft on August 30, 1780, which eventually led to the founding of the Basler Mission in 1 8 1 5. Because of his Austrian background he always felt close to the Protestants in Austria and did much to help them in their difficulties. So it is not surprising that a strong tie developed between the Christentumsgese//schaft and the oppressed Protestants in Austria. This tie in turn continued in the next century, with the Basler Mission as we shall see later. b) Count Nicolaus Ludwig von Zinzendorf (1700-1 760)

Undoubtedly "one of the greatest missionary statesmen of al1 tirnes, and the individual who did the most to advance the cause of Protestant missions during the course of the eighteenth century was a German-born nobleman, Count Nicolaus Ludwig von Zinzendorf." ls2

pp - -- 131Schick, 1 95-98. 56 Although it is true that Nicolaus Ludwig was German-born, Austria has some daim on him as well. According to Thiessen, he was the son of an Austrian noblernanl33; according to Glover the grandson.134 Erich Beyreuther, professor of church history at the University of Erlangen. sheds more light on the family history of the Zinzendorfs in the first of his three volumes about the life and work of

Nicolaus Ludwig von Zinzendorf. 135 The Zinzendorf family can be traced back to the eleventh century. During the time of the Reformation, a new chapter was written in their family history. Johannes IV, the Younger. became a Lutheran. His son, Alexander, became a Protestant as well. Of Alexander's two sons, one turned his back on the Protestant faith. the other. Otto Heinrich, remained faithful through al1 the difficulties of Protestantisrn in Austria in the seventeenth century. In 1628 he spent some time in Nürnberg but returned to his office in Vienna where Emperor Leopold even promoted him to the level of Reichsgraf in 1662. Otto Heinrich's two living sons had to make a choice. Siegmund Ernst became Catholic and stayed in Vienna. His older brother of five years, Maximilian Erasmus left for Germany in 1663 where he died nine years later. Maximilian left five children ages three to twelve

135Erich Beyreuther. Der iunoe Zinzendorf, 2d ed. (Marburg an der Lahn: Verlag der Francke-Buchhandlung, 1957). 9-43. 57 behind. One of them was Georg Ludwig von Zinzendorf und Pottendorf. Georg Ludwig became the ambassador for Saxony in Vienna when he was twenty-five. His life was influenced greatly by Jakob Philipp Spener in Dresden. He died only six weeks after his second wife had given birth to little Lutz, as Nicolas Ludwig was called. The young widow then moved to her mother, and so little Lutz spent the first decade of his life in the house of his grandmother, Henriette Katharina von Gersdorf, a well educated noble and devout Christian. The Count was sent to Halle at age ten where he met Ziegenbalg, Plütschau and Gründler and heard their reports from lndia first hand. For almost a year he sat at the same table and ate with these missionaries. 36 These reports left a deep impression on him. With five other students he founded 'the Order of the Grain of Mustard Seed' in 171 5 "which may be regarded as the first student volunteer group."'3' He later studied law in Wittenberg in preparation for a career in state service - the only acceptable vocation for a nobleman - but his desire was ta enter the Christian ministry. The opportunity came unexpectedly in 1722. Schattschneider says about this incident: "No story is more dramatic; or more important for the missionary enterprise of the whole church, than that which unfolded when Zinzendorf gave what he thought was ta be temporary refuge on his land to a group of refugee Protestants from nearby Bohemia and Moravia. "13* It is difficult to overestimate the importance of Zinzendorf and his Moravian Mission. According to Haccius it is of "greatest significance for the development of mission life in Germany and even in the whole world."139 So far Protestant mission advances were still more or less under the influence of political, colonial, or national interests. "Then for the first time within the Lutheran church, Zinzendorf and the Brethren Church called into being a universally designed mission undertaking on a large scale."140 Another reason that Herrnhut holds a special place in missions history, is pointed out by Karl Müller:

We will only then do complete justice to what the significance of Herrnhut's mission beginnings were to the Lutheran Church if we bring to mind that here, for the first time, the Christian church itself sends its messengers! Even the Danish-Halle Mission would not have been possible without Halle's circle of friends. But neither could this circle of friends be called a church (in its narrower sense) nor did they functions as a sending body. The fact that the Christian church, to whom the commission was given, sends its

138David A. Schattschneider, "Pioneers in Mission: Zinzendorf and the Moravians," International Bulletin of Missionary Research 8 no. 2 (April 1984), 63.

139Georg Haccius, 3e.Erster Teil (Hermannsburg: Verlag der Missionshandlung in Hermannsburg, 1909), 109.

14oAdolf Schulze, AbriB einer Geschichte der Brüdermission (Herrnhut: Missionsanstalt der Evangelischen Brüderunitat, 1901 1, 1. 59 messengers itself, became for the first and only tirne for a long time within the Lutheran church reality in Herrnhut.141 By the time of Zinzendorf's death in 1760, the Moravian Church had sent out 226 missionaries into twenty-eight mission fields. "Within twenty years of the commencement of their missionary work the Moravian Brethren had started more missions than Anglicans and Protestants had started during the two preceding cent~ries."'~2Within one hundred years 740 men and 459 women had gone to various mission fields. Many of the missionaries died within a relatively short time due to the hostile climate. Yet one of Zinzendorf's principles was: "Better one hundred enterprises in vain than none to the glory of the

Savior. " 43

CI Johann Leonhard Dober (1 706-1766)

As we have seen above, many of the Moravian Brethren had corne from Tyrol, Upper Austria. or other parts of Austria. Since they were not of noble birth like Welz and Zinzendorf. we usually do not find their family trees in the records. So we are safe to assume that at least some of the hundreds of rnissionaries who were sent out from Herrnhut were of Austrian origin. This may well have been the biggest contribution Austria has made to world missions so far.

142Charles H. Robinson, History of Christian Missions (New York: Scribners, 1915). 50; quoted in Kane, 79. In some cases, however, we at least find a general statement about the roots of these missionaries. Flachsmeier informs us about Herrnhut's first missionary that "like most of his Herrnhut brothers Dober also was descended from a family who had left their old homeland in Upper Austria for their faith."t44 Like his father, Johann Leonhard was a potter by trade. At nineteen he followed his brother Martin to Herrnhut where he experienced salvation and received assurance of his faith. He went back to Monchsroth to help his father for three years, only to return to Herrnhut with his aging parents. When Zinzendorf represented the Saxon court at the coronation of Christian VI in Copenhagen,'45 he met a Negro slave from the West lndies and two native Greenlanders (converts of Hans Egede). He was so impressed with their pleas for missionaries that he invited the former to Herrnhut. Within a year on August 21, 1732, Johann Leonhard Dober and his companion David Nitschmann left for the Virgin Islands. After only two years on the field Dober was elected as Oberaltester (chief elder) in Herrnhut and had to return home. In 1747 he was elected and ordained as bishop of the Brethren Church. Although his short stint in St. Thomas was not very successful, nevertheless, " his animated accounts of mission work and his spiritual influence in the Brethren Church took care that the still new idea of

145Tucker, 71. Flachsmeier mistakenly has Christian IV who reigned from 1588 to 1648. 61 Lutheran world missions was kept alive and received continuing new stimulation."l46 He died on April 1, 1766, like Count Zinzendorf at the age of sixty. dl Christian David (1690-1 751 )

Georg Traar in his book about one hundred faithful witnesses from Austria includes Christian David with the following argument: "Not according to today's boundaries but according to the situation in his time does Christian David belong to the cloud of witnesses of whom our Austrian diaspora church can boast. His home was in Sanftleben in Moravia."' 47 Christian was born into a Catholic family on December 31, 1690. He became a devout Catholic with deep religious devotion, but he had no real understanding of true Christianity. During his apprenticeship as a carpenter, away from home, he was first exposed to some Christian teaching. At twenty he acquired a Bible, and seven years later he was converted. Through the encouragement of his devoted wife, he soon became a traveling lay preacher. During his travels he met many persecuted Christians who longed for a place where they could worship freely. When he met Count Zinzendorf in 1722, it led to the establishment of Herrnhut. He recruited many settlers for Herrnhut, but he was eager to become more directly involved in evangelism. Together with Mathias and 62 Christian Stach he was sent to Greenland in 1 733. Later he also worked in Livonia and preached the gospel in the Latvian language.

David Zeisberm (1 720-1808)

Born in Zauchental in Bohemia on April 1 1, 1720, David Zeisberger was also a child of the old Austria. With his parents he found a new home in Herrnhut, but his family was among the first who immigrated to America from there. David was left in Herrnhut at the age of fifteen. A year later he accompanied Zinzendorf on a trip to Holland from where he managed to follow his parents. In 1740 the whole family moved to Pennsylvania. David loved the outdoors and learned many skills from the Indians. He learned their language and became the most famous of the Moravian missionaries to the Indians. For sixty-three years he labored amid tragedy and hardship. He was so accepted and respected by the lndians that they "made him a sachem and 'keeper of the archives'. " 1 48 Due to the French and lndian War and later to the American Revolution, Zeisberger and his Christian following experienced much hardship and had to move from place to place. They went from northern Ohio to southern Michigan, and then finally settled in Ontario. There Zeisberger, past the age of seventy, established a mission station that survived for more than a century. 63 4. The Nineteenth Century

"As a matter of pure chronology, the nineteenth century should presurnably extend exactly from 1800 to 1900, but in practice most working historians have found it convenient to treat it as having begun in 1789 with the outbreak of the French Revolution, and as having lasted till 1 9 14, the beginning of the First World War." 149 We will follow these dates roughly in this chapter. With the dawn of the nineteenth century there came some changes for Christian missions. It has been called the century of missions. Many new developments took place. The rnissionary force grew manifold. Missionary societies sprang up everywhere; well, almost everywhere. In Austria these developments took much longer as we shall see. Schlunk sees several changes between missions in the eighteenth and the nineteenth century.150 Whereas missions in the former time period were, with exceptions, rnotivated by colonial politics or spiritual imperialism, they were now built much more on the command of our Lord. As Schlunk so aptly states. "Missions as a work of faith and love have their center neither in Wittenberg nor in Geneva nor in Rome but in Jerusalem on Mount Olive." Another radical change came out of the individualism of pietist godliness. From now on workers were not called to missions anyrnore, but volunteered according to an inner conviction of a cal1 from God. Lastly, Welz's ideal and proposal becarne a reality. "A vital part of Christianity was organized independent from the church." As already mentioned, mission societies and organizations were founded on a large scale. The nineteenth century, according to the definition we have used, basically started with the annus mirabilis, "the famous date frorn which missionary annals are to be reckoned backward and forward."i51 Glover, of course, is referring to the year 1792 and to William Carey, "the father of modern missions." This view is shared by many others, especially by English writers, but even among them not al1 agree. Neill, for one, puts Carey in the right light:

Books written in English have frequently spoken of William Carey (1761 -1 834) as 'the father of modern missions', and of the work that he brought into being as the first Protestant mission of modern times. Our earlier chapters have shown that this is a misunderstanding; Carey staod, and was conscious of standing, in a noble succession, as the heir of many pioneers in the past. Yet his work does represent a turning-point; it marks the entry of the English speaking world on a large scale into the missionary enterprise - and it has been the English-speaking world which has provided four-fifths of the non-Roman missionaries from the days of Carey until the present time.152 Almost from the beginning of Protestant missions there was an interrelation between the English-speaking world and continental Europe. The founding of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in England was influenced by Leibnitz. Urlsberger, on the other hand, brought back from England important ideas from the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge. Zinzendorf had friends in England; English societies sent out German missionaries, and so on. From about the middle of the eighteenth century the Enlightenrnent gained influence and Pietism slowly lost ground. So it happened that Halle sent no more missionaries after 1818. English societies entered into their heritage. England, in turn, was instrumental again in reviving missionary interest in Germany.

