Ng¯a Pae o te M¯aramatanga

Te Pae Tawhiti M¯aori Economic Development Programme

Literature Review and Programme Report

November 2011 ISBN 978-0-9864622-2-1

Published by Ngä Pae o te Märamatanga, New Zealand’s Indigenous Centre of Research Excellence, The University of Auckland, New Zealand.

www.maramatanga.ac.nz

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November 2011

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LITERATURE REVIEW AND PROGRAMME REPORT

Te Pae Tawhiti Ma¯ori Economic Development Programme

Nga¯ Pae o te Ma¯ramatanga

Lynette Carter* and Rawinia Kamau† with Mereana Barrett‡

* Kai Tahu, Kati Mamoe, Waitaha, Te Rapuwai; Senior Academic Writer, Te Whare Wänanga o Awanuiärangi † Ngäti Kahungunu,Rongomaiwahine; Project Manager, Te Pae Tawhiti, Maori Economic Development Project, Te Whare Wänanga o Awanuiärangi ‡ Ngäti Maniapoto, Ngäi Tühoe; Te Whare Wänanga o Awanuiärangi

CONTENTS

INTRODUCTION 5 BACKGROUND 6 DEVELOPMENT AND INDIGENOUS KNOWLEDGE: ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL 8 HISTORIC MÄORI DEVELOPMENT: ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL 11 Historical challenges to Mäori asset holdings 12 Developing Post Treaty Settlement Models 17 Iwi Strategic Plans and Social Capital 18 MEASURES OF THE ECONOMY 25 International Measures of the Economy 25 Human Development Index (HDI) 26 Measures of the New Zealand Economy 26 HDI and New Zealand Economic Indicators 27 Measures of the Ma¯ori Economy 27 Measures for Ma¯ori Economic Development 28 So What Does This Mean for Ma¯ori? 29 Human Development and Economic Growth 30 CONCLUSION 32 REFERENCES 34

INTRODUCTION

This document is a preliminary literature instead has been designed to answer a number of review for a three-year research programme questions that are deemed by the research team that will investigate “What is Mäori Economic to be key to addressing the fi rst of three pro- Development”.1 This is a Pae Tawhiti gramme objectives: establishing an aspirational Research Initiative supported by Ngä Pae o framework for Mäori economic development. te Märamatanga, New Zealand’s Indigenous As such, primary and secondary sources were Centre of Research Excellence. The research pro- reviewed to establish what has already been gramme consists of three interlocking projects said about economic development and Mäori that will develop various scenarios and frame- economic development in both historic and con- works for developing models for future Mäori temporary contexts. A number of international economic development. The purpose of this indigenous references are included to provide literature review is to open discussion around the six participating iwi with information on Mäori economic development with the research established models for indigenous develop- programme’s six participating iwi, and will ment. Before we commence with the literature attempt to highlight some silences in the litera- review per se, we will provide a background ture that will be addressed at future iwi wänanga. to the research programme that outlines the Therefore it is by no means comprehensive, but programme’s three interlocking projects.

1 The project team includes Distinguished Professor Graham Smith, CEO, Te Whare Wänanga o Awanuiärangi; Richard Jefferies, Provost, Te Whare Wänanga o Awanuiärangi; Jeremy Gardiner, CEO, Te Runanga o Ngäti Awa; Rawinia Kamau, Project Manager, Te Pae Tawhiti, Maori Economic Development Project, Te Whare Wänanga o Awanuiärangi; Professor Lyn Carter, Senior Academic Writer, Te Whare Wänanga o Awanuiärangi; Dr Mereana Barrett, Te Whare Wänanga o Awanuiärangi; Leonie Simpson, Te Runanga o Ngäti Awa; and Esther Cowley Malcolm, Te Whare Wänanga o Awanuiärangi. BACKGROUND

The research programme will identify the critical project themes is the overall assumption that success factors for Mäori economic develop- the programme aims to achieve frameworks and ment. The research assumes Mäori principles, research methodologies steeped in the Mäori values and practices and includes knowledge way—of seeing, of doing, of being Mäori. frameworks from iwi, Mäori and non-Mäori. The overall research aim is to harness the The methodology will be eclectic, drawing from energy of the emerging Mäori economy to the a range of Mäori and non-Mäori research tools full benefi t of iwi and Mäori through analys- from within qualitative and quantitative tradi- ing and assessing practices and strategies that tions. We intend to analyse the evidence for will enable Mäori economic self-development what works best for Mäori aspirations. We located in their own aspirations. The partici- examine two general sets of evidence: quantita- pants for the project will be limited to six iwi tive data, which will be sourced from regional rohe as a sample of the Mäori population. The and national government agencies to critically six iwi are Ngäti Awa, Ngäi Te Rangi, Ngäpuhi, assess the indicative trends for regional and Ngäti Tahu–Ngäti Whaoa, Ngäti Kahungunu national economic (non)growth and/or (under) and Te Whänau ä Apanui. development; and qualitative evidence of how A number of research questions will drive the Mäori-centred entities select and incorporate projects and the overall research programme. responses and strategies to realise their eco- The fi rst considers the vision for the project and nomic development aspirations. In order to determines what is meant by Mäori economic reveal the overt and submerged infl uences that development. Before we can decide on what positively transform Mäori economic develop- Mäori economic development is, we need to be ment, we will engage in three specifi c projects: clear on how we defi ne ‘development’ and ‘eco- nomic development’. Then project team will be 1. The establishment of an aspirational frame- able to identify the characteristics of develop- work for Mäori economic development. ment strategies that make them Mäori or iwi 2. The design of innovative models and sce- centred. Answering this question will pose fur- narios for Mäori economic development. ther challenges in determining how to accelerate 3. The creation of a futures framework to and unleash creative potential and innovation transform Mäori economic development. within a Mäori economic context. It will be nec- essary to draw on past and current case studies The overarching research question is, what and experiences to capture the variables, values are the critical success factors for Mäori eco- and knowledge that enable the case study mod- nomic development? Underpinning all three els to be couched in an iwi-specifi c development MÄORI ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT PROGRAMME 7 framework. We will investigate how many of to a contemporary context. This leads to the these models and/or strategic plans drew on second theme, current economic models and the distinct indigenous knowledge from specifi c how they meet the criteria for a Mäori way of iwi. To facilitate this, it is important that we doing, seeing and being. Mäori are not alone in investigate exactly what indigenous knowledge the challenges for economic independence and is and how can it drive development strategies growth so a number of international indigenous and processes. This then leads into the last case studies will be reviewed. Mäori and iwi question—what does an indigenous or Mäori society is community based. This has histori- model look like and what are the mechanisms cally been the case in economic development for measuring and monitoring progress. These and a number of commentators can attest to have been suggested as a number of principles of this (Colman, Dixon & Mare, 2008; Durie, whakapapa: tikanga, mana, whanaungatanga, 1999; Monin, 1995; Petrie, 2006). Therefore, aroha, rangatiratanga and so on. Each of these third, this research programme will examine variables and others that may be identified the role of communities, both historic and con- through further research will be defi ned in the temporary, in developing sustainable economic context of this research programme. Of interest growth and development. Fourth, research to the project team is the concept of mätauranga around building social capital, and in particu- Mäori, or Mäori knowledge. Just as we will lar Mäori social capital, will allow the project identify what indigenous knowledge is in terms team to defi ne parameters for social engagement of economic development, so we will defi ne that take account of national and international and contextualise mätauranga Mäori. We will collaborative initiatives as well as local develop- consider how it can be measured and how it ment potential. The fi fth and fi nal theme looks determines progress for economic strategies and at past and present research frameworks that initiatives. It will also be necessary to defi ne the are considered ‘Mäori’ in focus, design and concept of mätauranga-a-iwi to capture iwi- implementation. specifi c factors to success. This literature review will refer to the fi rst There will be five main themes running three of these themes in the review of histor- through the research programme that will ical and current literature. The fourth and fi fth enable us to investigate the questions posed themes will be addressed following planned above and to meet the project and overall wänanga with the six participating iwi, and programme objectives. The fi rst theme is an analysis will be included in subsequent pro- investigation into the historical background gramme reports. First and foremost is a of Mäori economic development. The purpose discussion around what exactly ‘development’ of an historical study is to determine which, if is and how it relates to indigenous peoples and any, development models could be transferable indigenous development. DEVELOPMENT AND INDIGENOUS KNOWLEDGE

