Practicality and Qur'ānic Hierarchy in Warfare and Welcome

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Practicality and Qur'ānic Hierarchy in Warfare and Welcome Yale Journal of Music & Religion Volume 6 Number 1 Article 2 Warfare and Welcome: Practicality and Qur’ānic Hierarchy in Ibāḍī Muslims’ Jurisprudential Rulings on Music Bradford J. Garvey Amherst College Follow this and additional works at: https://elischolar.library.yale.edu/yjmr Part of the Arabic Studies Commons, Ethnomusicology Commons, Islamic Studies Commons, Musicology Commons, Near and Middle Eastern Studies Commons, Near Eastern Languages and Societies Commons, and the Social and Cultural Anthropology Commons Recommended Citation Garvey, Bradford J. () "Warfare and Welcome: Practicality and Qur’ānic Hierarchy in Ibāḍī Muslims’ Jurisprudential Rulings on Music," Yale Journal of Music & Religion: Vol. 6: No. 1, Article 2. DOI: https://doi.org/10.17132/2377-231X.1167 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by EliScholar – A Digital Platform for Scholarly Publishing at Yale. It has been accepted for inclusion in Yale Journal of Music & Religion by an authorized editor of EliScholar – A Digital Platform for Scholarly Publishing at Yale. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Warfare and Welcome: Practicality and Qur’ānic Hierarchy in Ibāḍī Muslims’ Jurisprudential Rulings on Music Cover Page Footnote My thanks go to the Wenner-Gren Foundation for Anthropological Research for funding this project, as well as to my consultants and friends in Oman who so graciously shared their time. I want to thank Brian Bond for thoughtfully reading an early version of this article. I appreciate the continued support of my dissertation committee as well: Peter Manuel, Steven Blum, Virginia Danielson, and Jane Sugarman. This article is available in Yale Journal of Music & Religion: https://elischolar.library.yale.edu/yjmr/vol6/iss1/2 Warfare and Welcome Practicality and Qur’ānic Hierarchy in Ibāḍī Muslims’ Jurisprudential Rulings on Music Bradford J. Garvey And the instruments of entertainment that have no use Outside of themselves are to be broken whenever they are found, In all of their types that exist, Because in this there is no benefit. —‘Abdullah bin Ḥumayd “Nūr al-Dīn” al-Sālimī (1286–1332/1869–1914) in the Jawhār al-Niẓām Omani Orientations to the Ibādism, the third major branch of Islam. Charge of “Music” Though no official population count exists, A few days before Ramadan began in the Interior province of the modern sultanate, 2016, I was sitting in my friend Ḥamad’s along with adjacent regions, was until the majlis, a large sitting room adjacent to his 1950s part of one of the longest-lasting home, enjoying a ḥilba, a milky, fenugreek- theocratic regimes in the world, called the flavored drink. Over the course of the last Ibāḍī Imamate. Overthrown by the current year or so, I had interviewed Ḥamad dozens sultan’s father in the late 1950s (despite of times in his role as the manager of a local himself and all his line being nominally men’s performance group that specialized Ibāḍī), the Imamate has cast a long shadow in the performance of a choral ode called over Oman’s historiography. I found myself al-‘āzī and a war dance, al-razḥa. Though darting in and out of that long shadow my research was focused on the highly in interviews, poetry discussions, and charged exchange of praise poetry and conversations with performers throughout governmentally directed dispensation, I had my year of researching men’s performance. slowly come to realize the delicacy of the The tension around engaging in a religious toleration of these public praise variety of performance genres—drumming, genres in Oman. The ‘āzī and the razḥa were, dancing, singing—was palpable during my in the eyes of most, expressions of Omani research in many ways. Early on, I realized pride, masculine solidarity, and communal that a