"A cal1 that the London Mission Society sent to all Protestant countries in 1797 met with a broad response. In 1798 in Hatshausen, the east Frisian pastor S. Stracke founded the first mission society in Germany which was the 'Mission Society of the Grain of Mustard Seed.' The head forestry superintendent of Saxony, v. Schirnding, who zealously worked for the LMS, motivated the Herrnhut pastor Joh. Janicke to start a mission seminary in Berlin in 1800. . . . Up until 1827 about eighty missionaries went forth from this seminary."' 53 a) Austria's Contribution to the Moravian Mission

Before turning to the many mission societies which were founded in the following decades, it is necessary to return to the Moravian 66 Mission, once more. ln his first volume about the Moravian Mission Karl Müller published a list of all the places where the 763 missionaries had corne from who were sent out during the first century of the mission's existence. 154 Unfortunately. the origin of 21 5 of them is not known. Among the forty-eight places mentioned, Austria appears with two missionaries, as do Bremen, Hamburg, and Africa. Russia, in comparison. sent twelve. Switzerland fourteen. and Denmark twenty- nine. At that time. Bohemia was part of Austria and. as we have seen above, many Protestants in Bohemia had originally corne from areas of present day Austria. so we can add the thirty-seven missionaries sent from Bohemia. This changes the picture considerably. According to Rathke, Moravia furnished forty-six missionaries.' 55 It is not quite clear what time period he is referring to, but presumably it is the total number. In addition to the ones mentioned above, he adds Fr. Bohnisch, H. A. Jaschke (Linguist in Tibet), the Nitschmanns, and G. Schmidt. Since no dates are given for the time of service of al1 the nameless missionaries. it is impossible to tell how many went in each of the two centuries. In any case, it can be safely stated that the

55Karl-Heinz Rathke, Die Kirche nicht im Dorf lassen (Linz: Missionarische Dienste des evang. Arbeitskreises für Weltmission in ~sterreich,n.d.). 11. 67 lion's share of al1 Austrian missionaries up to the twentieth century were sent by the Moravian Mission. b) Austria's Contribution to the Basle Mission

In spite of all parsecutions and deportations many Geheimprotestanten had remained. When Emperor Josef II. issued the Toleranzpatent on October 13. 1 781. in Carinthia aione, 13,120 persons registered as Protestants within the first seven months. But many restrictions for the young churches remained. They were dependent on help from abroad. From the very beginning. the Christentumsgesellschaft in Basle had a heart for the needy Austrian Protestants. Urlsberger had a big part in it, as we have already seen. A certain Johann Tobias KieBling. a businessman from Nürnberg. who became a Christian through an exile from Salzburg, visited Austria 106 times. He helped with money. Bibles and brochures. and through him many German pastors came to Austria. Of the ten Lutheran pastors in Carinthia in the year 1790. aight were from Franken which was KieBling's home area. Through his reports many Christians in Germany, Switzerland and beyond. heard about the plight of Protestants in Austria. At the same time the isolated churches in Austria experienced fellowship and saw beyond their own limited horizon. Out of the Christentumsgesellschaft grew the Basle Mission. Again a descendent of an Austrian emigrant family, Christian Friedrich Spittler, played a decisive role. The ties with Austria continued, and so missions reports from Basle were read in Austria. 68 Nevertheless, it must have been a surprise to the mission board in Basle when a certain Johann Kindlinger from Enzenkirchen in Upper Austria applied. On January 18, 1817, he started as the ninth student of the new mission school. After soma more training in Holland, he left for lndia with the Dutch Mission in 1820. Kindlinger did a good work but died at the age of thirty-seven on February 14, 1829. "Since he died before his first furlough his work remained without effects on Austrian chur~hes."~s6This problern we will rneet again and again even in the twentieth century, although not because of premature death. In the first half of the century a very impressive pastor from Vienna, Gottlieb Aogust Wimmer, worked in Oberschützen, Burgenland. This youngest province of Austria did not belong to Austria then, so Wimmer had freedom to do things not yet known in Austria. All of his work had one aim - that the salvation in Christ would become a reality for the whole man, so his work included Bible distribution as well as social reforms and medical work. He also brought a vision for missions to his church. In 1844 and 1845 he organized the first Missionsfeste (mission festivals) on Austrian soil. One indirect result of his tireless work was another Austrian missionary, this time from Burgenland. When Samuel Bohm (1831 - 1859) came from his native Kitzladen to Oberschützen, Wimrner had already lefi. In the pastor's library Bohrn found, among other writings, mission news from Basle. His desire for mission service grew, and in 69 1852 he went to the mission school in Basle. After he finished his studies and was ordained in Vienna in 1857. he went to the Goldcoast in West Africa under the North German Missionary Society. After only nineteen months of sewice, he died at the young age of twenty-eight. His brother also started the mission training in Basle but had to leave after one year because of "unfitnesstt. Several tirnes throughout this century one encounters missionaries and missionary candidates from Basle on deputation in Austria. In 1848 Ernst August Diez visited churches in Carinthia where he had spent part of his childhood. A year later he traveled with a fellow student in Upper Austria and Styria. In the sixties Huber and Müller. missionaries from India, traveled through Austria.157 "From 1862 to the turn of the century there were ten to twelve visits by missionaries from Basle."158 In 1849 the Superintendent of the Lutheran Church of Upper Austria suggested the founding of an Austrian missionary society. Just when plans were well developed, the government changed a law and the formation of such a society became an impossibility. It was even illegal to transfer money abroad without permission although on a small scale it happened anyway. Since the year 1861 brought full freedom to the Protestants in Austria, Huber and Müller again suggested the formation of a society.

157Paul Eppler, Geschichte der Basler Mission 1 81 5-1 899 (Basel: Verlag der Missionsbuchhandlung, 1900). 254. Now it would have been possible but the vision was lacking. The proverb 'The shirt is closer than the jacket' applied and seems to influence missionary thinking even to this day. The needs in the country were sa big that it seemed impossible, at least ta church officiais, to give to foreign missions. It took another sixty years before the first missionary society, the Verein für e vangelische Heidenmission, was f ounded in Vie nna in 1902. Its main aim was to rouse interest in foreign missions and to supply finances. It planned to work with other societies, especially the Basle Mission Society. There seems to be no intention to recruit and send Austrian missionaries. This concept never came into focus until the second half of the twentieth century. Basle had the impression that the Lutheran church as a whole supported the Leipzig Mission Society and that the new Austrian Verein tried to have contact with too many others. They were afraid to lose ground in Austria and therefore, sent a representative to be stationed in Austria in 1908. In different parts of Germany and Switzerland they had twenty-nine of these Reiseprediger stationed by

1 914.159 Schlatter, in his history of the Basle Mission Society, gives a statistic from the year 1882. At that time, in the sixty-five years of its existence, the missionary training school in Basle had accepted 1.1 12

15gWilhelm Schlatter, Geschichte der Basler Mission 1815-1 91 5: I. Band: Die Heirnataeschichte der Basler Mission (Basel: Basler Missionsbuchhandlung, 1916). 359. men into their program. Of these one came from Austria and two from Hungary.160 If these figures are correct then the above mentioned Johann Kindlinger was the only one from Austria, and the two Bohm brothers from Burgenland would have been the only two from Hungary.161 Before World War I five more Austriacs went into missions; four of them trained in Basle and one somewhere in England. Matthias Neubacher from Attersee went to China in 1903 and worked there - with interruptions - until 1936. Zachaus Egartner from Griffen, Carinthia, went to lndia in 1909 but had to return after a few months because of heaith reasons. He later worked among German immigrants in the USA from 1910 until his death. Adolf Hermann aus Unterschützen went to England in 1905 and later to China. We know very little about him. Karl Trawnitschek from Vienna left the mission after one year on the Goldcoast in 191 1. Eugen Sorg, also from Vienna, started to work in the Goldcoast in 191 3. He returned from internment in 191 9.7 62 To these one should add Austrian wives of foreign missionaries from Basle. There was C.A. Maria Locher-Diez who worked from 1853 to 1867 on the Goldcoast; Martha Gutekunst-Fritzlechner from

l61Rathke mentions Heinrich Gregorius, another Austrian from Vienna. who was in Basle from 1876 to 1882. He pastored churches in the USA, in Upper Austria, and in Russia, where he died in 1927. 72 Eggen, Carinthia: 1 900 - 1 91 0 in Carneroon; Clara Brugger-lseli from Graz: 1902 - 1918 on the Goldcoast; Klara Vohringer-Keller from Thening: 1913 - 1914 on the Goldcoast; and Theodora Bunz-Stotz from Thening: 1904 - 1916 and 1927 - 1934 in India.l63 cl Other Mission Societies

From 1824 on. many missionary societies were established in Germany: The Berlin Missionary Society (often referred to as Berlin 1.) in 1824. the Rhenish Missionary Society in 1828. The North German Missionary Society, the Leipzig Evangelical Lutheran Mission Society, and the Gossner Missionary Society (the Evangelical Union for the Spread of Christianity among the Heathen - referred to as Berlin II), were al1 established in 1836. The Woman's Society for Education of Women in the East was founded in 1 848, the Hermannsburg Missionary Society in 1849, and the Berlin Woman's Missionary Society for China in 1850. According to Grundemann, ten missionary societies existed in 1878.164 Presumably they were the eight in the list above and the two oldest, the Moravian Mission and the Basle Missionan/ Society. In the following decade six more were added: The Breklum Missionary Society (Die Schles wig-Holsteinische Evangelisch-Lutherische

164R. Grundemann, Die Entwickluna der evanaelischen Mission irn letzten Jahrzehnt 11 878-18881 (Bielefeld: Verlag von Velhagen & Klasing, 1890). 3. Missionsgesellschaft zu Breklum) in 1877,165 the Neukirchen Missionary lnstitute in 1882, the General Evangelical Protestant Missionary Society in 1884,1s6 the Evangelical Missionary Society for German East Africa (often referred to as Berlin III.), the Neuendettelsau Missionary Society (Gesellschaft für lnnere und ~u~ereMission im

Sinne der lutherischen Kirche zu Neuendettelsau), 67 and the Evangelical-Lutheran Missionary Society for East Africa in Bavaria, al1 in 1886. Most of these mission societies made a more local appeal for support, so it is not surprising that we find very little about them in Austria. Only the Leipzig Evangelical Lutheran Mission Society had some contacts, mainly in Burgenland. Leipzig had more connections with Hungary and German churches in Bohemia. Nevertheless, some Austrian church officiais were unhappy with Basle because of its interdenominational character. They wanted a purely Lutheran societ~. and so they pushed Leipzig. So the seventh general synod in 1901

165Grundemann included this society in his list for the decade of 1878 to 1888 because it only staned its work on the field in 1881.

166Later called the East Asia Mission. See Theador Devaranne, "Die Ostasien-Mission," in Richter, 229.

167According to Friedrich Eppelein, director of this society in 1941, the society was established in 1849 (Friedrich Eppelein, "Gesellschaft für lnnere und ~u~ereMission im Sinne der lutherischen Kirche zu Neuendettelsau," in Richter, 225). In the beginning they only worked among Lutherans in America and to a limited extent among lndians there. In 1885 they sent their first missionaries to Australia and to New Guinea (Dwight, 263). 74 suggested among other things a yearly collection for missions on January 6. Most of these collections went to the Leipzig Mission. As a result, the general assembly of the Leipzig Mission gave the Lutheran Church of Austria voice and vote in 1906. At least in 1913 the Oberkirchenrat in Vienna sent a delegate.168 Nevertheless, there were some individual churches which had contacts with other mission societies, usually on apersonal basis. Bad Goisern supported the Paris Missionary Society, Bad Ischl the Berlin Missionary Society, and Gmunden sent a part of their collections to the Mission Society of Hermannsburg. In addition, individuals supported several other societies. All in al1 there were about twenty foreign mission societies which tried to win friends and supporters in

Austria. '69 Two short visits of well known missionaries should still be mentioned. In 1850 Gützlaff traveled through many parts of Europe and tried to get countries to "adopt" provinces of China. "Austria, where Gützlaff just hurried through, wanted to adopt Hunan together with Bavaria."l70 Obviously nothing ever becarne of it. Franz mentions Hudson Taylor's only visit to Austria in 1897. He says:

Paul, Die Lei~ziaerMission daheim und draut3en (Leipzig: Verlag der Evang.-luth. Mission, 19 14), 230. 75 Since freedom of religion was restricted in Austria no comparable results as in Switzerland or Germany could be expected here. The founding of a mission was unthinkable. On March 26 about two hundred listaners waited for them [Taylor and Sloanl in the parlor of the Baroness of Langenau. The second gathering took place in the large auditorium of the YMCA in Vienna."l He certainly was right in his cornparison of Austria with Switzerland and Germany. He was wrong, though, in his assurnption that it was impossible to establish a society. In addition, he overlooked the potential of prayer and financial support and the possibility of recruiting Austrians for foreign missions. It seems ta me that especially the so-called faith missions made this mistake far into the twentieth century.

5. Austria Since World Wat I a) Between the Wars

World War I brought significant changes to Austria. It entered the war as a monarchy and afterwards became a republic. Before the war

Austria was a multinational and multilingual empire. Aftewards, it was cut down considerably in size and basically was German speaking only. Economically, financially, and psychologically Austrians suffered. Just before the war the establishment of a permanent representation of the Basle Mission in Austria led to conflicts with the Verein für evangelische Heidenmission. They got together and decided to reorganize the old society. The outcome was the Üsterreichische

'1 Andreas Franz, Mission ohne Grenzen (GieBen: Brunnen Verlag, 1993), 57. 76 Hauptverein für evang. Heidenmission, established in 1914. The representative from Basle became the secretary of this new organization. The board was very ambitious and put as one of their goals in the bylaws the establishment of an Austrian sending organization in due course. The war impaired their activities, but in 191 9 a periodical "The Christ and the Peoples" was published. Because of the high inflation rate it only came out sporadically and the publication was stopped again in 1929. The society existed until 1938 when al1 religious organizations were dissolved, but it had no real impact in the last decade of its existence. Some Protestants had strong leanings towards Germany and preferred a German society over the Swiss based Basle Mission, especially in Styria. They founded a supporting society for the Berlin Mission in 1 929 which also lasted tilt 1938. Even during this difficult tirne two more Austrians left for the mission field. Ferdinand Weinbrenner from Vienna worked - with interruptions - in China from 1920 until 1939. Adolf Oberlerchner from Tangern in Carinthia was able to serve in Cameroon from 1938 until 1940. One lady from Attersee, Eiisabeth Stockle-Neubacher, served with her non-Austrian husband in China where she was born, from 1935 until 1941.

b) After World War II

11 1 Developments within the Lutheran Church. The Basle Mission again took up the work in Austria in 1947. Adolf Oberlerchner became their representative. After his two years in Cameroon he had been in internment for six years. Through his many reports in churches al1 over Austria many small circles of friends of the Basle Mission developed. As a result of the war, the Lutheran Church as a whole had lost its awareness of a worldwide responsibility. In response, pastor Gerhard Gerhold made an appeal to ail Lutheran pastors in Austria. He suggested the establishment of Missionsrate in each diocese. As a result the Evangelische Arbeitskreis für ~u~ereMission was inaugurated in 1951. Money coming in through mernbership fees or collections was to be divided between the Leipzig and the Basle Mission. In 19 58 the ~kumenischeRat der Kirchen in ~sterreich (Ecumenical Council of Churches in Austria) was forrned. At the Third Assembly of the World Council of Churches in New Delhi in 1961, where the WCC and the International Missionary Council were combined, four Austrians were present. As a direct result of this event the emphasis of world missions in Austria shifted from evangelism to many other topics like peace, disarmament, racism, etc. In his report about New Delhi, Bishop G. May pointed out that al1 these things are the responsibility of the church, and are its mission.