Economic and Social

Development is often described as a process and allows for the inclusion of indigenous towards economic, social and political well- management systems in development strate- being. Key to understanding how development gies. This in turn relates to identity issues and occurs are the underlying objectives behind each the “fi ght against cultural imperialism as they development group or entity that determine the [indigenous peoples] take the opportunity to process. This includes the underlying principles assert a place for their knowledge” (Sillitoe, and values that form part of the governance et al., 2002, p. 2). Sillitoe and colleagues have process and direct the development strategy. listed a number of ways that development has However, often the idea of development is by been defi ned in the past and the current “third nature polemic, in that “while some believe way”. In the past as part of a “modernisation that economic growth is complementary with approach”, the development paradigm “not social, cultural and ecological objectives, others only dismisses local knowledge, but views it see numerous tradeoffs” (NZEIR, 2003, p. 35). as part of the problem, being non-scientifi c, There is argument about the role of cul- traditional and risk-adverse, even irrational ture and cultural variables in infl uencing the and primitive” (2002, p. 3). Development was structure, strategies and outcomes of develop- also part of a “dependency approach”, which ment, particularly the cultural infl uences on “portrays poor farmers as helpless victims; economic development processes (Edlin, 2005, local knowledge is again sidelined, this time p. 1; NZEIR, 2003, p. 35). Edlin suggests in his as the view of the powerless” (2002, p. 3). paper on nepotism that there is still a long way With the growing interest in promoting indig- to go to understand the cultural infl uences in enous knowledge as a legitimate thought and Mäori businesses and that it is a moot point if action, there was a change to a “market-liberal there is full understanding of how Mäori values approach”, which is still largely dependent on infl uence iwi economic considerations (Edlin, market forces dictating the group’s choice and 2005, p. 2). Ryan and Te Puni Kökiri, on the appropriateness of the options for develop- other hand, insist that there is strong evidence ment. The next approach, entitled neo-populist, that Mäori businesses are underpinned by a set gave “potential prominence to local knowl- of values and processes that are entrenched in edge, which is taken seriously and granted a iwi tikanga and knowledge frameworks (Ryan, role in problem identifi cation, research and so 2011; Te Puni Kökiri, 2010). on” (Sillitoe, et al., 2002, p. 3). Here in New There is a growing move among anthro- Zealand, and in other parts of the Western pologists to link development processes in a world, these approaches are not mutually exclu- way that legitimates indigenous knowledge sive and have all been experienced at some stage MÄORI ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT PROGRAMME 9 in Mäori development since World War II. All is a useful definition for understanding the are “mixed up with” policies (Sillitoe, et al., holistic nature of indigenous development. Sen 2002, p. 4); empowerment and development also considers that barriers to freedom are vari- programmes that are usually contrived by the ables such as poverty, lack of education and dominant culture—in New Zealand’s case, political disempowerment, and overcoming the standing government. As such, there is the these is paramount to progressing develop- three-year programme timeframe that could be ment and, in particular, economic development altered or halted with a change in government (1999, p. 3). The Mondragón Corporation in or government policy direction. Sillitoe and the Basque region of Spain is an example of colleagues have identifi ed a rising emphasis on what Sen describes. what they term ‘the third way’ as we move into The Mondragón Corporation was born out and through the 21st century (2002, p. 5). In of the poverty and hunger of Basque peoples this development approach, indigenous knowl- following the Spanish civil war. In 1941 Jose edge and management processes and systems Maria Arizmendarrieta developed a doctrine of are given full credence and are these approaches solidarity for the communities in Mondragón. are “trying to advance mutual comprehension He established a Professional College in 1943, and allowing them [indigenous peoples] to which was the training establishment for a speak effectively for themselves… by evolving skilled workforce that was to become the basis mutual collaborative research arrangements” for the Corporation labour force. In 1953 the that lead to indigenous-driven development fi rst Corporation was established by fi ve gradu- strategies (Sillitoe, et al., 2002, p. 5). It is this ates from the College. Thus, a Corporation was development paradigm that is being consid- founded based on the doctrine of solidarity and ered in this research programme. Mäori, and underpinned by the values and principles of co- in particular iwi, are in a position to dictate operative community. One of these concerned and speak effectively for themselves in both how education can advance social transforma- research and development. As discussed by tion within communities (Mondragón, 2011). a number of indigenous scholars, indigenous In 2011 the Mondragón Corporation’s struc- development places emphasis on the holistic ture and businesses continue to be underpinned nature of indigenous social organisation and by its founding values—co-operation, partici- practices. This leads to a bricolage approach pation, social responsibility and innovation. (multi-contextual) to determining what indig- Social responsibility is key to ensuring that job enous development is. creation and sustained investment in the Basque Development is defi ned by Amartya Sen as peoples is the preferential outcome from the “a process for expanding the real freedoms that corporate affairs. Building social capital in this people enjoy” (Sen, 1999, p. 3). This expands way has enabled the Corporation to maintain on the narrower idea of development being its own unique Basque identity and philoso- linked solely to economic2 considerations and phies and embed these within the organisational structure and practices (Mondragón, 2011, promotional video ‘Values’). The solidarity 2 Development theory and practice has moved beyond strict doctrine is based around ideas of village co- economic models, and the theory and practice of devel- opment is more discursive and representative of various operatives, which varies from the kinship-based disciplines. What is meant by development has come to social structures of Mäori and other indigenous mean different things to different people grounded in interpretations of different contexts and circumstances. peoples but provides a valuable case study of For Mäori, the debate exposes a dedication to cultural the impact of social transformation through affi rmation, a political quest for self-determination and education and investment in people. A future a dissatisfaction with the disparities between Mäori and non-Mäori (Puketapu, 2000). initiative for iwi may be to consider taking a 10 LITERATURE REVIEW AND PROGRAMME REPORT

controlling interest in the education institutes Nga Whetü, Hei Whai Conference, Rotorua, within their takiwa, thus having positive input 2011). There are a number of factors that pre- into the education pathways offered. The Ngäi vent a direct comparison between the economic Tahu collaborative education structure, Te capability and capacity of the Osoyoos Band Tapuae o Rehua, is a step towards ensuring and iwi in New Zealand. One is the size of that Ngäi Tahu values, needs and aspirations the Band (450 individuals) and the other is are taken account of in strategic planning and the different circumstances around the Band’s governance of the various partner institutes. land base. The Osoyoos are established on Nevertheless, this falls short of the Mondragón their 32,000 acre tribal reservation in which example of establishing its own university and the majority of their membership lives, works controlling education pathways to ensure that and participates at some level in the economic there is a genuine vocationally aligned educa- and social development of their tribal collective. tion system. By contrast, iwi members are demographically Iwi have often looked to near neighbours and geographically diverse with differing lev- within the Pacific rim, including Native els of participation between members and the American tribal nations, for examples of self- hau kainga. Population levels are much higher determination. One such example is that of than in the Osoyoos Band and, along with Canada’s Osoyoos Indian Band led by Chief dispersed membership, this has its own set Clarence Louie. The Osoyoos Band number of challenges in terms of managing resources 450 and most are based at the Osoyoos Indian collectively and in the distribution of social Reservation in Okanagan, Canada. They have and economic benefi ts to all tribal members. a number of companies ranging from viticulture These obvious differences do not preclude, to construction that realise the Band US$17 however, a comparison with the underlying million p.a., which is used to build social and principles that refl ect iwi aspirations towards cultural capability and capacity among the self-determination. Like the Osoyoos Band, Band membership (OIB Development corpora- these are based on [iwi] cultural values, beliefs tion website, 2011). The economic performance and practices, and associations with land. The is seen very much as one means to the overall similarities allow for comparative analysis of ‘ends’: social and cultural sustainability and indigenous development models refl ecting busi- growth. The Osoyoos Band has a vision of ness principles that “instill ‘nativeness’ into “pride and profi t from the land”, with Chief the business … and are socially, culturally and Louie’s constant message being that socio- land driven principles” (personal communica- economic development is the foundation for tion, Chief Clarence Louie, Nga whetü, Hei First Nation self-reliance and that “our com- Whai Conference, Rotorua, 2011). Iwi are munities need to become business minded and also discovering that economic development is begin to create their own jobs and revenue an important key to cultural survival, and that sources not just administer government pro- to increase economic performance, the tribal grammes that are often underfunded” (OIB membership need to build capacity and capa- Development Corporation website, 2011). bility among their members. Education then, Chief Louie believes that “money is not the as with the Mondragón example, is one of the most important thing—what you do with it is key factors in increasing economic and social the important thing” and reiterates that eco- development in culturally relevant ways, and nomic performance will lead to economic and is also a key component of the tribal strategies social development (personal communication, for the Osoyoos Band. HISTORIC MÄORI DEVELOPMENT

Economic and Social

Early writers such as Raymond Firth (1973) of distribution is interesting “[m]ore was given observed that although arts and crafts, reli- to the women of those who had got wet skins gion, traditional language and history all have through working. The phase used was ‘engari scholars, little attention has been given to Mäori tena; he kiri maku’ (That one is right, a wet social, organisation and economic develop- skin). On the other hand, when the women-folk ment. Traditionally, the construct of Mäori of a non-worker approached with their baskets, culture was whänau, hapü and iwi, organised the cry was ‘hirangi, hirangi he kiri maroke’. by a highly sophisticated governing system Hirangi means not deep; hence the signifi cance that emphasised the collective good. Individual of the phrase is easily understood. Not deep, not freedom was subject to social constraints and deep; a dry skin.” (Reminiscences and Maori enforced through a kinship system. Land was Stories, 21–2 cited in Firth, 1973). The economic owned by the community and only people who concept at play here is tohatoha, or distribu- had immediate rights to it could use it. However, tion according to contribution and/or need. the capital was supplied by the workers, as they provided their own food and tools. Members of the working body would direct and provide Historical challenges to Mäori asset the required skills. In some cases a chief or per- holdings son of rank to whom the initial incentive was due and who shouldered the ‘business risks’, In 1769, with the arrival and rediscovery of New provided the working capital. For example, Zealand by Captain James Cook, Mäori were Te Rangi Hiroa Buck (cited in Firth, 1973) eager to acquire all the benefits of European provides a description of the method of net- technology without compromising or surren- ting inanga (whitebait, Galaxias maculatus) dering their social institutions, core values or from canoes. When the canoes came ashore distinct way of life (Firth, 1973). Within 30 years with their catch, the women were waiting with of the arrival of the plough, Mäori had moved baskets and all received their share. Te Rangi from subsistence gardening to successful com- Hiroa Buck writes that in those communal days, merical farming. The Treaty of Waitangi, signed nobody went away empty, but at the same time, between Mäori iwi and the British Crown in a distinction was made in favour of the workers. 1840 opened up New Zealand for Päkehä settle- As was usual, a man was appointed to portion ment. At fi rst this offerred opportunity for iwi to out the catch and doled out the fi sh in double increase trade beyond the small number of resi- handfuls into the waiting receptacles. It was dent groups of whalers, sealers and missionaries. necessary that he be an upright person who In 1856 the Auckland-based newspaper, New would not favour his own relatives and provide Zealander, described Mäori as “landlords, farm- them with an unduly large share. The criterion ers, graziers, seamen, ship owners, labourers 12 LITERATURE REVIEW AND PROGRAMME REPORT