direct approach to the music question obligation. But that did not mean they were got me nowhere. In fact, framing my not Islamically suspect, even here, in the research as studying “music” was met only small, rural town of Manah in the Interior by furtive glances and unsure responses. Yes, region of the Sultanate of Oman. I was assured, there was “music” in Oman, Nestled in the southeast corner of the surely; Bedouins or “mountain folks” (‘and Arabian Peninsula and boasting some three al-jabāl) play “music,” that’s probably what million citizen-residents, the sultanate and I meant. I quickly found out that the key its various historical polities have remained term was not music, or mūsīqā, but funūn— one of the few bastions of ’Ibādiyya, or the “arts.” The performance genres I studied Yale Journal of Music & Religion Vol. 6, No. 1 (2020) 19 were properly “arts,” not music. The reason the hundreds of smaller mosques and the for this tentative response was, of course, dozens of huge jāmi‘ (one in each town, that Ibāḍīs had quite a dim view of “music.” all confusingly named the “Sultan Qaboos And yet, there I was, months into research Grand Mosque”) was very obvious to me on a practice that was but was not musical. but brooked no comment from performers. And so we return to that day in Hamad’s “Oh, lord spread blessings and mercy like majlis, seated with our backs to the short, rain. That is a good question for the Islamic threadbare couch that lined all four walls; scholars. I do not know.” the beige, satiny gloss of the new paint Months earlier, I was discussing some glinting in the strong fluorescent lighting; of the local arts that were less well known the walls boasting hand-painted sūra-s of than the razḥa and the ‘āzī with Khamīs, the Qur’ān hanging amid floating palm trees the leader of a new troupe in the town of painted in permanent bloom. I was setting ’Izkī. We were meeting in his ‘azba, a kind of out my notebook and recorder when Ḥamad semipermanent camp and corral for grazing noticed a book on the status of music in stock, eating dates by the goat pen that he Islam sticking out of my bag. affectionately referred to as the “UN” (“I’ve “Oh, father,” he moaned, “what is this?” got every type of goat in there,” he boasted, “This?” I picked up the book. “This is a “Indian, Pakistani, Sindhi, Afghan, Somali, book about Islamic jurisprudence . .” Kenyan, Nubian, Egyptian, Georgian, “Well, I can see that, doctor. What do Bosnian, Iraqi, Persian, Balochi, Roman, and you want with it [shtibā bih]?” Chinese—it’s the UN of goats [al-’umum al- “I just wanted to know the opinions of mutaḥḥida māl al-hūsh]”). After a half-hour Ibāḍī scholars on music . .” of chatting, a pickup full of Khamīs’s male “That’s fine,”Ḥ amad said, leaning back kin pulled up. We exchanged pleasantries and pulling his long white dishdāsha robe and they joined us in eating dates. over his feet, “but you’re not studying “We’re talking about music [mūsīqā] ,” ‘music’ [mūsīqā]. If you want to know about Khamīs said casually, flicking his eyes over that, it’s not in razḥa. There’s no melody, to his younger brother. there’s no singing, there’s no instruments “The arts?” his brother replied. [mā shay al-naghmāt, mā shay al-ghinā’, mā “No, music,” he insisted., “This shay al-ma‘āzif]. But I’m no scholar, don’t Englishman wants to study music here.” ask me. I don’t know. Listen, I don’t want “Well, not music, God lengthen your to enter into that issue, I don’t even want lives,” I jumped in. “I want to study the to enter into it [mū bāghī adakhkhalu]. The arts. But we were chatting a bit about music razḥa is for warfare and welcome [al-ḥarb around here. Khamīs said that you all wa-l-tarḥīb], that’s what I say to any imam.” perform al-rūgh in the early dusk?” Al-rūgh “That reminds me, why isn’t the razḥa is a genre of instrumental reed-pipe music ever performed if a new mosque is opened?” accompanied by drumming and some