Here new dimensions of understanding missions opened up which had never been seen before. Colfecting money, intercession, and sending missionaries to far-away countries is the right thing to do but not enough for a valid testimony of the church. Missions means taking a stand, "laying one's cards on the table," here at home and on a world level, within the church and without. This 78 view of the church and mission, or better. of the church mission was accepted by the synod at that tirne.172 To put these principles into practice in the churches the Osterreichische Missionsrat (Austrian Missionary Council) was established in 1963. Not much was left of the evangelistic aspect of missions. A glance at the membership shows the shift. There were several member organizations who have nothing to do with missions in our sense of the word. Maybe the best example is the Evangelische Militarseelsorge (an arm of the church responsible for Protestants in the army). In 1969 the Lutherische Missionsgemeinschaft was founded by Professor Walter Schlesinger. He had found Christ in Australia. had seen missions first hand and had corne back al1 enthusiastic. Although he was very active. this society was never able to recruit any Austrians for foreign missions. In the sixties and seventies several more Austrians became missionaries in different parts of the worfd most of whom were with the Basle Mission. although two were with the Liebenzell ~ission.~~~ Sorne of them were pastors in the Lutheran Church of Austria. Through the initiative of the Austrian Missionary Council in 1964. the church had decided to pay the salary of Austrian pastors working overseas.

'73A list of Austrian missionaries since World War II is to be found in Appendix 1. 79 A substantial new development took place in the late seventies. In 1979 Herbert Bronnenmeyer, M.D., started to work in Sudan as the director of the Primary Health Care Program, a joint project of the Sudan lnterior Church and the Sudan lnterior Mission. In Austria the Missionsgerneinschaft der Fackeîtrziger - Schloi.3 Klaus (Torchbearers)174 represented the work. The Torchbearers started working in Austria in 1963, mainly in youth work. It was only in the late seventies that the Austrian organization got an international dimension. The Sudan project grew, and soon several Austrians worked in Sudan in different capacities. Through personal acquaintances, contact was established with . and in 1980 the first missionaries left for these islands to help the national church there. Most of these projects were intended for five years or less. Since the Torchbearers are very well known among Lutheran churches in Austria, especially in the ones with evangelical pastors or groups of believers within the church, the vision for missions has increased in the last few years. One new aspect of this organization was the fact that the financial base was in Austria because the sending agency was Auçtrian. Up to this point basically al1 Austrian missionaries were sent by foreign agencies and only part of their support came from within

'74This organization is not part of the Lutheran church as such but works with and in the Lutheran church almost exclusively. 80 Austria at the best. In this case. even some German missionaries were sent from Austria. 12) The Free Churches. In Austria this name refers to al1 evangelical churches which are not state churches. It includes Baptist Churches, Mennonite Brethren Churches, Volksrnissionsgemeinden, Brethren Churches, and many different independent churches established by various mission organizations working in Austria. Almost none of them existed before World War II. Many of them were financially dependent on the mother churches in Nonh America, Germany or Switzerland. They were young, small, and struggling, so for most of them missions was something important, but always something others did. German missionaries as well as some other missionaries visited some of these churches to report about their work. They were always welcomed, but they failed to pass the vision on to Austrian churches. In the late sixties and early seventies some churches had strong young people groups. As a result, several young Austrians went to various Bible schools mainly in Germany or Switzerland. There was no "free" Bible school in Austria at that tirne. Frorn the Mennonite Brethren church in Linz, for example. there were six young people in the Bibel- und Missionsschule Brake in Germany in 1 970. Several of these Bible school students caught a vision for missions and applied to various mission societies. During the time abroad their contact with the home churches had suffered, and they often had found new home churches. In addition. several married non-Austrians and when they went to the mission field their home church in Austria 81 had very little to do with it. Since no Austrian sending agency existed, and the whole application process happened abroad, it seemed natural not to involve the small and often financially poor Austrian churches. This changed in 1983 when the Wycliffe Bible Translators of Austria were established. The goal of this organization was to recruit Austrians for world missions and to help their home church(es) take responsibility for thern. The first family, Gottlieb and Margit Royer, left Austria in 1985 for further training in Australia. They started translation wark in Papua New Guinea in 1987 and finished the New Testament in the Kanasi language last year (1996). It seems that this was the first time an Austrian mission society actively recruited long term foreign missionaries. Most missionaries in the past were sent by foreign societies. The Torchbearers are Austrian but they only send missionaries for certain projects for a limited time. These projects usually are initiated by the churches on the field. (3)Other developments. In 1976 the first European Missions Congress was held in Lausanne organized by The European Missionary Alliance (TEMA). It was a success and more followed. In 1985 the congress moved to Utrecht in Holland. TEMA tried several times to find a representative in Austria. It was only in the nineties that they found a more permanent and satisfactory solution. Nevertheless, Austrians took part in the different congresses, but the numbers were ernbarrassingly low. While Portugal sent about eight hundred participants to the first congress in Utrecht, there were only slightly over one hundted from Austria. 82 Although this paper considers only missionaries serving for at least one year, mention should be made of Operation Mobilization in Austria. From the sixties on, many Austrians got involved in short term service during the summer. This helped to spread the vision for missions, and some of them went on to further training and became career missionaries. CHAPTER THREE AUSTRIAN PROTESTANT MISSION INVOLVEMENT IN THE PRESENT

Since the first chapter dealt with the past, the main sources of information were books, journals, and reports. While some facts and figures about the present can be found in church bulletins or magazines, a different approach is necessary for a more complete picture. The basis for an analysis of the extent of mission involvement in the present is (1) a written survey taken by this author in 19921, (2) a questionnaire sent to forty-two Gerrnan speaking mission organizations in Germany, Switzerland, and Austria, (3) a telephone survey in 1996, and (4) the personal knowledge of the author of quite a large nurnber of churches in Austria. The questionnaire for the written survey was filled out and returned by 91 6 people representing forty-three churches.2 Of the

'The survey was a research project submitted to Dr. James F. Engel of Wheaton College on June 2, 1992 as part of the correspondence course COM 5 1 8 - "Survey Research".

2For a description of the sample design, the questionnaire design, the analysis procedure. and for a full analysis of the survey, see Wolfgang R. Binder, "A Su~eyof the Potential for an lncrease in Involvement in World Missions by Austrian Evangelical Protestants" (Paper, Wheaton Collage. 1992). For the questionnaire with the results see Appendix 3. 84 forty-two mission organizations, thirty-four sent a list of their former and current Austrian rnissionaries. In the telephone survey eleven denominational or mission headquarters representing 1 13 churches and thirteen additional churches were asked whether one of their member churches has ever sent a missionary or not. The results will be shown and discussed below. In the first part of the chapter, the current church situation in Austria is described briefly. The second part gives an overview and an analysis of the extent of the present mission involvernent of Austrian churches and individual Christians.

A. The Current Church Situation in Austria

For the longest time Austria was basically a Roman Catholic country. It still is, but to a lesser degree. In 1 971, 87.7% of the population were Roman Catholic3. By 1980 the percentage had dropped to 86%4, in 1986 it was down to 83%5, and by 1991 it had reached a low of 77.8%.6

3Mevers Enzvklo~adischesLexikon, 1976 ed. S.V. "~sterreich."

"ar-y Lawsen, ed. Austrian Christian Handbook: Churches and Missions (London: MARC Europe, 199 1), 1 6.

5Patrick J. Johnstone, O~erationWorld. 4th ed. (Bromley, Kent, England: STL Books, 1986). 95.

6Franz Rathmair, "ARGEGO: Gemeindegründungskonferenz 1995" (Sammelmappe). 85 While there is a similar decline in the Lutheran State Church, many other Protestant groups have grown during the same time period. The active membership of the Evangelical Free Churches (which includes Baptistç, Mennonite Brethren, Brethren, and many different Evangelical or Free Churches) has more than tripled in the 1980s, from 655 in 1980 to 2,368 in 1990.7 The number of Anabaptist evangelical churches has grown from seven in 1945 to 1 14 in 1994. The average growth rate was 0.72 new churches per year from 1945 to 1969 and 1.6 from 1970 to 1979. It drastically increased to 4.6 new churches per year from 1980 to 1989, and climbed to an average of 5.4 new churches from 1990 to 1994.8 The evangelical church in Austria is still relatively small in spite of this growth. The question is, what are these free churches and the evangelical Lutheran churches daing in respect to world missions?

B. The Extent of Involvernent

Christian activity can be divided into at least two kinds: what a Christian does as an individual and what a church does as a whole. Mission involvernent is no different. In some cases the church as a whole is mission minded. In others, only some individual church members have a vision for missions. 86 1. Involvement of Churches

There are some things that an individual Christian can do. Others can only be done by or within a church. Every Christian can pray or give for missions on his or her own. But only a church (or some similar organization) can send a missionary.9 The focus of the following section is the extent to which Austrian churches are involved in missions, how many of them have sent a missionary, and how many pray andlor give for specific missionaries or missions in general.

a) Sendina of Missionaries

Two questions of the written survey dealt directly with the sending of missionaries: "1s there at present anyone from this church in full-tirne service in world missions (for at least half a year) or preparing for one?" And the second one: "Has the church 'adopted' missionaries or do they distribute other personal missionary prayer letters?"'0 44.6% answered 'yes' to the first question and even 72.8% to the second one. These figures seem impressive at first, but several factors have to be taken into consideration. It could well be that a special kind of bias, known as the "halo effect", is evident in this survey. This bias is in the positive direction,

9Theoretically it is possible for a wealthy Christian to solely support a missionary but it would be unwise and, at Ieast in Austria, no instance of it was found through the research.

'*Questions 34 and 35 of the written survey. 87 in that respondents will often reply more favorably than they really feel or than the facts are. A listing of ali questionnaires grouped according to churches seems to point in this direction. Twelve of the 43 churches (27.9%) obviously have a relationship with one or more missionaries. Some definitely do not, while with others it is doubtful. If 85.7% of the respondents from a certain church name the same person as their rnissionary, it seems very likely that it is not only their perception or wishful thinking. If, on the other hand, only 6.7% give the same name, and 70.0% don't mention any missionary. as is the case in a different church, it could well be that, for whatever reason, a few people wrote down a missionary they know but the church as a whole doesn't.

Another aspect to consider iç the fact that the above percentages represent individuals. not churches. That is, if the numbers would be entirely accurate, 44.6% of the Christians in Austria would be attending a church that sent a missionary of its own. Since the size of the churches varies, it is impossible to deduce the percentage of churches. For this reason forty-two German speaking mission organizations were contacted by mail and eleven denominational headquarters and thirteen additional individual churches by telephone. The findings give cause to question the 44.6% figure of the written survey. According to the respective leaders, four of the six largest denominations or church groups in Austria including sixty-nine affiliated churches have not yet sent a cross-cultural missionary. 88 The thirty-four German speaking mission organizations which sent the questionnaire. back reported eight Austrian rnissionaries who are currently working on the field, only two of whom this author was unaware of. Three more missionaries were discovered by phone calls. The remainder listed in appendix 2, the author knows personally. b) Corporate Pravinri for Missions

Two questions were designed to reveal the frequency of corporate prayer for missions. Figure 1 discloses the frequencies of prayer meetings within the last year with a mission ernphasis (question 42). Figure 2 displays the answers to question 43 about specific prayer for missionaries or mission projects during any regular church meetings.

0% IO?-!- 20% 30% 40% 50% Figure 1. Freauencvof Missions Praver Meetings (Question 421

The percentage of people who do not know how many missions prayer meetings the church has is striking (42.2% is the highest 89 percentage of this answer in the whole questionnaire). The question is whether they are only uncertain about the number of prayer meetings, or, another possibility would be that they don? know if any exist at all. In any case, one can safely assume that they usually do not attend. One respondent added a helpful comment in this respect: "There are twelve of them but hardly anyone is attending."

None 17125%

one ornm /II31.1%

Three to four 19,6%

Fi* 83 six r mre hn six E=14,0% , Can't rernember 180%

- -7------7 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% Figure 2 Church Meen'nas vriih Prawr krMssions (Ouedon 43)

Another comment somewhat changed the conclusions one could draw from the cross-tabulation of denominations against the number of

prayer meetings (Table 1). A member of one of the Christliche Gemeinden (CG) explained that they are praying for church planters in Austria in their missions prayer meetings. This is very commendable, but the introduction to Section C of the questionnaire explicitly States that this survey is dealing with foreign missions. This confusion could account for the obviously higher percentage of 45.3 highlighted in table 1, meaning that 45.3% of al1 respondents from these churches indicated that in their church there are 9-12 missions prayer meetings per year.