and artisans” (Kingi, 2009). In Waikato, the the Eastern Bay of Plenty. Another key exaple is mid 1800s were known as the golden years, the Waikato/Maniapoto raupatu which was the where Mäori iwi, through their various flour subject of a successful treaty settlement between mills, muka or fl ax mills, produced merchandise the Crown (the New Zealand Government) and that was traded both nationally in Auckland, the Tainui Confederation of tribal groups. For Far North and Te Waipounamu, and interna- this tribal entity at least, the treaty settlement tionally, with such countries as Australia and enabled economic performance to grow and pro- America. In Auckland a daily sight was the large vide the means to develop the social well-being of number of Mäori canoes, laden with vegeta- the Tainui peoples. bles, pulled up on the beaches. In Taranaki they The Native Land Act, 1863 added the ‘ten- exported food direct to Melbourne to feed gold- person rule’ to the Court’s awarding of land diggers. Mäori bought their own schooners and title—meaning that no certifi cate of title could carried out their own coastal trade, and these be awarded to Mäori if ownership exceeded 10 Mäori commissioned schooners were the basis persons. This effectively cut out hapü owner- of the local shipbuilding industry (Petrie, 2006). ship and made it relatively easy for Päkehä to However, increased Päkehä settlement meant an convince individual owners to sell their portions increase in the Päkehä desire for land—Mäori of land. For an economy based in communally had it and Päkehä wanted it, as it was the basis managed assets, this was to have dire conse- for any successful economic development. In quences for Mäori in terms of building an iwi 1856 the Colonial Government was established and hapü economic base. The individualisation to govern New Zealand. Between 1860 and of Mäori land title meant that land could be 1886 Päkehä settlement increased from 100,000 sold out of the hapü-controlled sphere. The to 600,000, which put enormous pressure on second part of the 1863 Act (Section 23), for- the Colonial Government to obtain Mäori land bade any tribal title to be issued, unless the land for sale. The settler demand for land culminated exceeded 5,000 acres in size. The Court often in the passing of the first native land laws in allowed tribal title, but with only ten owners 1862, which established the Native Land Court. listed. Other laws changed the way land could From that point all Mäori-controlled land was be inherited, meaning that many land trusts to move through the Court and individual title today have multiple owners thus rendering them of ownership awarded, thus destroying the com- diffi cult to manage and to realise any economic munally governed and managed land tenure or social benefi t. Ranginui Walker noted that, system. This restricted Mäori access and control “fragmentation of land holdings and multiple over land-based resources which impeded the ownership became the greatest impediment to growth of iwi and hapü economic performance Mäori land development” (Walker, 2000). The and, ultimately, impacted on economic growth Native Land Court was the primary government and social development. In the case of sea-based agency for alienating Mäori land, and by 1995 resources, legislation such as the Oyster Fisheries there had been close to 1,100 pieces of legisla- Act, 1863, took away iwi and/or hapü opportu- tion that allowed for Mäori land alienation. nities for commercial gain from their shellfi sh The Treaty of Waitangi meanwhile, had resources—again stifling economic and social passed into obscurity in Päkehä eyes and law and growth. The 1860s land wars fought between it was to take until the 1975 Treaty of Waitangi Mäori and the British Crown (with assistance Act3 before it was again recognised and griev- from settler militia) also saw vast tracts of Mäori land confiscated. One controversial example 3 The Treaty of Waitangi Act, 1975 installed the Waitangi which still resonates today is the confi scations of Tribunal which was designed as a Commission of Enquiry to hear Mäori grievances, as a consequence of Treaty land belonging to Ngäti Awa and Whakatohea in of Waitangi breaches, post 1975. In 1985 the Act was MÄORI ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT PROGRAMME 13 ances begun to be addressed. The ensuing years allocations are to iwi or hapü and benefi ts are meant that Mäori slipped behind Päkehä in eco- distributed to individuals that have registered nomic development, health and education. In with the tribe” (Kingi, 2009, p.1). Several chal- 1995, the Ture Whenua Mäori Act was passed, lenges immediately come to mind, not least which changed the way land could be owned the challenge for individual and whänau land and administered. The Act was two-fold in owners to place trust in iwi governance and intent: to retain Mäori customary land in Mäori give up their individual land title into a wider ownership; and the development of that land collective system. This idea also challenges the for the benefi t of owners (Kingi, 2009, p. 1). notions of ahi kä (tradition-based land inher- However, what land remained was often tied itance models) that are determined through up in Land Court-initiated complex ownership whakapapa, use and participation. The notion models, which made successful development of giving up a tikanga-determined access to land improbable. This is still the case for much multi- for a collective agreement in order to achieve owned land blocks today, prompting Tanira tikanga-based management is ironic to say the Kingi to state that “Mäori land under the cur- least. This opens up a future topic for discus- rent land tenure system is choked with excessive sion with the six participating iwi involved in numbers of owners” (Kingi, 2009, p. 1) and that this research programme—what is their view the problem of too many owners with exclu- on collectively owned iwi assets at the expense sion rights is a “tradegy of the anti-commons” of hapü- and whänau-led land trusts, many of (Buchanan and Yoon quoted in Kingi, 2009, which are very successful. The answer may be p. 1). Kingi goes on to explain that if common to develop more collaborative approaches to property rights encourage over-use or resource development between land trusts and iwi gov- depletion, than the anti-commons problem ernance bodies such as rünanga. The notion of encourages an under-utilisation of resources, turning collectively owned land into a positive such as that for Mäori land (2009, p. 1). Kingi development strategy will be discussed during suggests that Mäori land could become a viable future iwi-led wänanga, and the research team economic resource for Mäori, in a way that hopes to identify iwi-led strategies to overcome could turn communal ownership into a positive this challenge. state. He suggests that land be collectivised, Some international indigenous models based which would replace “undivided beneficial on collectivism of resources do exist. One in and equitable interest in Mäori freehold land particular is the United League of Indigenous with a structure that refl ects customary values Nations (ULIN), a group founded in August and traditional practices where owners have an 2007 that consisting mainly of US Tribal equal stake and the land is returned to tribal Nations, Aborigine Nations of Australia, First ownership” (2009, p. 1). Kingi likens this to Nations of Canada and New Zealand’s Bay of the collective settlements currently negotiated Plenty-based Ngäti Awa. The ULIN has been between iwi and the Government, where the incorporated under the laws of the Lummi iwi holds all assets collectively on behalf of Indian Nation as an independant, non-profi t the beneficiaries (iwi membership): “Under corporation which took advantage of “the US these arrangements there are no individual law that recognises the authority of US Tribal claims to the settlement. Instead the settlement Governments to charter corporate entities and protect their legal status” (Parker, et al., 2011).

amended to enable grievances tracing forward from the First, the group developed a booklet to advise 1840 signing of the Treaty, to be heard and addressed indigenous groups on climate change but it has by the Tribunal. This allowed historical grievances to be recently moved into developing international heard; many of which deal with land loss and subsequent economic and social disadvantage. indigenous trade relations. The resulting Tribal 14 LITERATURE REVIEW AND PROGRAMME REPORT

Trade Development Project has three main pur- corporate governance, which is unique to poses: to develop tribal and indigenous nations Mäori. Mäori organisations today often strug- trade agreements; to research and identify trib- gle to operate within a dual context of the New ally ‘branded’ trade products; and to design an Zealand political, social, cultural and commer- internet-based and copyright protected trading cial objectives and their own tikanga. Reference platform, a virtual marketplace for the sell- to tikanga may be found in the constitutional ing of tribally branded projects among native documents of many Mäori organisations, and indigenous peoples (Parker, et al., 2011). for example: Although based on international relationships, the ULIN’s trade project is one example of • Te Rünanga a Iwi o Ngäpuhi Establishment how relationships built between indigenous principle is “to promote, safeguard and groups can provide mutual economic and social advance the interests of the collective benefi ts. whänau/hapü and marae of Ngäpuhi, in The recent formation of the Mäori co- accordance with our values, tikanga and operative dairy company Miraka provides tino rangatiratanga”. another example of collectivism, this time at • Te Whänau of Waipareira Trust We will a local level. Miraka demonstrates how Mäori always rejoice in our Mäoritanga and are capturing the dairy industry in terms of accept change and progress in the con- building capacity and capability and realising tinuing redefi nition of our tikanga. opportunities through collaboration of key • Wakatü Incorporation A business of Mäori industry players, who have 54 per cent land and seas—he taonga tuku iho—for ownership. Mäori owners have also partnered profi t, social and cultural growth through with global players such as Vinmilk (Vietnam) professionalism, honesty and diligence and Global Dairy Network, capitalising on and embracing our tikanga (http://www. markets in Asia and the Middle East. Miraka’s wakatu.org.nz). owners share the vision that it is a majority • Te Ohu Kai Moana Principal obligation is Mäori-owned company focused on “long-term to protect and enhance the interest of iwi— returns for current and future generations, individually and collectively—primarily from land that will never be sold” (Miraka, in developing fi sheries, fi shing and fi sher- 2011). The values that underpin the vision are ies related activities (Te Ohu Kaimoana, kaitiakitanga, integrity, excellence, tikanga 2008). and innovation—all values espoused in the iwi strategic plans that were reviewed for this pub- The new iwi organisations embody features lication and are considered important values to not found in Western organisations or Western underpin any Mäori tikanga-based organisa- forms of economic development. For example, tion. The similarities between these initiatives membership of a Mäori organisation is a right and those of the Osoyoos Indian Band are the that comes with whakapapa, which brings with focus on intergenerational growth within the it obligations and responsibilities to participate iwi collectives and the uncompromising stance in the political and social processes in order to on land ownership—land that will never be access benefi ts where the nature of those benefi ts sold—also underpin other international indig- is determined in and through a collective deci- enous economic development philosophies. sion making process (Barrett, 2005). Although The Treaty of Waitangi has provided an Mäori organisations openly acknowledge the implied constitutional basis for a distinct important role economic growth plays in their set of Mäori institutions and underpins the development “… there is a sense that economic model of Mäori economic development and development using Päkehä institutions creates MÄORI ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT PROGRAMME 15 a risk of people losing their ‘Mäoriness’, when p. 6). Among the distinguishing features of suc- this ‘Mäoriness’, is at the core development” cessful tribal governance structures identifi ed (NZIER, 2003, p. 45). by the study were: (i) a governance structure that separates the functions of elected repre- sentatives and business managers; and (ii) the Developing Post Treaty Settlement ability to settle fairly. Each settlement group Models will have different needs, some will place an emphasis on economic development, others In attempting to develop post-settlement gov- on social development and others may seek a ernance and management models, many Mäori holistic approach to Mäori development (Law would argue that this must not be to the detri- Commission Report, 2002). Tikanga Mäori lies ment of tribal identity. For example, Mason at the heart of Mäori society and is unique to Durie argued: each iwi. Hirini Mead stated:

… [d]ifferent concerns about modern tribal There are some citizens who go so far as to governance structures have … been raised say that tikanga Mäori should remain in the in connection with the emphasis on business pre-Treaty era and stay there. To them tikanga models, which appear to corporatise iwi. Mäori has no relevance in the lives of con- Tribal members are aware of the corporations temporary Mäori. That body of knowledge in Alaska which have all but ousted traditional belongs to the not so noble past of the Mäori. structures and are keen to avoid creating eco- Individuals who think this way really have no nomically orientated organisations which fail understanding of what tikanga are and the to capture the essential cultural basis of the role tikanga have in our ceremonial and in our tribe (cited in NZIER, 2003, p. 2). daily lives. It is true, however, that tikanga are linked to the past and that is one of the reasons The Law Commission Report (2002) identi- why they are valued so highly by people. They fi ed that there is no uniform settlement model do link us to the ancestors, to their knowledge “able to adapt to meet the particular needs and to their wisdom. What we have today is of each individual settlement group and its a rich heritage that requires nurturing, awak- members” (p. 1) defi ning the core functions ening sometimes, adapting to our world and of those responsible for stewardship of the developing for the next generation. (cited in settlement of assets. In addition, there is no Law Commission Report, 2002) model mechanism to ensure that, when disputes arise among members of settlement groups they Tikanga Mäori is a pervasive infl uence with can be resolved in a manner consistent with each tribal grouping having its own variations. Mäori tikanga. Although the development of In addition, the constitution of a settlement Treaty settlement issues is at an early stage, entity would need to take account of tikanga useful information can be derived from the tangata (social organization), tikanga rangatira Harvard Project on American Indian Economic (leadership), and tikanga whenua (connection Development (no date). The Harvard Project to the land) (cited in Law Commission Report, found that tribal decision makers are likely 2002). Tikanga Mäori needs to be central to to make better choices than non-tribal deci- any process that governs and manages settle- sion makers about the future development of ments. However, the current regime imposes the tribal group. A strong tribal culture was two limiting factors: (i) the criteria laid down “found to be a resource that strengthened tribal by the Crown must be complied with in order governance” (Law Commission Report, 2002, for the settlement group to receive assets, and 16 LITERATURE REVIEW AND PROGRAMME REPORT ect Mäori values context blood group relationships option settlement groups context. Debarred from pecuniary gain. in Act. Not suitable for commercial context. More accurately refl Not suitable for commercial Governance rules contained Land Court or ordinary Courts paternalistic Domestic, tribunal or Mäori Yes, Mäori Land Court Not suitable for commercial No, recourse to the Registrar Yes, but recourse to Minister ciaries Dispute Resolutions Other statutory entity Court to Registrar Mäori Affairs Accountable to Benefi ect Yes, to be decided by group Yes, core obligations of No Yes, but note the role of No No. Accountability primarily No No, only to the Minister of Tikanga of Group Mäori Summary of Available Legal Entities. Model Act 1993 Act 1908 1955 Charitable Trust Board NoPrivate LegislationTrust PerhapsProposed Statutory Possibly, within limits Primarily to Registrar Per Act Ordinary Court Yes, per Deed Potential problem with kin/ Ordinary Courts Unknown per Act No longer available as viable Expensive to set up for Te Ture Whenua Incorporated Societies EntityMäori Trust Board Act Adaptable to Refl TABLE 1. Adapted from the Law Commission Report (2002). MÄORI ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT PROGRAMME 17

(ii) expression of tikanga is limited by the types an individual iwi level, the treaty settlement of entity available and most entities were cre- will not only provide the recognition of mana, ated without Mäori values in mind and derive but also the means to build social and cultural from English law (Table 1, Law Commission confidence. At best, the settlement provides Report, 2002). them money to begin social and cultural devel- It is notable though that the overall contri- opment, which has spin-off effects of increased bution to the national Mäori economy from confi dence and status. As with the Osoyoos Treaty settlements is very low. In the 2006 Indian Band and other notable iwi examples, fi gures, Treaty settlements made up only 1.5 growing an economic base leads to overall well- per cent of the overall Mäori economy, then being of an indigenous group. worth NZ$16 billion. This contribution has not grown considerably in recent years. The most important factor from Treaty settlements is not Iwi Strategic Plans and Social Capital their contribution to economic performance, but their longer-term contribution to iwi eco- A number of iwi strategic plans and one iwi nomic development: socially, culturally and annual report were analysed to determine politically. The Treaty settlements allow iwi to common elements that offer insights into iwi reassert mana—particularly the recognition of development rather than development as prac- their mana over the various regions, resources tised by iwi (2020 Taupo-Nui-a-Tia Action and people that form their whakapapa. The Plan; Ara Mai Whakatohea Strategic Plan recognition of iwi mana is realised through the 2009–2013; Muaupoko Tribal Authority Inc willingness of non- Mäori groups and organisa- Strategic Plan 2008–2020; Ngati Rangi Strategic tions to engage with the iwi in question. This Plan 2009—A Tona Wa; Te Ara Poutama o may be at an economic level, but also at a level Ngati Awa Strategic Pathways to the Future where iwi have restored confi dence in asserting 2010–2015; Te Runanga o Nga Puhi Strategic their claims and rights within their own regions Plan 2009–2014; Te Runanga o Ngai Tahu in matters pertaining to the overall manage- Corporate Intent; Te Runanga o Ngati Mutunga ment and development of the resources within Strategic Plan 2008–2013; Te Runanga o Ngati it. Councils have certainty as to which group Porou Strategic Plan 2009–2010; Te Runanga has the mandate for consultation and although o Te Rarawa Annual Plan 2009; Vision 2025). there is still resistance from Councils and other The plans were all similar in construction and local agencies, iwi cannot be ignored as was ideals which allowed for a comparison of the once the case. At a national level too there is components that were important to iwi, and more political leverage for iwi who command how these would form part of the future stra- attention because of an increased recognition tegic direction. Without exception, each iwi of their relationship with various regions within vision and mission statement placed the wellbe- New Zealand. Non-Mäori organisations may ing of the marae, whänau and hapü as the key not understand it as mana, but they understand objectives. One example from Ngäti Mutunga that iwi need to be included. The iwi leaders’ stated that the iwi’s vision was to ensure that groups that act as collective voices for iwi over it “is culturally strong, secure in its identity various matters of national interest are one and economically prosperous” (Te Runanga example. Regardless of criticism, they are lis- o Ngati Mutunga Strategic Plan 2008–2013). tened to and command a level of engagement The Ngäti Mutunga mission is “to facilitate from non-Mäori organisations and government the growth and development of our people agencies that is underpinned by the knowl- and our culture, Ngäti Mutungatanga … To edge of their collective economic power. At prudently accelerate the growth of our assets.” 18 LITERATURE REVIEW AND PROGRAMME REPORT