sung I asked facetiously, trying to corner him. I poetry. The word rūgh refers to both the had been studying the role of razḥa and genre and the reed-pipe, which is shaped and ‘āzī in civil celebrations of governmental played like the more common mijwiz. I have generosity, and so the conspicuous absence never encountered any source that discusses of praise poetry to celebrate the opening of al-rūgh and so it may be a genre that is 20 Yale Journal of Music & Religion Vol. 6, No. 1 (2020) mostly performed by shawāwī (seminomadic his Music in the World of Islam.4 “The debate herders) performers, whose music is largely elicited views that varied from complete undocumented in Western scholarship. negation to full admittance of all musical The area around ’Izkī is, however, home to forms and means, even dance,” Shiloah many rare and undocumented instruments, writes, adding that “between these two including a kind of gourd resonator extremes we can find all possible nuances.”5 monochord, a large family of African-derived Oman, as we’ve seen, is no exception. Early idiophones, and so on. in my research, when I was not pursuing “Al-rūgh,” his brother chuckled, “that’s Omanis’ perceptions of the Islamic status the horn-pipe of Satan [mizmār al-shayṭān],1 of musical sounds, I nevertheless recorded a that al-rūgh. The only thing worse is the zār. wide range of beliefs. These often correlated Did you hear about the zār?” The zār is a with the social and economic position of the common name for a genre of healing music speaker: an official in the Omani Center for mostly performed by and for women: as it Traditional Music told me that “that debate deals with metahumans like jinn, among is over, from the Middle Ages the scholars other supernatural beings, it is roundly agree that music is permitted”; a performer condemned by Islamic scholars.2 of the Sufi-inflected6 mālid genre told me “Zār? You want to see a zār, doctor?” that “rhythm [al-‘īqā‘] is a powerful tool Khamīs perked up.
Recommended publications
  • Human Origins
    HUMAN ORIGINS Methodology and History in Anthropology Series Editors: David Parkin, Fellow of All Souls College, University of Oxford David Gellner, Fellow of All Souls College, University of Oxford Volume 1 Volume 17 Marcel Mauss: A Centenary Tribute Learning Religion: Anthropological Approaches Edited by Wendy James and N.J. Allen Edited by David Berliner and Ramon Sarró Volume 2 Volume 18 Franz Baerman Steiner: Selected Writings Ways of Knowing: New Approaches in the Anthropology of Volume I: Taboo, Truth and Religion. Knowledge and Learning Franz B. Steiner Edited by Mark Harris Edited by Jeremy Adler and Richard Fardon Volume 19 Volume 3 Difficult Folk? A Political History of Social Anthropology Franz Baerman Steiner. Selected Writings By David Mills Volume II: Orientpolitik, Value, and Civilisation. Volume 20 Franz B. Steiner Human Nature as Capacity: Transcending Discourse and Edited by Jeremy Adler and Richard Fardon Classification Volume 4 Edited by Nigel Rapport The Problem of Context Volume 21 Edited by Roy Dilley The Life of Property: House, Family and Inheritance in Volume 5 Béarn, South-West France Religion in English Everyday Life By Timothy Jenkins By Timothy Jenkins Volume 22 Volume 6 Out of the Study and Into the Field: Ethnographic Theory Hunting the Gatherers: Ethnographic Collectors, Agents and Practice in French Anthropology and Agency in Melanesia, 1870s–1930s Edited by Robert Parkin and Anna de Sales Edited by Michael O’Hanlon and Robert L. Welsh Volume 23 Volume 7 The Scope of Anthropology: Maurice Godelier’s Work in Anthropologists in a Wider World: Essays on Field Context Research Edited by Laurent Dousset and Serge Tcherkézoff Edited by Paul Dresch, Wendy James, and David Parkin Volume 24 Volume 8 Anyone: The Cosmopolitan Subject of Anthropology Categories and Classifications: Maussian Reflections on By Nigel Rapport the Social Volume 25 By N.J.