Table 1. Denorninations and Number of Missions Prayer Meetings1'

Some additional comments may help to get an even more accurate picture of corporate prayer for missions in Austrian churches. This author has visited churches across the country for about thirteen years now. Invitations to al1 kinds of speaking engagements have taken him to church services, Bible studies, Young People's meetings and other events. Taking part in these meetings and studying church bulletins were good opportunities to observe what different churches are really doing in the area of prayer for missions. The observations give the sttong impression that there really is less prayer for missions than the survey results would indicate. Some (very few) churches have mission prayer meetings monthly (except for

' 'Only four church groups are shown for increased clarity. 91 the summer months), bimonthly, or quarterly. I have never come across a church with a yearly or semi-yearly prayer meeting of this kind. It is possible. and even plausible, that the 13% who claimed one to three such prayer meetings a year really didn't know but assumed that there must have been some (halo effect). Similarly, the percentage for one to two church meetings with specific prayer for missions seems too high. Most churches are either involved in missions or they are not. The ones which have a vested interest usually pray more often than just once or twice a month. Most of the others usually never think of or pray for missions at all. One main problem in talking about missions in Austria became apparent throughout the whole survey. People usually do not distinguish between missions and any other kind of Christian service. The list of books and magazines about missions that people have read included many which by no stretch of the imagination had anything to do with missions. A personal experience several years ago points in the same direction. Afier a mission presentation in a certain church, the group wanted to pray for missions. The first request mentioned was the Young People's open air meeting in that same town.

CI Cor~orateGivina for Missions

61.4% of the respondents in the written survey daim that their church supports missions or a missionary regularly (Figure 3). Again, this percentage seems high, and a closer look at some of the related questions and answers is necessary. Do not know 1-1 21 3% l--- l--- -,---- I 0% 20% 40% 60% 80%

. * Figure 3. Church S~dpportfor Missrmaries (Question 441

The first indication that the percentages may not be accurate are the answers to question 49 (Figure 4). Over half of the respondents are, to some degree, uncertain about their answers to the questions about the finances of the church. In addition, 45% of al1 respondents did not answer the question about the amount of monthly support the church gives to missions. Thirdly, in several cases, people frorn the same church were very certain of their answers but their responses differed one frorn the other.

Very cemin

F airly ceriain

Somevihat uncergin

Very unceriain 93 Therefore, the only conclusion one can safely draw is that many Christians in Austria do not know what their church is doing in respect to support to missions. In any case,

the temperature of a church's interest in missions is not to be measured with dollar signs but with dedicated servants. Has the church produced workers? How many home-grown missionaries have been sent to reproduce a harvest in the thorny fields of Godk favored planet earth?l

2. lnvolvement of lndividuals

Since individuals usually do not send missionaries, this section deals with prayer and financial support only.

al Praving for Missions

According to the survey results only about 18% of al1 Christians in Austria pray more often than once a week for any mission requests (Figure 5). One would expect that the longer someone has been a Christian the more likely it is that this same person prays for one or more missionaries. Cross-tabulation of frequency of prayer against length of being a Christian confirms this expectation (Table 2).

b) Givinq to Missions

Another rneasuring stick for involvement in missions is the amount of money a person supports missions with. 37.8% of the

'*J. Ronald Blue, "The Five-Way Plan: A Cure for Money-Centered Support," Evanaelicaf Missions Quarterlv 18 no. 2 (April 1982), 104. respondents did not give anything towards missions in a certain month (Figure 6).

T 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% Figure 5. Freauencv of Persona1 Praver for Missions (Question 552

Table 2. Lenath of Beina a Christian and Freuuencv of Praver

Compared to the 43.7% who did not pray for missions this figure seems to indicate that more people give than pray. But one has to take another aspect into consideration. The question about prayer deals with individuals only. The question about giving includes the spouses. That is to Say, if a respondent neither prayed nor gave but his or her spouse did both, he or she is included in the 43.7% who did 95 not pray but not in the 37.8% who did not give. Since 66.2% of the respondents are married it is not possible to compare the figures for the amount of praying and giving.

0% 10% 20% 30% 40 % Figure 6. Arnount of Personal Swoort for Missions [Quest'ion 56)

Table 3. Monthlv lncorne and Freauencv of Praver

Monthly Income (in Shillings) Frequency of ------Frayer > 10.000 -1 7.999 -25.999 -33.999 34.000+ per Month ------cc ------..------O 43.7% 39.3% 46.0% 53.1 % 45.5% 1-5 40.0% 41.4% 34.7% 32.3% 40.6% 6 and more 20.7% 18.7% 19.3% 14.6% 13.9%

In addition, table 3 clearly shows that there is no correlation between praying and giving. It often has been said that a person who gives also prays. But the survey in consideration does not allow this conclusion. The percentage of people who did not pray is even higher in the top earners' group than in the group with the lowest incorne. On the other hand, a higher percentage of people with less than 96 minimum wage pray more than once a week on average than any other income group. Maybe people who earn more have less free time to invest in prayer. In any case, the figures in table 3 do not prove any relationship between praying and giving. One would expect that giving increases with the amount a person earns. A cross-tabulation between the two percentages proves this to be right but also shows that giving does not increase at the same rate as income does (Table 4). Between the people in the third and the fourth wage bracket, for example, the percentage of people who gave anything at al1 decreases by 1.1 %, even if the second group earns up to eight thousand Shilling more.

Table 4. Monthlv lncorne and Monthlv Su~~ortof Missions

Monthly Support

None 1-299 300-799 800-1,499 5.3% 7.7% 10.5% 9.5% 8.3% 1,500 and more 0.8% 7.3% 11.5% 11 -8% 17.5%

It is the opinion of this author that there is still a potential for an increase in mission involvement. In the written survey, 46.6% of the 97 respondents would be interested in prayer or financial support if someone they know would becorne a missionary.

So the question to be asked is, why is there relatively so little missions involvement in Austrian evangelical churches? CHAPTER FOUR

POSSIBLE REASONS FOR A LlMlTED INVOLVEMENT OF AUSTRIAN CHRISTIANS IN PROTESTANT MISSIONS

Sorne hindrances for more missions involvement may well be universal. Others are specifically Austrian because of Austrian culture, mentality, or circumçtances. The latter does not irnply that the same situation does not exist anywhere else, but that it is more typical for Austria than for the world as a whole. Some problems may exist everywhere to varying degrees. For some of the less universal problems the above mentioned survey supplied statistics for Austria.

1. The Spiritual Condition of the Church

Missions is a spiritual battle. Therefore, what is needed more than anything else is spiritual vitality. Maybe this is what is missing in many Austrian churches. This is not a new problem, nor is it confined to Austria. Andrew Murray of South Africa wrote in his response to the Missions Conference of 1 901 :

As we seek to find out why, with such millions of Christians, the real arrny of God fighting the hosts of darkness is so small, the only answer is - lack of heart. The enthusiasm of the kingdom is missing. And that is because there is so little enthusiasm for the King. "

1Andrew Murray, Key to the Missionary Problem (repr.: Fort Washington, PA: Christian Literature Crusade, 19791, 133. 98 A few years later, the commission at the World Missionary Conference in 1910 dealing with the home base of missions stated the problem so well that a lengthy quote of their conclusion is justified:

In dealing with the Home Base of Missions, the Commission is concerned with the whole subject of the means by which the Church at home may adequately discharge its responsibility for the evangelisation of the world. It is evident that this problern is not one of machinery, but of life. The mere multiplication of machinery does not necessarily increase power. The subject which has been entrusted to the Commission to investigate drives us back at every turn to the question of the spiritual condition of the home Church. Has that Church sufficient vitality for the tremendous task to which it is called? Wherever a belief is intensely and passionately held it naturally and inevitably propagates itself. It does not need wealth or numbers to cause it to spread. Repeatedly in history one man with a conviction has been more powerful than a mighty host. The Christian Church, if it were possessed, mastered, and dominated by the faith which it professes, could easily evangelize the world.2 Forty-five years later David H. Adeney arrives at a similar diagnosis of the condition of the church:

The lethargy which characterizes the missionary thinking of a large section of evangelicals is perhaps largely due to a deterioration of spiritual standards. Love of this world and a desire for ease and pleasure have invaded the Church.3 More than three decades later James W. Reapsome, editor of Evangelical Missions Quarterly, analyzes the condition of the church

2World Missionaw Conference, 1 91 O (Edinburgh: Oliphant, Anderson & Ferrier, 1 9 1O), 6.

3David H. Adeney, The Unchanoina Commission (Chicago: Inter- Varsity Press, 1955), 27. 100 and States the root problem in two words, "apathy and cornplacency. "4 These assessments are generalizations, of course. In any generation there are exceptions. And these quotations are by no means a judgment on the church as if this author would not be a part of this same church. May God cal1 us al1 back to a spirit of sacrifice for His glory and His kingdom. May God give us a new enthusiasm for the King!

2. Lack of Prayer

Closely linked with the spiritual condition of the church is the amount and the intensity of corporate and individual prayer. A weak church will pray Iittle. Prayer is the measuring stick of its spiritual state. Murray diagnoses the condition of the church of his time in this way: "Among the chief symptoms of this sickly state are worldliness and lack of prayer."5 Most churches and individual Christians pay lip service to the importance of prayer, yet the practice it often differs to the confession. Attendance at prayer meetings usually is among the lowest of al1 meetings of the church. As Dr. Pierce observed:

4 Jim Reapsame, "What's Holding up World Evangelization? The Church Itself," Evanaelical Missions Cluarterlv 24 no. 2 (April 1988). 120. "People who attend Sunday morning service love the church, those who attend Sunday night service love the pastor but those who attend the midweek prayer meeting love the Lord."G If prayer meetings are ill attended, the situation is even worse when it cornes to missions prayer meetings. Many churches do not even have such a meeting. In the written survey, only 3.6% of the respondents of a certain denomination stated that their church has four to eight missions prayer meetings a year. Another 19.6% claimed one to three such meetings whereas 21 -4% admitted that there is no missions prayer meeting in their church. The remaining 55.7% didn't know. It is safe to say that over half of al1 the church members of this denomination have never been to a missions prayer meeting even if their church should have one a few times a year.' There is another problern with these prayer meetings. Percentages like the ones just mentioned only show quantity but cannot indicate any degree of quality. Jim Reapsome O~S~N~Sin this respect that "missionary praying tends to be both general and superficial, rather than specific and thorough."*

6Bob Pierce, Ern~hasizinaMissions in the Local Church (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Zondervan Publishing House, 1964). 59.

7There is a slight chance that someone has been to a missions prayer meeting once but does not know how often the church has one but this chance seems negligible. ln the few churches which have sent one of their own members into any mission field there is more cbrporate prayer for specific missions requests than in others. The question is why there are so few churches with missionaries of their own. James categorically States one possible reason: "...ye have not. because ye ask not."g Hudson Taylor comes to a similar conclusion about the lack of workers for the ha~est:

In the study of that divine Word I learned that to obtain successful workers, what was needed was not elaborate appeals for help. but first earnest prayer tu God to thrust forth laborers. and secondly the deepening of the spiritual life of the Church, so that men should be unable to stay at home (italics mine).'* Two reasons for a limited missions involvernent are the spiritual rnaturity of the church and insufficient prayer. The two are inseparably linked.

We cannot teach people to pray just by telling them to do so. Prayer is the pulse of the life. The cal1 to more prayer must be connected with the deepening of spiritual life. The two great conditions of true prayer are an urgent sense of need. and a full assurance of a supply for that need.Ii

With this statement Murray leads us to the third point.

9Jas 4:2.

loQuoted in Murray, 98.

lbid., 1 51. 3. Lack of Information

Without some knowledge of the vastness of the harvest and the scarcity of workers there will be no such urgent sense of need. Jesus had to adrnonish his disciples: "Lift up your eyes, and look on the fields; for they are white already to hanrest."12 It is part of our human nature that we better see what is around us than what is at a great distance. Secular media offers very little help to get a clearer picture of the state of missions in this world. So information has to be gathered mainly through books. magazines and oral reports. There seem to be plenty of mission reports in Austrian churches. 43.7% of al1 respondents to the survey remember four or more reports about world missions during the year preceding the survey (Question 32). This figure is encouraging but actually hard to believe. In the course of the last thirteen years this author had many opportunities to study church bulletins and to observe church programs. There may be a few exceptions, but generally speaking most churches only have contact with one or two missionaries. Even if they know four missionaries - with four year terms it would only average one missionary home on furlough per year. 1O4 Even if there were as many rnissionary reports in different churches as the respondents claimed - it does not folfow that each one of them heard this many. So the information given usually reaches only a fraction of the church members - usually the ones who are already interested in missions and who are more aware of the size of the task remaining than the average. An additional weakness of many missionary reports is their limited content. Many missionaries report only about their specific work and fail to give the larger picture, sometimes because they are not even aware of the larger picture themselves. Apart from reports there are books, missions magazines and personal prayer letters of missionaries from which Christians can gather information about missions. Over one third do not benefit from any of these (figures 7 to 9).

None

One

Two

Three

Four or more

0% 10% 20% 30% 40% Figure 7. Number of Praver Letters Received (Question 502 Figure 8. Number of Missions Maaazines Received (Question 591

It has to be mentioned again, that the figures, at least in tables 8 and 9 are not necessarily accurate because some magazines and books people listed, definitely do not belong to the category of missions. So the percentage of people who do not receive any missions magazine or any prayer letters could be even higher.

None

One

Two

Three

Four or more

0% 10% 20% 30% 40%

Figure 9. Number Of Missions Books Rea (Question 64) 1 O6 One would also expect that different age groups would not have the same amount of exposure to missions literature. The younger the person the higher the chance that he or she has neither read a mis- sions book yet nor receives any missions magazines (tables 5 and 6).