(Te Runanga o Ngati Mutunga Strategic Plan relationships between Rünanga, whänau and 2008–2013). Whakatöhea stated the purpose of hapü and marae to meet current and future their strategic plan was to enable them “to grow aspirations” (Te Runanga o Nga Puhi Strategic our iwi/hapü to prosper and sustain throughout Plan 2009–2014). Evidence was sought in this changing and challenging world” (Ara Mai the strategic plans as to how this was to be Whakatohea Strategic Plan 2009–2013), while achieved. In most cases it was through raising Muaupoko claim that by 2010 they will have cultural awareness and participation in iwi, achieved the empowerment of their hapü and hapü, whänau and marae affairs, increasing whänau and marae, protected their identity and level of understanding and proficiency in te “enhanced our economic wealth, culture, health reo Mäori and tikanga as pertaining to indi- and well-being.” (Muaupoko Tribal Authority vidual iwi, social development, and advancing Inc Strategic Plan 2008–2020). Others from mätauranga-a-iwi, which was described by Ngäi Tahu, Ngäti Awa, Tuwharetoa, Ngäti one iwi as “promoting among whänau, hapü Porou and Ngä Puhi, Te Rarawa, Ngäti Rangi and marae, the retention of tüturu knowledge and Tuwharetoa all espoused similar objec- and the acquisition of new knowledge” (Te tives, visions and missions. Perhaps the most Runanga o Nga Puhi Strategic Plan 2009– striking similarity of all the strategic plans is 2014). The management of resources, social the emphasis on empowering hapü and whänau development and economic development were and strengthening marae, seen as the pow- other key objectives to ensuring the realisation erhouse of hapü and whänau. In all cases, of culturally strong and self-determining iwi economic development is considered to be a populations. Thus, the three main objectives means to an end—ensuring the total wellbeing are to further community (including the envi- of the people—and is part of a set of strategic ronment in which they are situated), culture directions. In most cases it is placed within and commerce and to do this in a way that strategies for wellbeing and does not stand interlocks all three. alone. This suggests that the human resources All the iwi listed sets of values and guid- are key components to iwi development and ing principles which underpin the strategies, future sustainability (2020 Taupo-Nui-a-Tia management and governance mechanisms, pro- Action Plan; Ara Mai Whakatohea Strategic cesses and systems. These components were Plan 2009–2013; Muaupoko Tribal Authority listed as tikanga, leadership, quality (in man- Inc Strategic Plan 2008–2020; Ngati Rangi agement practices and the way all things are Strategic Plan 2009—A Tona Wa; Te Ara done), respect, communication, accountability Poutama o Ngati Awa Strategic Pathways to and integrity (Te Runanga o Nga Puhi Strategic the Future 2010–2015; Te Runanga o Nga Plan 2009–2014; Te Runanga o Te Rarawa Puhi Strategic Plan 2009–2014; Te Runanga Annual Plan 2009). Others such as Whakatohea o Ngai Tahu Corporate Intent; Te Runanga o chose to emphasise strengthening, collabora- Ngati Mutunga Strategic Plan 2008–2013; Te tion, caring, respect and awakening of “all Runanga o Ngati Porou Strategic Plan 2009– things Whakatohea” (Ara Mai Whakatohea 2010; Te Runanga o Te Rarawa Annual Plan Strategic Plan 2009–2013). In all cases, the 2009; Vision 2025). values were listed in te reo Mäori and English. Further evidence of this comes from the stra- Translations were provided by each iwi group. tegic direction statements which emphasise For example in the Strategic Plan from Ngäti the hapü and whänau as the benefi ciaries of Mutunga, manaakitanga was translated as all outcomes. Ngäpuhi for example state that “respect, humility and confi dence in our own communications and identity strategic direc- identity”. Kaitiakitanga is explained as “obliga- tion is for “developing positive and effective tion to protect the spiritual well-being of our MÄORI ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT PROGRAMME 19 people and our natural resources within our iwi are and how they belong with specifi c land- mana”, and rangatiratanga is about commit- scapes. Whakapapa orders the relationships ment to uphold “the rangatiratanga of Ngäti that iwi and Mäori have with each other and Mutunga whänau, marae and iwi to protect and with everything that is part of the environment develop what belongs [to the iwi]” (Te Runanga over which they exercise mana. As Apirana o Ngati Mutunga Strategic Plan 2008–2013). Ngata once said, “it is the key to unlocking It is evident then that iwi are insisting on the mass of facts” that explain Mäori politi- developing strategic directions, including eco- cal, economic and social organisation (cited in nomic direction, from frameworks “based Carter, 2004, p. 1). upon and influenced by [iwi] specific tribal Mäori and indigenous peoples across the values” (Bishop & Tiakiwai, 2002) with the world have a holistic world view. These are primary benefi ciaries being the members of the societies who maintain continuity with the hapü and whänau. The marae is considered the past, which is refl ected in the transmission of iwi-specifi c space from which to achieve the knowledge, institutions, values and practices well-being of the tribe, and hence some of the from one generation to the next (Carter, 2004, economic strategies are aimed at ensuring these p. 5). There has been a growing inclination to are maintained and improved for the future include a holistic understanding of the world generations. Resources, including land, are con- in development contexts (Sillitoe, et al., 2002). sidered paramount to providing an economic Posey and Sillitoe both discuss the impor- base from which initiative and innovation in tance of understanding the interconnectedness economic direction can spread. Underpinning between culture, land and knowledge. Posey in iwi aspirations, including economic, are the particular states that allowing indigenous peo- values, guiding principles and knowledge that ples to record and utilise their own knowledge will frame the governance and management “is the only way that the study of indigenous structures, relationships and processes. knowledge can advance without fragment- There are two main themes that are appar- ing the cosmic connectedness between land, ent within all the strategic plans. Firstly, the culture, and knowledge” (Posey, 2002, p. 39). unshakeable idea that iwi knowledge (includ- However, the validity of indigenous knowledge ing the values and tikanga processes) is the has been and still is contentious (Sillitoe, et al., understood constant in how to achieve these 2002). Current thinking is that tradition equals objectives, visions and fulfi l the iwi missions. timelessness and as such it remains unchange- The second theme is that iwi are endeavouring able over time (Sillitoe, 2002, p. 109). This to build the capabilities and capacity of their presupposes that tradition is locked into an people—hence building their social capital. infl exible, prescribed set of values, knowledge Mäori and iwi knowledge is based on tra- frameworks and principles and therefore does ditional ways of understanding the world and not allow for the dynamic and ever-changing the way it works. As such it has its own set of nature of knowledge. One way to overcome guiding principles or whakaritenga, “the foun- the hesitancy to accept indigenous traditional dation principles upon which your strategies knowledge as a norm is to change the focus of and processes of development and well-being the term ‘traditional’ to ‘tradition-based’. By are grounded” (M. Roderick, March 2011, per- rephrasing ‘tradition’ to ‘tradition-based’ it will sonal communication). These guiding principles assist the study of Mäori economic development as suggested by the various iwi strategic plans to be couched in iwi and Mäori knowledge include kaitiakitanga, manaakitanga, rangati- frameworks and driven by tikanga practices ratanga, tikanga and kawa. At the heart of all and processes. This involves referring to past of these is whakapapa, which evidences who experiences to provide guidelines for working 20 LITERATURE REVIEW AND PROGRAMME REPORT

through new challenges and situations. Michael context’ (2010, original emphasis). This tension Oakeshott refers to this as “a conversation that led to two schools of thought on how exactly is continued with each generation” (Oakeshott, social capital can transfer to economic gain. 1969, p. 489). Over a person’s lifetime, the James S. Colman is credited with treating social growth in knowledge from each changing capital as the “amount of the individual’s obli- circumstance will add to the many layers of gations and expectations that ‘can be conceived tikanga and kawa and continue the process for of as a credit slip held by A to be redeemed the next generation. A tradition-based society is by some performance by B’” (Colman, 1988, not a static society and neither is its knowledge 1990). Robert Putman (Putnam, 1993, 2000) base. It has the ability to change and develop and Alejandro Portes (Portes, 1998) were both as required when each new challenge presents of the other view that stressed the importance itself. There is a practical side to all actions (ira of the individual’s embeddedness in his/her tangata). There is also a spiritual side (ira atua) social environment with Portes maintaining and both of these need to be in balance. The that in this case social capital “is features of actions and knowledge come from past expe- social organisations, such as networks, norms, rience to help us to understand the present. It and trust, that facilitate action and coopera- also allows for knowledge to be moved into the tion for mutual benefi t” (Portes 1988 cited in future through the intergenerational knowledge Chalupnicek, 2010). There have been a num- transmission. Tikanga principles founded in ber of variations on both these theories with past experiences and knowledge frameworks Chalupnicek offering some examples of how will underpin the strategies put in place for social capital varies from altruistic exchanges future development (Carter, 2004). and how it can be considered capital in the The second common theme to emerge from economic sense (2010). In order to do this the study of iwi strategic plans has to do with the exchange is conditional on the recipient building the capability and capacity of the marae, recognising the exchange as an investment by whänau and hapü, or building social capital. the resource provider, and thereby the mutual Social capital theory became popular in the obligation on both parties to produce an out- middle of last century and was a way of intro- come that will benefit both. There is also a ducing the “social dimension into economic sense of on-going obligation and reciprocity interactions” (Chalupnicek, 2010, p. 1230). involved. Altruism on the other hand is when The transfer from one discipline (sociology) the exchange from a resource provider has to another (economics) has meant that social no sense of investment or on-going recipro- capital theory has become “confused and cal obligation—such as a donation to charity obscure” and often varies in emphasis within (Chalupnicek, 2010). From this brief outline each context (Chalupnicek, 2010, p. 1230). of social capital theory there are emerging a The earliest proponent of social capital theory number of variables that must be present in was Pierre Bourdieu, who linked the idea of building social capital among individuals and transforming social capital into conventional communities: reciprocity, obligation, exchange, economic gain. He claimed that to do so, community embeddedness, networks, norms however, “depends on the nature of the social and trust. These are the reasons why it has obligations, connections, and networks avail- become tempting to investigate indigenous eco- able to [the individual]” (Bordieu, 1986, cited nomic exchanges and gifting through a social in Chalupnicek, 2010). Chalupnicek claims capital theory lens. that the immediate tension within Bourdieu’s Indigenous peoples are community focused; theory is between “social capital as an asset of they operate through longstanding networks an individual and the importance of its social that are sustained through obligation and trust MÄORI ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT PROGRAMME 21 and they are, in general, totally embedded over the distribution and direction of economic within their environments—either physically development in their homelands (Evans, et al., or spiritually or both. In this context, Jaco 2009). Vermaak considers “social capital as a collec- Other social theorists have also related the tion of resources…that could be used to satisfy links to social networks including the World a wide variety of community needs, particularly Bank which has “recognised social capital as those of rural communities in the developing a refl ection of the value of cooperative social world” (Vermaak, 2009, p. 399). Vermaak is activity” (as cited in Vermaak, 2009, p. 402). investigating how rural African communities And according to Grootaert, “social capital is may use the idea of social capital accumu- the glue that holds society together” (Grootaert, lation as ways of measuring how successful 1998, p. 2) community-driven economies are in applying In 2001 a paper was produced to help under- indigenous ways of knowing and understand- stand social capital in New Zealand (Robinson ing to all aspects of exchange. He maintains & Williams, 2001). The paper set out to defi ne that: social capital, “how it is formed and used, and to introduce a framework for understanding social capital can thus be compared with phys- the concept in Mäori terms” (Robinson & ical capital in the sense that it is productive… Williams, 2001, p. 52). They discuss social economic development has a better chance of capital in a Mäori context set within the limits fl ourishing in social systems with strong social of voluntary actions. They defi ned voluntary networks, well-developed associations and a actions, as understood by Päkehä, as giving, high degree of civil engagement. (Vermaak, and as understood by Mäori as cultural obli- 2009, p. 401) gations—either way, the actions were carried out in a voluntary capacity (2001, p. 52). To Vermaak cites the example of rotating savings develop their framework they began with the and credit associations found in South Africa assumption that the: as “Indigenous informal norms [that] allow individuals to pool their resources for their whole story about social capital is the story mutual benefi t” (2009, p. 406). In the Pacifi c of the social setting or context in which region there are also examples of communities actors give and receive…The context includes converting social capital for economic gain. The actors’ knowledge of each other’s interests Samoan practice of remittances from diaspora and resources, the opportunities that exist for communities back to Samoa implies reciprocal exchange, and the inducements and disincen- obligations and strong social networks and tives associated with the norms of giving. trust. The practice of remittances is consid- (Robinson & Williams, 2001, p. 53) ered a norm within both Samoan and Tongan society and is enmeshed within cultural values Robinson and Williams defi ned social capital and practices (Tu‘itahi, 2005). Evans and col- as: leagues describe a similar situation where the African diaspora communities in London have The collection of resources to which an indi- introduced a savings scheme that is used solely vidual or group has access through their for economic development in home villages in membership in an ongoing network of mutual Africa. The African diaspora communities have acquaintance. Features of this social structure, taken remittances one level higher, because they such as relationships, norms and social trust, specify the purpose and use for which the funds help develop coordination and cooperation may be applied, thus having strong infl uence for common benefi t. (2001, p. 54) 22 LITERATURE REVIEW AND PROGRAMME REPORT