    [Show full text]
  • India and the Study of Kinship Terminologies
    L’Homme Revue française d’anthropologie 154-155 | avril-septembre 2000 Question de parenté India and the Study of Kinship Terminologies Thomas R. Trautmann Electronic version URL: http://journals.openedition.org/lhomme/49 DOI: 10.4000/lhomme.49 ISSN: 1953-8103 Publisher Éditions de l’EHESS Printed version Date of publication: 1 January 2000 Number of pages: 559-572 ISBN: 2-7132-1333-9 ISSN: 0439-4216 Electronic reference Thomas R. Trautmann, « India and the Study of Kinship Terminologies », L’Homme [Online], 154-155 | avril-septembre 2000, Online since 18 May 2007, connection on 03 May 2019. URL : http:// journals.openedition.org/lhomme/49 ; DOI : 10.4000/lhomme.49 © École des hautes études en sciences sociales India and the Study of Kinship Terminologies Thomas R.Trautmann “KINSHIP” as an anthropological object, and anthropology as the observing sub- ject of kinship, were mutually constituted in the middle of the nineteenth century. The constituting of kinship was not a creation from nothing, like divine creation ; rather, in the manner of human creations, it came about as a gathering together into a new configuration of elements that had previously existed in a dispersed state. From the law, from ethnographies of missionaries, explorers and philosophical trav- ellers, from the Classics and the Bible were drawn a variety of existing concepts – of patriarchy and matriarchy, forbidden degrees of marriage, rules of inheritance, and so forth – as material for the making of the new thing, kinship. The inventors of kinship – Lewis H. Morgan, J. F. McLennan, Henry Maine, Johann J. Bachofen, Numa D. Fustel de Coulanges – were thrown together through the making of this new object, collaborating in its production without really intending to, or even being aware that they were doing so (Trautmann 1987).
    [Show full text]
  • IV SEM ,SOCIOLOGY of INDIAN SOCIETY,Louis Dumont, Unit
    IV SEM ,SOCIOLOGY OF INDIAN SOCIETY , UNIT – I Louis Dumont Louis Dumont (1911-1998) an eminent sociologist and Indologist was a towering figure in the fields of sociology and anthropology in the world. His focus of debate has been India and the West. As a study of the caste system in India, Dumont's Homo Hierarchicus offers several new perspectives of social structure. The notions of ideology and tradition are intrinsic parts of his paradigm. He has brought the method of structuralism to bear upon his study of the caste system. The chief elements of his methodology are: • Ideology and structure • Dialectic transformational relationship and comparison • Indological and structuralist approach • Cognitive historical approach Dumont seeks the ideology of caste in Indology and in the assumption of the unity of Indian civilization. Defining ideology according to him it designates a more or less unified set of ideas and values. Indian civilization is a specific ideology whose components are in a binary opposition to that of the West - Modern against traditional, holism against individualism, hierarchy against equality, purity against pollution, status against power etc. This opposition is basis for comparison at the level of global ideology within the specific ideology of the caste system. The opposite is between the principles of purity and pollution. The notion of hierarchy has a pivotal place in Dumont's study of caste system. Hierarchy implies opposition between pure and impure which also determines its dialectics. It also suggests the relationship of encompassing and being encompassed. In the caste system the principle of purity encompasses the impure.
    [Show full text]
  • On Value the Radcliffe-Brown Lecture in Social Anthropology, 1980
    2013 | HAU: Journal of Ethnographic Theory 3 (1): 287–315 |Reprint| On Value The Radcliffe-Brown Lecture in Social Anthropology, 1980 1 Louis DUMONT I saw Radcliffe-Brown only once, in this very room. In my memory I can still see him today, though somewhat hazily, delivering the Huxley Memorial Lecture for 1951.2 I must have made it to London for the occasion, from Oxford where I was a new, if not that young, lecturer. As I listened to him, he seemed to have made one step in the direction of Lévi-Strauss, and I felt comforted in my recent structural allegiance. In fact it was only a limited, passing convergence.3 Publisher’s note: This is a reprint of Louis Dumont, 1980. “On Value.” Proceedings of the British Academy 66: 207–41. We are very grateful to the British Academy for granting us the permission to reprint the lecture. We remind the reader that we retain the style of the original, and indicate in the text the original page numbers in square brackets. 1. The author is grateful to Joseph Erhardy who has helped, here as so often in the past, to give his English a more acceptable shape than it would otherwise have had. Thanks are also due to Alan Montefiore, who has kindly suggested some improvements in that regard. 2. Radcliffe-Brown (1958). 3. Actually, Sir Raymond Firth tells me that such developments were habitual in Radcliffe- Brown’s teaching, from early days onwards (in Australia in the thirties). Radcliffe-Brown said in the lecture ‘the kind of structure with which we are concerned is one of the union of opposites’ (Radcliffe-Brown (1958), p.