Table 6. Missions Books Read

*9e ------______------Books Read >20 20-34 35-49 50-64 <64 ------"------None 48.8% 39.8% 36.6% 35.9% 29.6% One 18.6% 12.3% 12.5Oh 3.1 % 3.7% Two 9.3% 14.9% 11.7%14.1% 11.1% Three 4.7% 6.2% 6.8Oh 4.7% 7.4% Four or more 18.6% 26.9% 32.5% 42.2% 48.2%

This obvious correlation between age and missions literature is very unfortunate. Many missionaries received their "call" at this age 1O7 and many of them through literature. The situation in Austria today seems to be very similar to what David Adeney found to be true forty years ago: "Many Christian students have never read missionary biographies and seldom see a missionary rnaga~ine."'~ It is impossible to compare the average level of missions knowledge in Austria with other countries without conducting the same survey there. Since this has not been done, only figures for Austria can be given. Also taking question 10 into account, one wonders how it al1 fits together. If the gospel is being preached worldwide via radio, is it really likely that there still are over a billion people who have never heard the gospel and that there are over two thousand languages without Scripture? Or could it be that people only checked the larger numbers in questions 21 and 22 because they were part of the possible answers? When the question about the number of languages without Scripture is asked in meetings across the country, this author seldom gets the right answer right away. People usually start guessing with a much lower figure. Over half of the Chtistians seem to be aware of the size of the task when it cornes to the number of people who have never heard the gospel (figure 10). The picture looks much gloomier for the number of languages without Scripture (figure 1 1). Only about every fifth Christian knows of or guesses the immensity of the task remaining in 1 O8 this area. Over a quarter think that there is hardly anything left to be done.

0% 10%20%30%40%50%~ Figure 10. Peo~le\c\rSihoutlhe G0~gelin Mllion (QuestinM

0% 10% 20% 30% Figure 1 1. LanuesWithout Scrimre {Question 3.a No Opinion 1-1 13,396

Disagree 1 34,7% l

Figure 12 WorldvWde Preachïna uii Radio (Quon 1Q

The general picture is that Christians either do not have enough information or awareness for it to make an impact in their lives. Without enough information it is difficult for a vision for missions to grow. According to Murray

information is the fuel without which the fire cannot burn. Fuel is not fire, and cannot of itself create fire; but where there is fire, fuel is indispensable to keep it burning, or to make it burn with greater intensity. 4 Arthur Brown also sees the root problem in missions in the same area: "Undoubtedly spiritual apathy, provincialism and preoccupation by nearer objects, account in large measure for indifference to foreign missions; but a great deal of that indifference is due sirnply to ignorance (italics mine)." '5 David Adeney combines ignorance and lack of vision and calls them "the greatest hindrances to missionary advance."16 A slightly different aspect of the same topic is in focus for James Weber when he observes that "[mlany evangelical believers in Arnerica lack excitement because they lack an awareness of what is happening around the world ..."" Murray put it most succinctly of all:

"Ignorance is the source of weakness in rnissionary effort. "18 The potential for an increase in missions involvement in Austria is obvious. If people would just know someone or get to know someone who is preparing to go into missions, an overwhelrning majority would be interested (ai least under certain conditions) in a partnership with him or her (figure 13). Not only individuals are willing to start supporting a missionary or to include another missionary in their already existing partnerships. There is even a potential for more support from churches as a whole. At least, most evangelicals think that their church would be willing to support one of their own members in missions (figure 14). But there are still very few Austrians

'5Arthur Judson Brown, The Foreian Missionarv (New York: Fleming H. Revell Company, 1950), 21 6.

16David H. Adeney, The Unchanaina Commission (Chicago, III.: Inter-Varsity Press, 1959, 29.

'?James M. Weber, Let's Quit Kiddina Ourselves About Missions (Chicago, Ill.: The Moody Bible lnstitute of Chicago, 1979), 16. 111 preparing for or going into missions. Lack of information leads to a Iack of recruits.

Under certain 142.9% conditions, yes I

The question, therefore, is how churches and individual Christians can become better informed. Mission organizations have to think about their strategy in regard to public relations. Certainly there is room for improvement in this area. ButI as Dr. Pentecost put it:

To the pastor belongs the privilege and the responsibility of solving the foreign missionary problem. Until the pastors of Our churches wake up to the truth of this proposition. and the foreign work becornes a passion in their own hearts and consciences, our Boards may do what they cm, ... yet the chariot wheels of missions will drive heavily. 1 9

1 9Quoted by Murray, 1 1 . Yes -] 60.6%

No i0,7%

Under certain conditions, yes bI 26,8% I don't know il1 1.9%

1- - r- - r- 7 0% 20% 40% 60% 80% Figure 14. Willinaness of Church to Su~portMissions (Question 401

4. The Pastors Some churches do not have pastors. But al1 churches have one or more people, whatever their position may be called, who are responsible for the affairs of the church and who usually are also the ones who teach and preach. It is quite obvious. therefore. that "the pastor must have an insatiable desire for missions and global evangelization for he cannot lift the church higher than his own vision of the great mission of the church."** These pastors or elders can be the reason that a church has a vision for missions or they can be a hindrance to such a vision. "Just as a river cm rise no higher than its source, so a church does not rise higher than the spiritual leadership of the pastor."*i It is the opinion

20Reginald L. Matthews, Missionaw Administration in the Local Church (Des Plaines, III.: Regular Baptist Press, 1970), 21. 113 and experience of this author that in quite a number of cases the leaders of the churches are more of a hindrance than a help. There may be quite different reasons for this shortfall. Some churches are pastored by someone who is a missionary himself, others are lead by Austrian lay people, so there rnay be theological, practical, andior missiological reasons, depending on the pastor. a) Theoloaical Reasons

Probably the most cornmon reasons are theological in nature. Missions just does not have the prominence it deserves in the thinking of pastors. Therefore, few sermons or Bible studies touch on the subject. 43.9% of the respondents do not remember any sermon or Bible study about missions within the year prior to the survey (figure 1 5). This does not prove. of course, that there were not any, but for al! practical purposes the effect is the same. Sermons only change lives when they are heard and, on the other hand, when they change Iives they usually are also remernbered.

g43.9% One j 22,2%

Two ' 1 14,2%

Three 17,4%

Four or more , j 12,2%

------y-- --- 7-- - 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% Figure 15. Setmans on Missions. . in Lat Y- Question 33 deliberately distinguished between guest speakers, preachers, and teachers from within the church. Some pastors may think that it is enough when they invite missionaries once in a while and let them speak about missions. But there are two problems with this attitude. Firstly, many missionaries do not corne to preach on the Bible. They report about their work. A lady from a certain church once apologized to this author for not bringing a Bible to a missions meeting. "1 thought, the topic was missions," she said, implying, either you preach from the Bible or you talk about missions. She did not expect a Bible study on a missions weekend. The second problem has to do with the impression people get- If only missionaries talk about missions, then it is obviously only relevant to a small percentage of the church. Missions is a topic which can be included in the church program once a year or so, but it is of no great loss if it isn't. There are enough other important topics to preach on throughout the year. Rev. O. S. MacKay called attention to the importance of the pastor in this respect:

A special appeal, to be effective, rnust have not only behind it, but in it, pulsating through it, the persuasive personality of the local pastor. ... The effectiveness of the appeal depends, in the last instance, on the pastor who with loving zeal drives home the appeal. I do not deprecate in any way the helpfulness of missionaries from time to time in our pulpits, but it is the faithfulness of the local pastor, translating the special appeal into 115 an individual message to his own people, that is, after all, the secret of success in foreign missions.22 The leaders of the church are not only responsible to teach the whole council of God, they are also responsible to give direction and vision to the people they lead. If a church is young, it may well be that they were not able to send a missionary right away. But if there is a vision to do so, then they will set goals to work towards. The fact is that most churches do not have any goals in this respect (figure 16). If they are involved in missions, it is often the case that

.. . their missionary projects have developed without plan or purpose. Many churches have missionary interests revolving around personalities, but their programs are almost devoid of the systematic application of Biblical principles to each new possibility of missionary outreach.23

No 1141.2% I Don't know 1-1 48.2%

C ------.------7 7- ' -- T ------0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% Figure 16. Church Goal for Missions (Question 33

22Quoted by Murray, 1 7.

23Matthew. 21. It may well be that most pastors are not against missions. They may even be for missions when confronted with the topic. But this is not enough. Their theology is deficient. Murray points out how much more is needed:

It is one thing for a minister to be an advocate and supporter of missions: it is another and very different thing for him to understand that missions are the chief end of the church, and therefore the chief end for which his cangregation e~ists.~~ Another possibility is that some church leaders have a theological problem with mission organizations. In their opinion, the church alone is responsible for world missions and mission organizations are not biblical. But since most churches in Austria have no experience in this regard, the hurdle to get involved is even bigger. Question 12 in the survey addressed this issue. Only 1 1.4% agreed in various degrees with the statement "Mission organizations are not biblical." At first glance this small percentage does not seem like anything to worry about. But there are additional aspects to consider. Firstly, the statement can mean at least two different things. It can mean that they are not mentioned in the Bible but they are acceptable. Or it can mean that they are against the teaching of the Bible. There is no way of telling what people had in mind when they agreed or disagreed. However, there is one exception. Several respondents from the Christliche Gemeinden added comments which made it very clear what they meant. At least for the ones who added the comments it means the latter.

Secondly, there are striking differences between the various denominations (table 7). Of the Christliche Gemeinden (CG), 27.7% agreed more or less. This percentage is almost three times as high than the next highest. In light of the fact that the Christliche Gemeinden are among the largest and the fastest growing in Austria their attitude is a hindrance to more mission involvement.

Table 7. Mission Organizations Are Not Biblical

Denominations Attitude Towards Mission Bapt CG EFG EK FEG VMG Organizations ------Strongly agree 3.5% 7.4% 2.6% 0.0% 1.0% 1.4Oh Agree 0.0% 12.2% 1.3% 2.5% 2.0% 1.4% Somewhat agree 5.3% 8.1 % 5.7% 1.7% 6.9% 2.8% No opinion 15.8% 23.7% 15.4% 14.4% 11.9% 15.5% Somewhat disagree 5.3% 6.8% 5.7% 4.2% 8.9% 7.0% Disagree 28.1 % 19.6% 29.5% 33.1 % 25.7% 28.2% Strongly disagree 42.1 % 22.3% 39.7% 44.1 % 43.6% 43.7%

b) Practical Reasons

The evangelical population of Austria is still small. Fifty out of 119 districts do not yet have an evangelical church.25 There is much 118 left to be done. Therefore, the task at hand seems so ovewhelrning that there are no resources Ieft for world missions. The suwey seems to indicate that less than half of the respondents share this view (figure 17). But in conversations with many church leaders, this author got the strong impression that there really are more people who use this kind of reasoning. It may well be that in theory (filling out a questionnaire) missions is as important as evangelizing Austria, but in practice the task at home preoccupies the minds to the exclusion of foreign lands.

NO opinion P 3.2% I 1) Disagree 1) 42.7%

-. - 1 r r -.- r- I 1 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% Figure 17. Austria First (Question 91

Most churches in Austria are still relatively small. A little over half of al1 evangelical Christians attend a church with less than sixty people in attendance during an average church service. Only about twenty percent attend a church with ninety or more adults or young people in the Sunday service (figure 18). Therefore, many think that there is nothing their church can do. Murray is of a different opinion: "The pastor of the smallest church has the power to make his influence felt 119 around the worid."26 SO the size of the church is only an ostensible reason for a limited missions involvement. Murray sees the real reason somewhere else:

If there are churches that do not give and do not pray for foreign missions, it is because they have pastors who are failing short of the command of Christ. i feel almost warranted in saying that, as no congregation can long resist the enthusiastic pastor, so. on the other hand, a congregation can hardly rise above cold indifference or lack of conviction regarding missions on the part of the pastor.27

60-89 27,0% 90-1 1 9 r13,1% 120 and more I?,o% - -- - -7 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% Figure 18. Church Attendance (Question 251

Related to the size of the churches is the question of money. If the pastor is paid by the small church, there is very little left for distribution elsewhere, so missions can become a threat to the pastor. S. Earl Taylor, addressing the Missions Conference of 1901. mentioned 120 that "the greatest obstacle in arousing the home church is the pastor, who is afraid his salary will be cut down."2* cl Missiological Reasons

Many churches in Austria were founded by missionaries. Quite a few are still pastored by the same or succeeding missionaries. One would expect that missionaries themselves have a vision for missions and usually this is so, but they often share this vision only in their own home churches when on furlough. During their stay on the field (in this case Austria), they preach on alrnost every topic, except missions. It is understandable that missionaries want the churches they founded to become independent as quickly as possible. They work towards the goal of indigenous leadership and enough capable workers for the church. Therefore, "the missionary leader can't see sending his own key men and women to another country, because he needs thern so much."29 Since qualified and spiritual workers are needed on the field as well, missions seems to be a rival to their goal. So it is possible, that,

a rnissionary can find himself working in missions and still lose his missionary vision. As God gives converts and Christians start to grow, "the uttermost partsn become "Jerusalem". These converts

28Quoted in Murray, 1 6.