One of the most important fi ndings of the paper there is always a balance being sought. This is that a Mäori conceptualisation of active can be described as a continuum of actions participation with their community is “sepa- that move progressively together—for every rate from and does not include the notion of action there will be a consequence and these voluntary, but rather refers more to fulfi lling are repeated constantly either consciously or cultural obligation” (Robinson & Williams, unconsciously. 2001, p. 60). They state that confusing the two Another study on the concept of mahi aroha different concepts—voluntary community work (volunteering by Mäori) and its implications and cultural obligations—confuses and misin- for Mäori social capital was undertaken by the terprets what Mäori are engaging in (Robinson Offi ce for the Community and Voluntary Sector & Williams, 2001, p. 60). The authors qualify (OCVS) in 2001. The terms of reference for the this by saying that with voluntary work the report were to: action lies outside of the market and is not therefore viewed as an action that will produce … obtain a comprehensive understanding of an economic return. In the Mäori context of volunteering by Mäori in terms of the nature cultural obligation, the community action is of the activities undertaken, Mäori terms based on cultural obligations and reciprocity. or concepts that best describe the nature of Regardless that the reciprocal action may not those activities, factors that motivate Mäori be immediate it is still expected that actions will to participate in such activities, and mean- take place to impose a future obligation and ings and value that Mäori attach to those reciprocal act—hence a return (Robinson & activities and their participation in such Williams, 2001, p. 60). For example, working activities. (Ministry of Social Development, or contributing in some way at a tangi when it 2007, p. 4) is held at the actor’s marae may not be recip- rocated until years later when the actor dies Perhaps the fi rst important difference between and others are obligated to return the respect this report and the Robinson and Williams and actions he/she will have carried out in the paper is that the report assumes mahi aroha to past. Robinson and Williams refer to this as be volunteering, while Robinson and Williams sharing, not giving, which “better refl ects the point out that this will cause misunderstand- cultural norms and reciprocal obligations in ings about the actions Mäori carry out as part Mäori society” (2001, p. 61). These activities of their cultural obligations. The OCVS report were also considered to be beyond monetary does state that it will highlight “the extent of compensation: Mäori volunteering and fulfi lment of cultural obligations” (2007, p. 4), but by linking it to a we are driven more by manaaki, tautoko etc, Päkehä concept of voluntary work it narrows concepts underpinned by collective respons- the ability of mahi aroha to be considered as ibility … for example it is an obligation to social capital in the context of future investment extend manaaki to the manuhiri. It is part of and economic usefulness. This was an impor- the kaupapa, behaviour associated with cul- tant concept brought out in the Robinson and tural imperatives. (Williams cited in Robinson Williams paper. & Williams, 2001, p. 65) The 2007 OCVS report lists a number of cultural concepts to the ideas of mahi aroha In this respect the obligation to reciprocate at and these are supported by comments from some point in the future is a storing of capi- interviewees who participated in the research. tal—in this case storing social capital. For any A statement in the report says, “To understand relationships in Mäori society to be successful contemporary Mäori work, paid or unpaid, it MÄORI ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT PROGRAMME 23 is essential to have an understanding of Mäori altruism discussed earlier. We may of course conceptions of self and the cultural values and be moving in to the murky waters of trying to systems related to these” (2007, p. 11). The explain Mäori concepts like aroha and koha research team utilised Mason Durie’s Tapa in Päkehä terms; however, both the OCVS Whä model (Durie, 1994) and Rangimarie report and the Robinson and Williams paper Turuki Rose Pere’s Te Wheke model (Pere, do this, although not so much in the latter 1991) as ways of measuring mahi aroha. The example. What both reports do accomplish is cultural values and concepts in these two mod- highlighting the tikanga processes behind iwi els are similar, but Pere has extended hers to and Mäori community and individual actions accommodate more spiritual aspects. The four in pursuit of cultural sustainability; whether cornerstones of Te Whare Tapa Wha emphasise through ‘sharing’ (Robinson & Williams, Mäori health and wellbeing: whänau (family 2001), or through ‘mahi aroha’ (Ministry of health), tinana (physical health), hinengaro Social Development, 2007). The Robinson (mental health), and wairua (spiritual health). and Williams paper goes further to introduce The components of Pere’s Te Wheke use these the idea of economic implications from social plus whänaungatanga (extended family across cohesion, and the way that social capital is a the universe), mana ake (the uniqueness of the useful theory for understanding community individual and the extended family), mauri (the strength and growth towards future economic life-sustaining principle in people and objects), sustainability. hä a koro mä a kui mä (cultural heritage) and In practice, the successful storing of social whatumanawa (relating to emotions and senses) capital relies on everyone who may be involved (Ministry of Social Development, 2007, p. 12). understanding the rules for engagement. If, The OCVS research participants were asked for example, some of the members of the iwi/ what motivated them to carry out ‘mahi aroha’ hapü/whänau have little knowledge of expected and these were mapped in a model consist- behaviour then the social capital capacity and ing of overlapping circles for tikanga, cultural capability will be limited. As explained earlier, survival and recovery, and extent of need one element in the iwi strategic plans was to (2007, p. 20). build capacity and capability of all the whänau The OCVS report also highlighted that the and hapü. This was to be achieved through action of mahi aroha may be acknowledged education and knowledge sharing on marae through the giving of a koha. Koha has been in the form of wänanga or cultural hui that described as having “wider implications and encouraged learning te reo-a-iwi and mätau- connotations than the mere presentation of ranga-a-iwi. These aspirations and the earlier a physical gift…and may represent part of a research on Mäori social capital calls for fur- system of exchange, or begin a new exchange ther exploration by this research team into the relationship” (Mead as cited in Ministry for way that iwi build the capacity and capability Social Development, 2007). This opens up a of whänau and hapü and, hence, engage in new dimension to understanding mahi aroha economic development that utilises all their as social capital. Koha simply understood respective resources including people. Further means a gift that is given with an expecta- investigation is also needed in how the large tion of return at some stage in the future. This percentage of iwi members who live outside comes closer to the idea of storing social capi- their respective iwi territories are to be fully tal than does ‘aroha’ which is defi ned in the engaged, so as to secure the labour force and report as a gift “given from the heart” (Ministry skills base that will be needed for future eco- of Social Development, 2007, p. 14) with no nomic and social growth. As one member of the (re)payment expected—similar perhaps to iwi participant group, Te Whänau-a-Apanui 24 LITERATURE REVIEW AND PROGRAMME REPORT

explained, “iwi are where the people are”4, thus initiating further discussions around the concept that location may not be as important as whakapapa relationships.

4 Riki Gage, comment expressed as part of the iwi wänanga session for the MED Programme. MEASURES OF THE ECONOMY

International Measures of the assessment of the situation in which most Economy people fi nd themselves. • Commonly used statistics may not be Since 1948, gross domestic product (GDP) has capturing some phenomena which have been the most dominant measure of economic an increasing impact on the wellbeing of growth. For consistency, we have used the defi - citizens. nition published as part of the 2011 report to • The way in which statistical fi gures are the Mäori Economic Taskforce, May 2011. reported or used may provide a distorted view of the trends of economic phenomena. GDP is defi ned as a total market value of all • It has long been clear that GDP is an inad- fi nal goods and services produced in a country equate metric to gauge wellbeing over time (or economy) in a given year, equal to total particularly in its economic, environmental consumer, investment and government spend- and social dimensions. ing, plus the value of exports, minus the value of imports. (BERL, 2011, p. 18) We are almost ‘fl ying blind’ when the met- rics on which action is based are ill-designed. In the future discussions we need to move beyond Today, there is a broad consensus that we need GDP and there has been extensive research and better metrics and that we need to understand discussion on the appropriateness of this meas- the limitations of the existing metrics. (Stiglitz, ure of economic progress. The commentary et al., 2009, p. 6) dates back as far as 1973 in an article entitled “Is Growth Obsolete” by Nordhaus and Tobin. The report is: Since then, the limitations of metric measures of the economy have been investigated further. simultaneously a plea for revisions of our Stiglitz, Sen and Fitoussi assess the weaknesses national account system, a call for the end of current metrics in a report entitled “The of the dominant use of GDP in assessing eve- Measurement of Economic Performance and rything—performance, wellbeing, quality of Social Progress Revisited” (Stiglitz, et al., 2009). life, etc.—and an appeal for the gathering of Key comments about the limitations include: more information that would enable us to assess and monitor economic performance • The statistical concepts may be correct, and social progress better, so as to refl ect those but the measurement process may be things that citizens care about. (Stiglitz, et al., imperfect. 2009, p. 4) • When there are large changes in inequality, gross domestic product (GDP) or any other Consequently, there has been considerable aggregate may not provide an accurate work done by the OECD, EU, UN, New 26 LITERATURE REVIEW AND PROGRAMME REPORT