29Robert Boardman, "What It Takes to Penetrate a Culture," Evanaelical Missions Quarterly 23 no. 4 (October 1987), 369. 121 and growing disciples must be taught and catch a vision for the worldwide scope of the Great Cornmission.3~ Peter Wagner calls this the "Truncated Missionary Goal" and says: "No mission should feel that its task is accomplished, even as far as the emerging church is concerned, until that church has become an active, missionary ch~rch."3~ For Austrian pastors, there may be a completely different problem diminishing their enthusiasm for missions. They may never have worked through the issue of missions for themselves, so some of them may be working in Austria by default. They have never contemplated the thought of missions for their own lives, and therefore, feel threatened by people who do. Reginald Matthews observes in this respect: "To face the possibility of God's cal1 to the mission field will certainly make any man a better pastor, with greatet perspective for the local church whose prime task is missions in its most complete sense."32 Or ta put it negatively, if he has not worked through the issue himself, he

has no freedom in dealing with the cause of foreign missions, from a secret fear lest if the truth were known he ought to be a missionary himself. Some pastors secretly know that they have never done justice to the question, and therefore avoid the subject when they can. Every young man who is entering the ministry

31C. Peter Wagner, "The Danger of a Truncated Missionary Goal," Evancjelical Missions Quarterlv 9 no. 2 (Winter 1973). 100.

32 Matthews, 21. 122 should fairly meet the question of his duty to enter the missionary work, and settle it honestly, in the sight of God. Only thus can a man be as conscientious in staying at home for his work as he would be in going abroad under the sense of a divine call. An unjudged presumption in favor of working at home is not the satisfactory thing that a clear conviction of duty is. Only by passing through such an experience of clear decision can a minister count with certainty upon being a free and unhampered friend of missions through a lifetime at horne.33 Whatever the reason for a pastor not being on fire for missions, it is always a big obstacle for the advancement of the cause of missions. Maybe Earl Taylor overstated the case when he said: " Where the pastor helps, afrnost any plan will succeed; where he is opposed, scarcely anything will succeed."34 But there certainly is some truth to it. The above discussion could be too critical of pastors. Most pastors are good shepherds of their flock. They lead and teach well, and are living examples of what they preach. Even if some have a deficient vision for missions, it may not be solely their fault. It may well be that their training did not instill in them a love for missions.

5. The Theological Training Institutions

There is so much to be taught and usually so little time to do it. Bible schools and other theological training institutions are always

33Williarn Newton Clarke, A Stud~of Christian Mission (New York: Charles Scriber's Sons, 19001, 262.

34Quoted in Murray, 16. 123 faced with questions about which important topics to include in the curriculum. So they teach lots of Bible and, depending on their focus, they also include know-how for different aspects of church work. Missions may or may not be one of the subjects taught. Even if they offer many missions courses, there still is a hidden problem which is easily overlooked. Missions becomes a subject like youth work or drama classes, and not every church worker or Christian needs to be interested in these. Usually there are a few specialists involved in these areas. Some churches don't even have youth work, and most churches don't make use of drama. So it is not necessary for the Bible student to take these courses if he or she is not interested. And if the courses are obligatory, then he or she will have to attend classes but they usually will not have much impact on the student. The situation is quite different with respect to missions. Missions is not an optional extra. It is the heartbeat of God, and therefore, it is of concern to every Christian. By separating missions from Biblical studies and theology, unwillingly the impression is given, that it is an extra. There cenainly is a place for separate missions classes, but missions should not be confined to these. If students would discover missions in the Old Testament, in Romans, in Revelation, and in almost every other book of the Bible, missions would find its way into their sermons and Bible studies in their future ministry. Some graduates from Bible schools and similar training institutions go into missions. Others hopefully use their training in some capacity in their home church, either in full-time or lay work. The issue is not, at least not only, how to increase the number of graduates who go into missions. Instead,

the problem of the theological seminary is this: not how to train an occasional individual for the foreign field, but how to kindle missionary passion in every person who passes through the school, that he may thereby become an able minister of Christ.35 Unfortunately "many students from Christian colleges return to their home churches with no concrete knowledge of Biblical missions with which to assist the local church and pastor."36

6. The Missionary Call

Most Austrian Christians agree that a missionary. needs to be called by Gad (figure 19). But there is less agreement as to what constitutes this call. There seems to be some confusion and even some misconceptions about the topic, which results in people who could make valuable contributions,being kept awayfrom the mission field. With James Weber it is my conviction that

a large segment of the church today is guilty of fuzzy thinking about what the cal1 of God is. I have already mentioned the need for a return to the Word of God in order to gain a proper perspective of the entire subject of missions, and nowhere is this 125 more needful than when we are considering the matter of the call of God.37 There is no question about the existence of a call, or better, of several calls in the Bible. All Christians are called to be saints (Ro 1 :7), to be holy (1Co 1 :2),to fellowship (v. 9),to live in peace (1Co 7:15), to be free (Gal 5:13), called to His kingdom (1 Th 2:1 1 ), and to eternal glory (1 Pe 5:1 O), just to mention a few. Somehow, these calls seem to be of less importance to many Christians and even to some mission organizations than calls to a specific type of work or organization.

Strongly agree Agree Soemwhat agree

No opinion

Somewhat disagree

Disagree

Strongly disagree

0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50%

Figure 19. Miss'ionar ies Need a Call (Quest'onI 31

It is interesting to note that a cal1 is needed to go into full-time ministry, but usually none is required for so-called secular work or even

37~amesM. Weber, Let's Quit Kiddinci Ourselves About Missions (Chicago, III.: The Moody Bible lnstitute of Chicago, 1979), 49. for laymen working in the church. This distinction is foreign to the Bible. The question of where this whole confusion about a missionary cal1 originated, would be an interesting and worthwhile topic to cover in a research paper. There are sorne examples in the Bible commonly used to prove the necessity of a call, but there are many differences between these examples and what most "called" missionaries describe as their call. "Biblical calls" always originated with God. At least this author is not aware of any example where someone wanted to become a missionary, or a prophet for that matter, and searched the will of God until ha received a call. "Today's calls" seem to come after an extended search for the will of God. Another striking fact is the supernatural aspect of al1 reported calls. In biblical times God called through visions and by His voice. We don't know if this voice was audible or not, but, in any case. it was more than just a feeling or an impression. God didn't seem to speak through slides, reports, or books, as is often the case nowadays. The most troublesome aspect of how the cal1 is understood today is the fact that it seems to keep capable Christians, who are willing to go, at home. In spite of a clear command to go, people wait and eventually stay home for lack of a call. Since they only have a vague idea what a cal1 could be like, they may actually miss it when it could come. The fact is that

some men are conscious of a cal1 almost as distinct and cornmanding as that of the Apostle Paul. But probably few have 127 such an experience and the lack of it should not be regarded as an indication that one has no cal1 to missionary service. God's will is often made known in quieter ways. Many theological students make the mistake of assuming that the absence of an external peremptory cal1 means that they should stay at home. The result is that scores look for home pastorates because they "have no cal1 tu go abroad." The assumption should be just the reverse. If God calls a man to preach the gospel at all, surely the presumption is in favour of the field where the work is the greatest and the workers are fewest.38 Although there is limited data from Scripture to support some of the prevailing practices of missionary calls, one has to admit that God is sovereign and can cal1 His servants by whatever method He chooses. As long as the cal1 does not contradict Scripture, it could genuinely be from God. On the other hand it also seems to be clear from Scripture that, although there is such a thing as a cal1 , it is not required or promised to every Christian. There are many other reasons why someone can decide to serve the Lord overseas. Over a hundred years ago Edward Lawrence aptly sumrnarized some of the ways the Lord can lead.

There are calls and calls - some that are special, and some that are general. There are calls contained in repulses, and tests contained in invitations. Sometimes the sou1 breaks through barriers to respond to the inner voice that leads it on. Sometimes outward providences push on a reluctant or doubtful servant. Sometimes the cal1 consists of the simple presentation of facts to the mind and conscience, which, when calmly weighed, seem important enough 128 to decide the choice of the witl and the work of the lifetime (italics mine).39 So it may well be that the problem is not that God is not calling enough workers for the harvest, but that there are not enough "simple presentations of facts" to impress the minds and consciences of potential missionaries. In other words, as observed above, there is a lack of information.

7. Austrian Mentality

A well known missions leader from Germany once said that living in Austria is good preparation for living in the Middle East or Asia. It may be an overstatement, but in some areas there really may be more similarities between the cultures of the Orient and Austria than between Germany and Austria. When this author reported on his former work in the Philippines during furlough, several times it happened that people would comment on some examples about Fiiipino culture: "Just like in Austria!" It is beyond the scope of this paper to make an extended comparison between the two cultures. but suffice it ta Say that there are similarities.

3gEdward A. Lawrence, Modern Missions in the East (New York: Harper & Brothers Publishers. 1895), 46. al Fear of Failure

One especially should be mentioned in this context because it may be a hindrance to missions involvement: the importance of not losing face. Austrians are not willing to risk much but "there is an element of risk in life. [Therefore,] young people have to be taught to step out by faith. "40 If there is a danger of failing and of being humiliateci publicly, there is even less wiliingness to try something new. Even the application to a mission society is already risky. If it is turned down, there is an aspect of losing face, so it is safer to stay at home and to work in the local church. "There is no disgrace in being rejected, for it will readily be seen that a number of the reasons . . . while hindering one's going to the foreign field, might not hinder a successful life for Christ in the home-land."41 But many potential candidates see this differently. The typical Austrian

has no desire to discover far-away exotic lands or to get to know the customs and the way of life of foreign peoples. ... He remains loyal to his homeland. Not because of patriotism, in order to Save foreign exchange in times like these. Nor because of lack of money or because he knows that his country is one of the most

"George Veniver, "Recruiting: The Right Way and the Wrong Way," interview by Jim Reapsome, Evanoelical Missions Quarterlv 19 no. 2 (April 1 983): 146. 130 beautiful anyway. Out of ease. Out of habit. Out of fear of the unknown and the strange. Because of his beloved schnitzel (italics mine).42 b) Provincialism

Closely related to his fear of the strange is his love of ease and tranquillity - Gemütlichkeit (a word which means these two but also much more). This is one of the strengths of Austrian culture which makes tourists feel at home and at ease. At the same time

this relaxed Gemütlichkeit quite often is accompanied by that imperturbability which is aware of hardly anything with active interest which is beyond the family view-point. the vocational horizon. or the functions of the numerous clubs.43 Missions, of course. lies outside the circle of family, vocation, and clubs. and therefore, Austrians, in general. are not perturbed by the needs of people without Christ. This provincialism has been with Austria even during the days of its largest expansion, even in politics.

The Habsburg monarchy had shown little interest in extra-European affairs . . . . There is no doubt that Austria is still behind other

42Jindrich Lion, lypisch osterreichisch (Freiburg: Herder, 1989), 155.

43Reinhold Widter. Evangelisch in ~sterreich(Neuhofen: Reformierter Literaturdienst, 1986), 1. 131 industrialized countries in developing its relations with the Third World.44

Andreas Kostenberger, an Austrian now living in the States, on one of his visits to Austria

asked a missionary what, in his estimation, was the greatest obstacle to reaching Austrians with the gospel. Without hesitation. he Qave this one-word response: "Apathy." This assessment, if correct - and I find it to be quite apt - brings into sharper focus the difficulty faced by missionaries to Austria.45 The same difficulty is also faced by recruiters trying to motivate Austrian Christians to become actively involved in missions. According to Widter the Austrian is "quite capable of enthusiasm, but it evaporates as quickly as it came."46 For all practical purposes there is no big difference between apathy and an enthusiasm which does not last. Both characteristics are a hindrance to missions. d) Pessimism

Erwin Ringel, an Austrian critic of his own country and culture, is quite pessimistic about the "Austrian soul." (Pessimism, one has to

- -- - 44Peter Jankowitsch, "Foreign Policy," in Modern Austria, The Society for the Promotion of Science and Scholarship Inc. (Palo Alto, Calif.: SPOSS, INC., 1981 ), 373.

45Andreas J. Kostenberger, " Anguish over Austria: Rising above Pragmatism," Evanaelical Missions Quarterlv 31 no. 1(January 1995): 69. add, is quite characteristic of Austrians, as seen in a comment by Klemens Fürst Metternich: "When anywhere in Europe a tile falls from a roof it is sure to hit Austria."47) Professor Ringel cornes to the conclusion that "the majority [of Austrian children] are hampered, even destroyed in their development and in the shaping of their lives. The results are distressed, humiliated, and broken people whose zest for living is extinguished. "48 Molded by the history of his country the Austrian has a propensity ta resignation49 and prefers ta look back instead of forward. As Karl Kraus once remarked: "We Austrians look trustful into the past."So This attitude manifests itself in constant cornplaining, but without any willingness to change the status quo. "Under bureaucratic rule, citizens of Austria continued their habit of carping (Raunzereil at authority without resisting it, reinforcing a political flaccidity that survives to this day."51

47Quoted in Lion. 14.

48Erwin Ringel, Die osterreichische Seele: 10 Reden über Medizin. Politik. Kunst und Reliaion (Vienna: Bohlau Verlag, 1904). 11.

4gAccording to Johnston this tendency goes back at least to the beginning of the nineteenth century. He says that "under Franz I administrative Josephinisrn fostered political resignation." (William M. Johnston, The Austrian Mind: An lntellectual and Social History 1848- 1938, Berkeley, Calif.: University of California Press, 1972, 18).

5oQuoted by Lion, 17. 1 33 Most of the mentioned characteristics also have a positive aspect to them. but usually they have a negative aspect in regards to missions. On the other hand. there are. of course, positive features of Austrian mentality and culture. Once Austrians are on the mission field these strengths seem to make them quite successful as cross- cultural workers. CHAPTER FiVE CONCLUSION

In spite of many hindrances and excuses, the challenge of missions for Austrian churches is still the same

- philosophically, the church has a mandate and the local church must provide the means to carry it out. Local churches must get involved in the vision and strategy of world-wide e~angelism.~ The expansion of the evangelical church in Austria in the last fifteen years has been unprecedented. Mission involvement has also increased, but not at the same rate. However, there are developments taking place now which could effect the progress of mission involvernent for the better.

1. A Greater Missionary Presence

"The strategic person in the church to motivate the people of God in the homeland to fulfill their world-wide obligation of evangelism is the rnissionary on furlough."2 Therefore, when there are hardly any missionaries from a certain country, then there is hardly anyone to spread the vision to the churches in that same country.

'Ken Kilinsky, "How Churches Can Follow Antioch's Model," Evangelicai Missions Quarterlv 15 no. 1(January 1979), 20.

2Ralph B. Odman, "Ten Tips For the Missionary on Furlough," Evanaelical Missions Quarterlv 1 no. 1 (Fall 1964). 35. In the seventies and early eighties most Protestant Austrian missionaries came from the Lutheran State Church. In the last ten years there was a shift towards more evangelical churches. Since the evangelical wing of the Protestant church is growing the fastest right now, it is important that there are missionaries with an access to these churches who can help them increase their vision.

2. More Mission Organizations

Many missionaries have corne to Austria and have emphasized the concept of "the indigenous church". After years of plowing and sowing, harvest time now seems ta have arrived. Many indigenous churches have been planted. But what about indigenous mission agencies? Ralph Winter asks some pertinent rhetorical questions about them:

The task of church planting is fairly well known. But what about the art and science of mission planting? We study the strong and weak points of different types of church policy. But where is there equivalent scholarly inquiry into the nature and structure of different types of missions? We may not have enough handbooks on how to start a church, but we have no handbooks at al1 on haw to start a mission.3 Peter Wagner admonished missionaries to "help each emerging church or denomination develop a missionary sending program of its

3Ralph D. Winter, "Churches Need Missions Because Modalities Need Sodalities," Evanaelical Missions Quarterly 7 no. 4 (Summer 1971 ), 193. own."4 This has not happened in Austria. When several Austrians caught a vision for missions in the early seventies, there was no Austrian mission agency, so they joined a mission society in a different countw and they were sent by churches from that different country. Consequently, Austrian churches hardly even knew about them and were not involved in any way. In the last fifteen years, two mission agencies have been organized in Austria. Another one is just in the process. In al1 three cases, government regulations and practical aspects such as the transmission of funds were the main reasons for their incorporation, but the by-product is that Austrian churches now "own" their missionaries because there is a partnership between the church and the mission which was not practical when the missions office was abroad.

3. First dand Experience

Missions have corne much closer in many ways. The world has become smaller, traveling is cheaper. Most important of all, today more Austrians know a missionary they can visit as compared ta just a few years ago. Visits to the mission field, a common occurrence in many of the sending countries, have just been discovered by Austrians. While this author only knows of one such visit during his first ten years in 137

Austria, he is personally aware of at least ten during the last three years. In addition, as appendix 1 clearly shows, the number of short- termers with one or two years of field experience has also increased in the nineties. It is too early to tell what long term effect this experience will have on them, if any. 8ut nowadays, many career missionaries are first recruited as short-termers. In a different context Jesus said: "Everyone who has will be given more, and he will have an abundance."5 This seems to be a principle which applies to a variety of situations. It may also apply to the topic treated in this paper. For a long time there were hardly any missionaries from Austria at all. With the somewhat larger number of missionaries serving now, there is reason to hope that the extent of Austria's involvernent in Protestant missions will increase even further. APPENDIX 1

LIST OF MISSIONARIES AFTER WORLD WAR II

Society Time of Service Field

Maria Kouyoumji KM Libanon (nee Holzinger) Luise Holzinger KM Libanon EMMS lsrael Waltraud Lill (nee Haas) BM Cameroon Karl-Heinz & Christi Rathke BM Carneroon EMS Ghana Ghana Fritz & (Sieglinde) Urschitz LM PNG Peter & (Dorothea) Yost LM PNG Christa Kohfer BM Cameroon Michael & lngrid Neubauer BM Sabah, Malaysia (Johann) & Heidi van Dam OM lndia Fritz & Waltraud Hagmüller BM lndonesia Christa Fischlein-Michalek BM Cameroon Gottfried & lrene Fliegenschnee EMS Cameroon Albert & Margarete Schaberl MBMS Spain Fritz & (Lydia) Radlingmayr DMG Benin Wolfgang & (Erna) Binder WB1 Philippines Sr. Herta Burgstaller BM Cameroon Dr. Johanna Oberterchner BM Cameroon Wolfgang Hable OM Ship SEAO Thailand Wolfgang & Elfi Stradner WBT lvory Coast Dr. Herbert & Belitta Bronnenmayer FM Sudan Christian & Brigitte Friedrich DMG Kenya Sr. Renate Ebner MF Sudan Manfred Graef MF Sudan Elisabeth Kopf MF Sudan Helga Pichlmann MF Micronesia Ernst & Elfi Thaler MF Micronesia Edith Wittmann ÜMG Thailand Anette Friedel MF Sudan (Viktor) & Christine Kisza HMH f ansania lnge Baumeister OIGUNA Kenya Werner Pressler Australia/ East Africa lngrid Poltner MF Micronesia Paul & (Susanna) Spanring MF Micronesia Gabriele Fasl LMO Japan Andrea Hofer OM S hip Friedemann & Elf riede LMO Zambia Urschitz Peter Kottritsch DIGUNA Kenya Sabine Platzer MRM Mali Martin van Dam OM Ship Helene Wascher OM Ship Leo Kleedorfer OM Ship Debbie van Dam OM India/Nepal APPENDIX 2

LIST OF CURRENT MISSIONARIES

Society Time of Service Field

Helga Hartmann-Su Burma (Gordon) & Roswitha SIM Benin Baine (nee Lenz) Frieda Burgstaller BM Sudan Harald & Barbara MF Sudanl Brandstatter Kenya Gottlieb & Margit Royer weü PNG Christiane Lauschitzky wsü Mali (Rainer) & Sabine Oetzel wsü PNG (nee Reitmaier) (Andteas) & Monika Reh Ukraine (nee Klimsch) Jutta Blühberger weü RCA Eveline Gühring WBU lvory Coast Hubert & Christine Stotter ELMN Ethiopia From Vorarlberg F rontiers Turkish World Margarita Emprechtinger CG Croatia (David) & Marlene Fry FEBA Seychelles (nee Lauternann)

All names of Frontiers missionaries are withheld for security reasons. 141 Hans & Gabriele WBT Ethiopia Schaumberger Barbara Stogner MF Sudan Sylvia Maurer (nee Wichtl) NM Tanzania From Vienna Frontiers Arabic World Heidrun Edelbauer CF1 Narnibia Ernst & Sabine Edinger ClFl lndia Wolfgang & Katharina Schauer ClFl lndia (Marc) & Ellen Schwab wsü Mexico (nee Sild) Johannes & (Veronika) Malawi Urschitz Wolfgang Wolf Ship (142) Questionnaire Boa aaiy of thœ ut peL Bortb Ihtrican or EPIOP~U)? (1) =CS\ (2) &g 5-94 (3) 23.8 10-14% 4 9 (5) 15.1 20i and mort (19) ~p-y Lwsriy EL d the present uo~kingfui 1-th (for mm tbhalf i y=) as tissinwies in r ffwait c tue (1) 16.0 (30 (2) 26.1 30-59 (3) 12.7 60-89 (4) 90-119 (5) 7.1 120 and more (20) BW =y people hart never hurd of Jesus or the paspel (figures in million)? (1) il00 (2) 7.a 100-399 (3) 400-699 (4) 700-999 (5) 1,000 and rare (21) Bou -y luigurgu do no! hate uiy put of the Scriptures yet? (1) 2&5 Cs00 (2) 500-999 (3) 1,000-1,499 (4) r2,o 1.500-1.999 (5) 2,000 ipd MC^ (22)

How old is the church? (24) 1) 3 =S (2) 3- s 3) 19tas 4 2-30 (5) . mit th Jai =y dJts and yomg ptoJt over 14 yws of r9e OD an average attend ID y SC~VICCI. (1) (30 (2) 30-59 (3) 60-89 (4) /3'! 96-119 (5) a 120 and mort (25) Wbt denaaiartion does tius churcb belons to? (Pleut cneck oaly ont ansuer) 6.6 Baptist (b) _L-L Bibelkrtis ( C) Christ1icbe Gerœi~de 25.9 Evuig.-Prtikirchl. Cem. (e) Lutherm (f) 11.6 Prtie twuig. Cacindt 0.1 Ratan Cath01 ic (h) Ileunonite (i)2.0 nethodist 8.3 VoIhissiocsgzaelndt (f) 0th ...... (26) wodd 103 apprast ~:s~~~h? (Sevtzal mwe:s possible) Evurgtlical (2) 1$ Libtrri (3) Cnarimtic 26.1 Ptnaimcntal (5) 6-4 Ectmenical (6) 3.7 ...... (27) Khat sire population iocs the tovn hart the church is located in? (1) _e=1 iS.OOO (2) 10.1 5-10.000 (3) 18.1 11-25.000 (4) 5'1.1 26-!00.000 (5) ove: 100.000 (ZB)

Eow of ttn have you attended uiy usttinss of the church vitbn the lut month? (1) 7.6 0-2 tm (2) 30.L 3-5 timrs (3) 11.1 6-10 timu (4) 20.9 11 timts or wre ( 29 Uht is jour position in this ciurch? (Plme check off ansuers uhich rpply) (1) 5.5 Pull-tiae uorktr (2) 28.7 ~oluntrryvorker (3) 53.7 Hder

(7) (Occasional) prei:htr (8) !3.1 Bible study ltaner (9) 7 ...... (30) For how long hvt jou bten attending tbs church? (1) (1 jeu (2) 8,9 1-2 ytars (3) && 2-5 ytars (4) 25.1 5-10 jars (5) 29.0 ovtr 10 yurs (31) 900 man reports about uorld missiang do you hou rbaqt which vert giveo wi thn the lut jtrr (or siact you stirted atten6ug tius tiwcii bi tths ;s Zr thi chch? (1) JJ lme (2) 12.9 ôzt (3) 18.0 Tuo (4) 18,3 Tktc (5) 13.7 1 or wrt (32 Bou nvny sermons or Bible studiu on missions do ou derln the sant timt span which vert htld or Itd by raiont !rom your church bot by r guut spe$r)! (1) Bue (2) 22.7 Ooe (3) ).2 ho (4) 7.1 Thnt (5) 12.2 4 or mort (33) !las 'UM durd 'rdoptd' riissionaries, or do they dutribute othtr ptrsanal absiooory praycr letters? (il Bo (2) !CS (3) 1 da'r inou !35)

(36) 35.4t of dl valid ... (37) 32.94 of al1 valié .... (38) 18.21 of :é mu- &W.* Country of uork 80. lt -O! thinru= .. 78.4t of twt amsuerg .. 19. fi of thut IgSuerS .. Hission orpmisrt~on: ...... -53.3\ ......

!i les, boa, cbur=h: ...... (bi tbt field rince orfroritill: ...... Type of uork: ...... 47.94 ......

Does :b churcl: have goals rt to uhcr. thty uould like to scnd thtir first or nert ~ssioriuy? (1) !6.7Yes (2) Ho (3) 1 don't hou (39) r churd or samenne qll harai in the churcn uould !:kt to go into uorid aissi~nsuodd $:%% k?iS!~ing to rccept responslbi!ity f 01 praytr or fi~mcialsupport? (1) 60.6 Ies (2) 0.740 (3) 2E.B Onde: ctrtau rondrtrons, ycs (4) 1 dm': hou (40 )

II) iS.1 Nant (2) j5.44 of al! valld questionnaires .. (3) 29.7\ ...... (4) 16.9t ...... i41) Hou WJ aission praycr mcet:ngs/ evccrngsl rignb wtrt thtrt lut year? (1) 10.6 9-12 (2) !!.7 4-6 (3) 1-3 (4) Yont (5) 1 ~OL'Linou (42) ln hou fun1 othes cbcrch mtet:np y02 ucre &t (t.~.SunPay strv:te, 1:ble study, etc.) ourinç the lut month drd anyune prry for a missronary or a mssion :qucst by nu~? (1) 12.5 In none (2) In ane or tuo (3) In thrct Lo iour (43 1

5oes the churct: (as oppose? to ~c&viS.~ai&ers) srppor: ont or more usslonarrcs reyuirrir? (1) d!.r Yes 12) Ho (3) 21.f ! dan': know (44) !f ycs, how men is the total manthly support (in Sh~llxg)? (45) (1) 20.S ~1,000(2) 10.9 1,000-1,999 (3) 18.5 2,000-2,999 (4) 11.7 3,000-3,999(5) 21.8 4,000 and more BON -y coilcctrons ue:e taken up for uorktrs or pro)ccts rn uo:!: uisslcns ias: ytr:? (1) t (2) 32.6 1-2 (3) 26.6 3-4 (4) 12.7 5-6 (5) 7 and more (46) Dots the chuch have a guieral budget? (1) UYC~(2) LL;IMO (3) ! dm't L~OW (47) If ycs, uhrt percentagt :a for uorld acss:ans? (1) 9,s 0% (2) 24 O,!-2.94 (3) 22.8 3,O-5.94 (4) 15.8 6.0-9,9\ (5) 104 uid mort (40) Hou certain art you aPout the acciuacy of the figcrts 5~vtsin :h irs: iivt questiou? (11 IO.P Vtry certaln (2) Pairly ce:?ain (3) 36.4 Sanicuha: rci:erra:n (4) 20.C Very un=e::a:r (49) - -- ?~orhou uny missiapuim do you ol rame in ywr family rurire persml pnyu lettus? (1) &,Q itœu (2) 17.2 âne (3) 119 ko (4) _ke*rt (5) Pour or me (501 Be htriro missimaries bre you puadly art or hurd ubo ut at the pgrmaot uorLing in uosld sulaBs? (1) UIme (2) 25.8 Oae (3) ho (4) 10.8 Tbree (5)uPooratmrt (51)

Y-: (52) &Il ... (53) 9.2\ of a11 nlid .... (54) 4.14 %t"I, ... Cuinitry of uork: 55.54 of -. . .. 53.24 of && rnrum.. am dur&: ...... so,og ...... Cm tne fi) d.sioct 0: frO. hll. ll.li ...... -...... a ...... ?y?t of uork: 5391 ......