Economics Forum (NEF; Abdulla, et al., 2011; and GNI per capita. In 2010, New Zealand was Dawnay & Shah, 2005; Lawlor, et al., 2009; ranked third of the 169 countries involved in the Michaelson, et al., 2009) and The Commission study, and New Zealand’s values are shown in on the Measurement of Economic Performance Table 2. and Social Progress (CMEPSP). All concur that there is a need for measurements of wellbeing as an effort to place people in the forefront as Measures of the New Zealand benefactors of economic growth. A number Economy of frameworks and methodologies have been development. Some of these include the notion In New Zealand, we emulate other countries by of Social Return on Investment (SROI) devel- referring to GDP as the primary metric measure, oped by the Scottish Government (Cabinet and the Monthly Economic Indicator releases Offi ce of the Third Sector, no date), Stiglitz from New Zealand Treasury list GDP as the Commission (no date) measure of well-being fi rst measure of the New Zealand economy. and NEF Conceptual framework for Societal Other measures include the consumer price Progress. The Human Development Index index infl ation, consumption defl ator, labour (HDI) developed as part of the UN’s Human market statistics, retail sales, and confi dence Development Programme gained considerable indicators/surveys. In addition, the Ministry of traction as a framework of socio-economic Agriculture and Fisheries (MAF) have an annual progress. publication that provides an economic overview These frameworks view the economy as being and outlook for all primary industries. Other a means to an end, rather than the end itself, industry groups such as Tourism NZ and the recognising the value of GDP as a measure. Seafood Council also release data about pro- gress in different sectors. The industry specifi c forecasts and measures serve more as industry Human Development Index (HDI) datasets, rather than informing government policy. The Human Development Report is prepared On a regional basis, EDAs or TLAs often and published annually by the United Nations purchase regional economic profi les. An exam- Development Programme and aims to “shift ple of this is the TOI-EDA regional profi le for the focus of development economics from the Eastern Bay of Plenty (including Kawerau, national income accounting, to people centered Whakatäne and Opotiki Districts; TOI-EDA, policies” (Haq, 1990). The conceptual frame- 2011). This is produced quarterly with key work was developed and launched by Pakistan indicators being population, household/dwell- Economist and Nobel laureate Mahubub ul ings, nominal GDP, annual economic growth Haq in 1990. The Human Development Index estimates, employment and unemployment includes life expectancy at birth, mean years rates. This is also includes a summary of the of schooling and expected years of schooling, national (New Zealand) economic outlook.

TABLE 2. New Zealand Human Development Index Results (2010) Indicator Score Life expectancy at birth (years) 80.5 Mean years of schooling(of adults) (years) 12.5 GNI per Capita ($US) $27,520 MÄORI ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT PROGRAMME 27

HDI and New Zealand Economic of these include 2003 and 2007 estimates by Indicators NZIER and the most recent in 2010 by BERL (BERL, 2011). The HDI has been integrated into the meas- The size of the Mäori asset base has been of urement of the New Zealand economy with particular interest and calculations to date illus- a publication entitled “2011 Economic trate that the composition of the Mäori asset Indicators”; a joint initiative between the base is dominated by Mäori small medium enter- Ministry of Economic Development (MED), the prises (SMEs), Mäori Trust/Incorporations, and Treasury and Statistics New Zealand (Ministry Rünanga (Collective Assets). A common accom- for Economic Development, 2011). The 2011 paniment to the asset base review is a social publication is the fourth of this kind in New accounting matrix (SAM) which models house- Zealand. Earlier reports were published in hold and individual data, including labour force 2003, 2005 and 2007. statistics, household incomes and net savings. The 2011 report proposes a “broad range In most cases a comparison is often undertaken of indicators relevant to New Zealand’s eco- against the “rest of New Zealand” if model- nomic performance”. (Ministry for Economic ling has been undertaken on a national scale. Development, 2011, p. 8). These include Regional comparisons are also made if model- measures of wellbeing and prosperity. These ling has been undertaken on a regional scale. indicators consist of the DI rating, HDH HDI The most recent review of the Mäori asset rating and the Economist Intelligence Unit’s base and SAM was completed in 2010 and Quality of Life index. The report also identi- published by the Mäori Economic Taskforce fi es the immediate drivers of income growth as (MET) in May 2011. According to the MET (i) labour utilisation, (ii) labour productiv- reports, the Mäori asset base is estimated to ity, and (iii) composition of the New Zealand be worth at least $36.9bn. This represents a economy. Furthermore, it identifi es a number $20.5bn increase since 2006 (MET, 2011a; of underlying determinants of productivity BERL, 2011, p. 4). This increase is a result of growth such as innovation and entrepreneur- actual growth, but is also due to a difference in ship, investment, saving and fi nancial market methodology than that used by NZIER in the development, and international linkages. 2007 estimate. In 2010, the Mäori economy In its entirety, the report looks at both directly contributed around six per cent to New social and market determinants of economic Zealand’s GDP when measured by produc- performance. The authors acknowledged tion and over eight per cent when measured that, “A growing, open, and competitive eco- by incomes, wages and salaries (MET 2011a; nomy is a key means of delivering permanent BERL, 2011, p. 5). Furthermore, the MET higher incomes and living standards to New project on Mäori economy and science and Zealanders. Without higher economic growth, innovation modelled a number of scenarios the economy will not deliver higher living for the Mäori economy. Both a ‘productivity- standards or the quality of life to which New focused’ and ‘export-focused’ approach could Zealanders aspire” (Ministry for Economic result in an extra $12bn contribution by Mäori Development, 2011, p. 8). economy to New Zealand’s economy. This equates to an additional 150,000 jobs and an increase in exports of more than $12bn per Measures of the Ma¯ ori Economy annum in 2061. (MET 2011b; BERL, 2011, p. 6). A number of reports have been published that On the contrary, a scenario titled “do noth- estimate the size of the Mäori economy. Some ing” estimates a fi ve per cent drop in GDP and 28 LITERATURE REVIEW AND PROGRAMME REPORT

a loss of 35,000 jobs per annum in the New being considered. The annual reports provide Zealand economy (MET 2011b; BERL, 2011, commentary on the initiatives being under- p. 7). These scenarios illustrate the intercon- taken, which is more than likely the information nectedness of the Mäori economy with the reported back to iwi members in the form of New Zealand economy. Based on the fi gures, a annual reports presented at annual general meet- productive Mäori economy creates a 20 per cent ings. Financial information (i.e. balance sheets) increase in GDP for the New Zealand economy remains the predominant indicators, reporting by 2061 (Table 3). the fi nancial position of the entities. These fi nan- Measures of regional Mäori economies mir- cial reports illustrate dividend payments made to ror those that model the Mäori economy at a shareholders as well as education grants if appli- national level. One example in particular is cable. Annual reports often have commentary the report titled Te Ripoata Ohanga Mäori of some of the non-fi nancial benefi ts and efforts mo te Waiariki prepared by BERL for Te Puni including development of te reo, provision of Kökiri in February, 2010 (Te Puni Kökiri, 2007, education and training, housing initiatives and 2010). environmental management issues. A number It is appropriate to note here that the rela- of iwi are also undertaking to measure their tionship between Mäori economic development economies at an iwi level. For example, two of and New Zealand economic development is still the six iwi involved in this research programme unknown, although there is considerable anecdo- have undertaken iwi-specifi c analysis. The mod- tal evidence available. Further engagement with els developed through the analysis focus on the the project’s six participating iwi will allow us to labour force available to fi ll jobs, and roles of develop the anecdotal evidence as more formal the local iwi within their rohe. While the iwi data—particularly in how the iwi see themselves specifi c assets are part of the regional economies, contributing to the wider New Zealand economy. the models map iwi labour to job opportunities At a more micro level, a review of a sample of in the regional economy, rather than iwi labour Annual Reports indicated that many Rünanga, to iwi job opportunities (BERL, 2011). Trust and Incorporations and Post-Settlement The Census data are also a fundamental Government Entity (PSGE) reports are pre- dataset with Statisics New Zealand produ- dominantly fi nancial information. Within these cing iwi-specific reports as part of Census balance sheets is spend on education grants, publications. Information includes population which indicates a level of social wellbeing is statistics, distribution of population by regional territorial authority, profi ciency in te reo, edu- cation levels, religion, household composition TABLE 3. Mäori Asset Base 2010 and labour force. In addition, it summaries Asset base value ($bn) annual income, household ownership, access Self-employed 5,440 to phone, internet and fax as well as smoking Employers 20,837 status and number of children that are born to Trusts, 10,620* women over the age of 15. Incorporations, Boards, MIOs, PGSEs, Holding Measures for Ma¯ ori Economic Companies Development Total 36,897 * Treaty Settlement $$ fi gures are included in this Mason Durie’s paper Mäori Development: category of asset. In actuality, it is a small portion Trends and Indicators provides one framework of the Mäori asset base value. that could work as a Mäori model for measuring MÄORI ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT PROGRAMME 29

Mäori economic development. Durie cautions wellbeing of Mäori communities with emphasis that, “In order to quantify and monitor Mäori on the indicators that should be used to assess development, new types of indicators will be that wellbeing” (MET, 2011a, p. 4). The fol- necessary” (Durie, 2005, p. 7). He highlights lowing indicators were developed within the three issues: fi rst, over the past two decades context of whänau, hapü and iwi wellbeing, Mäori development indicators relied heav- and were grouped into a number of categories ily on comparisons with non-Mäori; second, that included whakapapa, manaakitanga, puke- that there is limited data that can measure the ngatanga, te reo, whänaungatanga, kotahitanga “nature of the relationship that individuals and ukaiputanga. have with groups (such as whänau)”; and third, A report prepared by Motu in 2004 entitled “levels of participation were frequently used “Mäori economic development – Glimpses as indicators of progress” (Durie, 2005, p. 8). from statistical sources” suggested that indica- He suggests that there are two main parts of tors of Mäori economic development include Mäori development that need to be considered “population size and age structure; life expect- in future measures. These are “an aspect that ancy at birth, land ownership; urbanization; that recognises Mäori interest in being part of education attainment; participation in labour a wider society and enjoying similar standards market; and attainment in the labour mar- of living to other groups within society, and an ket.” They also include some “data levels of aspect that recognises Mäori as an indigenous profi ciency in the Mäori language, which can population”. He labels these as universal fac- be viewed as an indicator of cultural wealth” tor and indigeneity factor, respectively (Durie, (Colman, et al., 2005, p. 5). 2005, p. 8). He proposed the characteristics of In summary, while GDP remains the pri- indigeneity to include primary and secondary mary metric measure of the economy both characteristics which include outcome meas- nationally and internationally, there has been ures that “need to take into account the dual considerable movement towards the creation aspirations of Mäori: to enjoy similar rights, and implementation of more societal wellbeing standards of living, and opportunities as other measures of the economy. This sets a solid New Zealanders and to enjoy the benefi ts of Te foundation for Mäori and iwi to adopt and Ao Mäori” (Durie, 2005, p. 9). Durie identi- adapt measures that best suit them in order to fi ed three broad goals of Mäori development: provide evidence of the progress, or otherwise, the participatory goal, the indigeneity goal and of achieving the aspirations identifi ed in their the equity goal, and developed a framework for strategies. Movement away from pure mar- measuring of Mäori development. ket metric measures and the development of He Öranga Hapori is a model for raising HDI holds well for improving precision and Mäori community wellbeing that was commis- relevance of models for measuring the Mäori sioned by the SME work stream of the Mäori economy. Frameworks such as Mason Durie’s Economic Taskforce, and was published in May Characteristics of Indigeneity and Goals and 2011. He Öranga Hapori is a term used at Te Indicators, as well as He Öranga Hapori are Wänanga o Raukawa to describe community important steps to developing more appropri- wellbeing or Mäori economics and is defi ned ate measures for Mäori economic development. as “the management of the resources, systems, rules and behaviours in a Mäori society that contribute to the wellbeing of the people and So What Does This Mean for Mäori? the environment using a holistic approach” (MET, 2011a, p. 4). The aim of He Öranga In order to understand the appropriateness Hapori is “to progress thinking related to the of these measures for measuring the Mäori 30 LITERATURE REVIEW AND PROGRAMME REPORT

economy, it is important to understand the Human development is, more over concerned conversation about the interrelatedness of not only with basic needs satisfaction but as economic growth and human development. with human development as a participatory and dynamic process. It applies equally to less developed and highly developed countries. Human Development and Economic (Haq, 1990, p. 11) Growth Ranis and Stewart in their paper The Priority In the case of the Human Development Report, of Human Development state that “although the key message is that “while growth in many observers accept that economic growth national production (GDP) is absolutely nec- affects human development, and that human essary to meet all essential human objectives, development (interpreted as ‘human capital’) what is important is to study how this growth affects economic growth, the important impli- translates – or fails to translate – into human cation of the interrelations between the two are development in various societies” (Haq, 1990, rarely taken into account” (Ranis & Stewart, p. iv). The report continues: 2000, p. 38). They continue, “It is clear from this discussion of the various links in the EG-HD In this line of enquiry lie promising seeds of [economic growth –human development] chain, a much better link between economic growth that, in general, we expect important casual and human development, which by no means connections to exist between the economy and is automatic … The basic objective of devel- HD achievements, but these connections are opment is to create an enabling environment not automatic” (Ranis & Stewart, 2000, p. 41). for people to enjoy long, healthy, and creative lives. This may appear to be a simple truth. Our investigation into the determinants of HD But it is forgotten in the immediate concern progress and EG has clearly demonstrated the with the accumulation of commodities and importance of a two-way relationship between fi nancial wealth. … the primary objective of them…. Because of the two-way relationship development is to benefi t people. … Of course, between EG and HD, one has to promote people also want higher incomes as one of both to sustain progress in either. Economic their options. But income is not the sum total growth, which is an important input into HD of human life. (Haq, 1990, p. 9) improvement, is itself not sustainable with- out improvement in HD.” (Rains & Stewart, Consequently the excessive preoccupation with 2000, p. 46.) GNP growth and national income accounts “has obscured that powerful perspective, sup- Amartya Sen in his paper Development; which planting a focus on ends by an obsession with way now? believes: merely the means” (Haq, 1990, p. 9). As mentioned in earlier sections of this liter- … that the real limitations of traditional devel- ature review, income is a means not an end. opment economics arose not from the choice of means to the end of economic growth, but Human development, by contrast, brings in the insuffi cient recognition that economic together the production and distribution of growth was no more than a means to some commodities and the expansion and use of other objective…. It is important to note that human capabilities. It also focuses on choices in this context the same level of achievements – on what people should have, be and do can be seen in countries with widely varying to be able to ensure their own livelihood. income per capita…China and Sri Lanka with MÄORI ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT PROGRAMME 31

less than a seventh of the GNP per head in automatically provide benefi ts to Mäori. This Brazil or Mexico, have similar life expect- is confi rmed through scenarios developed by ancy fi gures to the two richer countries. (Sen, BERL as part of the MET project. The $12 bn 1983, p. 753) and 150,000 jobs are a contribution from the Mäori asset base to the New Zealand economy. Mäori can take comfort that the challenge of If we are serious about making a change to the market metrics (specifi cally GDP) has begun and quality of lives for Mäori, then we need to work efforts of development economists have laid the to ensure a solid connection between economic foundation. What we can take from the work of growth and the outputs of the Mäori economy Sen, Ranis and Stewart is that the opportunities that contribute to the human development of that come from the Mäori economy will not Mäori. CONCLUSION

This literature review was designed to answer defi nitions of Mäori and iwi economic develop- a number of questions that are deemed by the ment; the underlying cultural philosophies and research team to be key to achieving the three practices that drive Mäori and iwi aspirations, project objectives: establishing an aspirational strategies and plans; and limitations and chal- framework for Mäori economic development; lenges to achieving total wellbeing for iwi and design a set of innovative models and scenarios Mäori, and how can these be overcome. that could be used as tool for use by iwi towards Several measures and models for measuring developing best practice development models; the economy have been reviewed and indicate and developing futures frameworks towards unsurprisingly that GDP is currently the main models for iwi economic development. Current market measure of the economy regionally, and past literature from a variety of sources was nationally and internationally. Review of the reviewed in order to capture a sample of what has ‘Mäori economy’ indicates a clear growth over been said to date about economic development the last decade. Furthermore, there is consider- and Mäori economic development. able potential in the assets that form the Mäori We, therefore, investigated themes around asset base; an extra $12 bn and 150,000 addi- development, indigenous development and tional jobs for the New Zealand economy by economic development, and economic perfor- 2061. New thinking and debates have set foun- mance from historic, national and international dations to ensure that those focused only on the sources. Several ‘silences’ in the literature ‘means’ (i.e. the money) are kept honest about became apparent early, notable among these is the importance of ‘people’ and specifi cally, their the lack of availabile primary information on the development as a key outcome of economic Hui Taumata (Mäori Economic Development) growth. This should resonate well with Mäori held in 1984. As a relevant historic discussion and we should take heed of the fi ndings and around Mäori economic development, the pro- thinking of the development economists and ject team hope to include some of the ideas and establish frameworks that bind the connec- recommendations within future reports and to tions between economic growth and human assess what, if anything, has become part of cur- development. rent models and/or economic strategies. These There are also considerable silences about have been added to the questions to be posed specifi c Mäori indicators for economic develop- to the six participating iwi during their initial ment, making it diffi cult to assess whether the wänanga sessions, and answers or thoughts will ‘ends’ are currently being met by the ‘means’. become part of the overall research programme. Therefore, with the six participating iwi we These include, but are not limited to, defi ni- will concentrate on how they will take the tions of economic development, and therefore money and use it to achieve their aspirations MÄORI ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT PROGRAMME 33 for successful economic development according the collective. Another will be the way that to their way of doing, seeing and being. This both local and national levels of collectivism is listed time and time again as an important can benefi t the Mäori economy. The challenges long-term outcome in the iwi development from current land ownership models were high- strategies and also is deemed the key outcome lighted by Kingi (2009) and he suggested one in both the international models reviewed here solution—collectivise under the iwi governing (Mondragón and Osoyoos). Hence, it will be body. This brings its own challenges and the key to reaching proposed project outcomes. thoughts from participating iwi to answering The resulting aspirational frameworks may this will be an innovative part of future frame- not necessarily align with the various develop- works for development. ment models, but it is too early for an adequate This review is in no way exhaustive and assessment. This will be informed by each iwi’s further research will include an investigation defi nition of economic development and will of past and present research frameworks that become more evident as the iwi wänanga pro- are considered ‘Mäori’ in focus, design and gress through the research programme. implementation; closer examination of core Another area for further research and discus- economic data and models; business models sion is that of collectivism and collaboration (both Mäori and non-Mäori); and initial fi nd- and its place in Mäori and iwi economic devel- ings from wänanga with participating iwi. opment. Two examples were detailed here, There is a signifi cant disparity between what Miraka and the Iwi Leaders’ forums, where is ‘known’, that is, what has been formally iwi have collaborated to grow assets and social stated in literature, and what is repeated as development for the collective. Challenges con- anecdotal information on Mäori economic cern the way that Mäori land is administered development. There is limited formal literature and therefore the way that related resources are available on Mäori economic development. managed and distributed for maximum benefi t The Te Pae Tawhiti project team intends to to the iwi membership. Some areas for further pursue and capture, with the six participating research concern the demographically diverse iwi, government agencies and wider Mäori iwi membership and how this will be managed communities and business organisations, the in the future so as to grow the capability and information required to address the themes of capacity of the membership for the benefi t of the overall research programme. REFERENCES

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