!ou oftur have you prayrd for missictnuiu or projtctr ln uoria missions by nrr durias the lut =th? (1) 13.1 To bt htst, no: rt al1 (2) 1-5 tW (3) 6-20 Limes (sevtnl tms i ueek) (4)u21-30 t* (alwt dai!~} (5)umore *hlD 30 ths (dail? O: more) (55: Yht ~amtin Sljilling have you O: your srut qvui to m.hionr.ies or auums p:ojects durin5 the lut wntb. (If you grre ragululy but not ooo hl?, p eut corivtrt into monthl1 figure). (1) jl.eWme (2) 1-299 (3) 300-799 (4) 8.C 800-1.499 (5) i.500 and mprr (56) Sou Christian organisations ~vtyou or JOUX spowt supported oncc or mort ofte during tàt lut yu:? (1) hl? the local churcb (2) 1-2 (3) 2jQ 3-5 (4) a 6-10 (5) 1,0 Mort than ten (6) JJ ilone (57)

Prom hou auiy ssion orguiisitioos do you rtctlvt ntuslttttrs or nagazines (ud1s?inçuisht5 frm personal p3yC 1~cttZ$? (1) 3$.0 llant (2) 19.f Ont (31 lu ho (4) rhrtt (5) 15.9 ?OU= or wtt (59) Pl e t fil1 i tbt nrmu of up to four such pub1 irat;ons (or the msslln pUbl:shag th=) and check hou mucb ,ou%rt reik of the lut issue. Reid iiead mst Ptad part Sk:d rt' Dh't ryd al\of~t ofit of lt it at il. 56.6% of a11 vrlid auestMarru (1) (2) 27s (3) 23.6 (4) U;e (5) (60) ?9.5% ...... (1) g (2) .& (3) - (4) + (5)s (61) 25.1% ...... (1) .-; (2) 3 (3) g 4 (5) & (62) ...... (1) .-- (2) - - (3) g (4) (5) , (63) (146) irny boob m iiatimu bre yoo rad tht you still rad? JgJrQDt (211L4he (3)Urn (4)MTbrEe (5)30.1?oorormrt (64)

(1) 9.28 of rll rrlittianaw ...... (2) 36.8% ......

Whit rge group do you klmg to? (1) _Zi mder 20 (21 20-34 (3) U,g 3549 (4) 250-64 (5) JA 65 uid Wtt bdtal statu: (1) 2gg Single (2) &J lkrriad (3) _ti Dirorced (4) a Wiaowed Bos woy childreu ut living vith you or are finrn:iilly Oeptnàait on you? (€9) (1) ~~aae(2) &g One (3) &$ ho (4) !5.3 ?hree (5) 7'1 Pour or mrt iiationdity (Pleut ebeck one and if applicable fil1 in): (70) (1) Austria (2) JJ Gtrauiy (3) Suitserluid (4) a bglisb spuking country ...... (5) J.J Remainiri; Euope ...... (6) 0'_1 Other Country ...... amthiy gross incw in Shilling (couples pleut rdd you ineoac) : (71) (1) i7.! >lO,OOO (2) 10,OOa-17,999 (3) u11.000-25.999 (4) 15.5 26,000-33.299 (5) <34,000

Uould you cunside: yourse!f a DOID agab Christian? (1) 1.3 10 (2)_tl1tmnotsnrt (3196.0Yts,s~ce(snnutIine) (72) (1) 2.6 (1 yur (2) 1-3 part (3) 32.0 4-9 yurs (4) u10-15 jars (5) >!S yurs (73) iihich of 5t foilmiing stats~uitsuould be correct about you? (?luse cjda!l uuwers whci apply) (1) 6.1 1 am a foreim missiunary uorking in Austrir (2) 2.6 1 tm prepuing fox mission uork (3) A relatirt of mine is a miuionrry (4) 16.8 ! hart risittd r missiaiary (74) If you sou16 hart a elcar cal1 to aissians voulQ !ou go? (Several ansvers possible). (1) a10 (2) 9.6 Dtpmding uhert te (3) 35.2 If the cburcb oould cmfirm it (4) !&attl y (5) JO,I If my spowe rgrtes (6) 12.3 Rot uiy mrt (7) 3.0 1 dan't how (8) UOtbtr responsu ...... (75) 3ow would you ruct if ont of your cbildren would go uto missions? (Stoerd -ers passible) 1o1d {2)~1don'thavtuiyctuldrui,butifIvouldhvtinyIvould... (76) (1) 31.8 let th- go joyfully (2) JJ try ta dissuade tbm (31 not tindtr tbca in my uay (4) 80.1 support tbm and pray for tbm (5) JJ dtck out Gd's ui!! (6) 3.t Otfier :espanses (77) Uould you likt to rectivt tbt seslits cf this savty at cm-?::ce rn r feu =th? (1) 60.1 Rc, thi ym (2) jl.l Tes, plezst (3) a Dtpending on the prict (78) !f yts, pleut inc!tdt c piest of paptr uith jour nrin rad aadress or ordtr ny phane: 0627416331.

--- Than you vcry wch! Tou art finrsbd md were a aig he!p. Pi eut put the puutionnaire into the stuped enrefope and .end :t ta: Wolf gang 3:ndtr , F .-f .-Gruber-Str . 140, 5!!2 L1i~prtehbhautca BIBLlOGRAPHY

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Araujo, Alex. " Retooling for the Future. " Evanaelical Missions Quarterly 29 no. 4 (October 1993): 362-67.

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Binder, Wolfgang R. "A Survey of the Potential for an lncrease in Involvement in World Missions by Austrian Evangelival Protestants." Paper, Wheaton Collage, 1992.

Blue, J. Ronald. "The Five-Way Plan: A Cure for Money-Centered Support." Evangelical Missions Quarterlv 18 no. 2 (April 1982): 103- 108. 163 Boardman, Robert. "What it takes to penetrate a culture." Evangeiical Missions Quarterlv 23 no. 4 (October 1987): 366-69.

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Bowers, W. Paul. "Exploiting the Potential of Student Missions Groups." Evanaelical Missions Quarterl~4 no. 3 (Spring 1968): 159- 68.

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Brueggernann, Walter A. "The Bible and Missions: Some lnterdisciplinary Implications for Teaching." Missiology X no. 4 (October 1982): 397-413.

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Coggins, Wade T. "The Risks of Sending Our Dollars Only." Evanaelical Missions Quarterlv 24 no. 3 (July 1 988): 204-206.

. "The Money Crisis and Missions." Evanaelical Missions Quarterl~8 no. 3 (Spring 1972): 159-61.

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Cummings, David. "Programmed for Failure - Mission Candidates at Risk." Evanaelical Missions Quarterly 23 no. 3 (July 1987): 240-46.

Daniel, David P. "Ecumenicity or Orthodoxy: The Dilemma of the Protestants in the Lands of the Austrian Habsburgs." Church Histow 49 no. 4 (December 1980): 387-401.

Dixon, Janice. "Unrealistic Expectations: The Downfall of Many Missionaries." Evanaelical Missions Quarterlv 26 no. 4 (October 1990): 388-93.

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Erickson, Millard J. "Hope For Those Who Haven? Heard? Yes, But .." Evanaelical Missions Quarterly 1 1 no. 2 (April 1975): 1 22-29. . "Jesus Christ - Still the Hope of the World." Evanaelical Missions Quarîerlv 9 no. 4 (Sumrner 1973): 237-43.

Escobar, Samuel. " Recruitment of Students for Mission." Missioloav XV no. 4 (October 1987): 529-45.

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Henry. Carl F. H. "Justification by Ignorance: A Neo-Protestant Motif?' Journal of the Evanaelical Theolo~icalSocietv Xlll Part I (Winter 1970): 3-1 5.

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Herr, Glenn. "Doing Your Job? Does Your Church Care?" Evanaelical Missions Quarterlv 23 no. 1 (January 1987): 42-45.

Hesselgrave. David J. "The Millennium and Missions." Evanaelical Missions Quarterlv 24 no. 1 (January 1988): 70-77. . "Confusion Concerning the Great Commission." Evanaelical Missions Quarterlv 1 5 no. 4 (October 1979): 197-206. . "What's Wrong With Taking Volunteers?" Evangelical Missions Quarterl~10 no. 3 (July 1974): 205-1 3.

Hilgernan, George A. "A Tithing Program That Worked." Evanaelical Missions Quarterlv 6 no. 1 (Fall 1969): 23-28.

Hutchison. William R. " Evangelization and Civilization: Protestant Missionan/ Motivation." International Bulletin of Missiona! Research 6 no. 2 (April 1982): 50-52.

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Kilinski, Ken. "How Churches Can Follow Antioch's Model." Evanaelical Missions Quarterlv 15 no. 1 (January 1979): 19-23. King, Louis M. "New Universalism: Its Exponents, Tenets and Threats To Missions." Evanoelical Missions Quarterlv 1 no. 4 (Sumrner 1965): 2-1 3.

Klaassen, Walter. "A Fire that Spread." Christian Histow IV no. 1: 7-9.

Klassen, Herbert C. "Ambrosius Spittelmayr: His Life and Teachings." The Mennonite Quarterlv Review XXXll no. 3 (October 1958): 251 - 71.

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Odmann, Ralph B. "Ten Tips for the Missionary on Furlough.' Evanaelical Missions Quarterlv 1 no. 1 (Fall 1964): 35-43.

Olson, Virgil A. "Five Fundarnentals in Evaluating Missionaries." Evanaelical Missions Quarterlv 14 no. 3 (July 1978): 163-68.

Packull, Werner O. "Denck's Alleged Baptism by Hubmaier: Its Significance for the Origin of South German-Austrian Anabaptism." The Mennonite Quarterlv Review XLVll no. 4 (October 1973): 327- 39.

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Pentecost, Edward. "How to Get the Most Out of Your Campus Visit." Evanaelical Missions Quarterlv 6 no. 2 (Winter 1970): 79-83.

Peters, George W. " Missionary Responsibiiity: Changeless and Relative." Evan~elicalMissions Quarterlv 1 no. 4 (Summer 1 965): 29-36.

. "The Missionary Society as the Sending Agency." Bibliotheca Sacra 1 25 no. 498 (April-June 1968): 1 16-23.

Phillips, Woody. "Your Church Can Train and Send Missionaries." Evanaelical Missions Quarterlv 21 no. 2 (April 1985): 196-201.

Reapsome, Jim. " Missionan/ Report Cards?" Evanaelical Missions Quarterlv 29 no. 4 (October 1993): 346-47. . " Missions Under Attack: Risking Hard Questions. " Evanaelical Missions Quarterlv 19 no. 4 (October 1 983): 31 6-20. 169 . "What's Holding up World Evangelization? Part 1 : The Church ltself." Evanaelical Missions Ouarterly 24 no. 2 (April 1988): 1 16-21.

. "What's Holding up World Evangelization? : The Mission Agency." Evanaelical Missions Quarterlv 24 no. 3 (Juiy 1 988): 21 0-1 4.

. "What's Holding up World Evangelization? : Strategic Hurdles." Evangelical Missions Quarterlv 24 no. 4 (October 1988): 338-42.

. "What's Holding up World Evangelization? Part 4: A Hostile Environment." Evanuelical Missions Quarterlv 25 no. 1 (January 1989): 18-24.

Sanders, John E. "1s Belief in Christ Necessary for Salvation?" The Evanaelical Quarterlv LX no. 3 (July 1 988): 241 -59.

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Solheim, Dagfinn. "An Investigation into the Determinative Factors behind the Missionary Movement within the Norwegian Lutheran Church." Dr. Miss. diss., Fuller Theological Seminary, 1978.

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Vennrer, George. "Recruiting: The Right Way and the Wrong Way." An intewiew by Jim Reapsome. Evanaelical Missions Quarterlv 19 no. 2(April 1983): 1 32-47.

Wagner, C. Peter. "The Danger of a Truncated Missionary Goal." Evanaelical Missions Quarterl~9 no. 2 (Winter 1973): 94-1 00.

"Warm Bodies and Slots to Fil!, Or How Not to Recruit." Evanoelical Missions Quarterlv 17 no. 3 (July 1981): 184-86.

" Why Don't Missionaries Meet the Young.' Evanaelical Missions Quarterly 8 no. 1 (Falt 1971): 32 - 33.

Winter, Ralph D. "Churches Need Missions Because Modalities Need Sodalities." Evanaelical Missions Quarterlv 7 no. 4 (Summer 1971 ): 1 93-201.

Woods, C. Stacey. "The Missionary God Uses." Evanaelical Missions Quarterly 1 no. 2 (Winter 1 965): 13-18. iivinuc LvnLUnIIWN TEST TARGET (QA-3)

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