    [Show full text]
  • Looking Back on Louis Dumont from Rural Tamil Nadu
    For a Sociology of India The remembering village: Looking back on Louis Dumont from rural Tamil Nadu Anand Pandian Louis Dumont (1911–98) was one of the foremost anthropologists of the 20th century and a central figure in essential debates on the sociology of India. He is known especially for his work on social institutions such as caste, and for studying such institutions from a holistic and comparative standpoint. What is not acknowledged often enough, however, is that his later work on subjects such as hierarchy and purity—the focus even now of lively controversy—built outward from extensive ethnographic field- work conducted in south India. In an early essay on renunciation published in Contributions to Indian Sociology in 1960, for example, Dumont notes that ‘the direct study of a small Hindu group led me to abstract certain principles which, it then appeared, could be more widely applied’ (Dumont 1960: 37). Between 1948 and 1950, Dumont spent two years in Tamil Nadu and eight months, in particular, studying the Piramalai Kallar caste in the countryside west of Madurai. T.N. Madan has written that Dumont’s experiences with the Kallars and more generally in the Tamil country had made the strongest and most durable impressions upon him (Madan 1999: 478). As Dumont mused in a 1979 interview with Jean-Claude Galey: ‘The Tamils are born sociologists and the culture is beautiful. I am deeply attached to the Tamils’ (Galey 1982: 21). Anand Pandian is at the Department of Anthropology, Johns Hopkins University. Email: [email protected] Contributions to Indian Sociology (n.s.) 43, 1 (2009): 121–33 SAGE Publications Los Angeles/London/New Delhi/Singapore/Washington DC DOI: 10.1177/006996670904300105 Downloaded from http://cis.sagepub.com at JOHNS HOPKINS UNIV on May 28, 2009 122 / ANAND PANDIAN Dumont’s ethnographic work in the region is recorded most fully in A South Indian Subcaste, published first in French in 1957 and then much later in English in 1986, in a revised edition translated and edited by Michael Moffatt.
    [Show full text]
  • Louis Dumont Et La Science Indigène In: Actes De La Recherche En Sciences Sociales
    Monsieur Roland Lardinois Louis Dumont et la science indigène In: Actes de la recherche en sciences sociales. Vol. 106-107, mars 1995. Histoire sociale des sciences sociales. pp. 11-26. Citer ce document / Cite this document : Lardinois Roland. Louis Dumont et la science indigène. In: Actes de la recherche en sciences sociales. Vol. 106-107, mars 1995. Histoire sociale des sciences sociales. pp. 11-26. doi : 10.3406/arss.1995.3132 http://www.persee.fr/web/revues/home/prescript/article/arss_0335-5322_1995_num_106_1_3132 Roland Lardinois Louis Dumont et la science indigène LaOnles théorieindianistes.a parmi brahmanique nous Représentants suivi est[les] comme errementsde l'école leur philologique, atmosphère[des hindous] propre.ils avecobéissent Emileune docilitéàSenart, une pente fâcheuse.Les Castespresque J'entendsdans irrésistible l'Inde, surtout 1894. [...]. partir des années 1950, les recherches menées par saurait cependant comprendre l'anthropologie dumon- Louis Dumont sur l'organisation sociale des castes, tienne sans prendre en compte aussi les Essais sur l'ind sur le panthéon hindou ou sur l'Inde ancienne ont ividualisme2 : dans ces travaux, Dumont se donne pour profondément renouvelé les études indiennes. Ces recherches révèlent en effet une pratique novatrice de 1 - L. Dumont, Homo hierarchicus. Essai sur le système des castes, Paris, l'anthropologie, soucieuse d'éclairer les faits observés sur Gallimard, 1966, rééd., Gallimard, coll. «Tel», 1979. Cette réédition est le terrain par la connaissance des textes sanscrits qu'étu augmentée d'une préface dans laquelle Louis Dumont fait le point sur dient les indologues : publié à la fin des années I960, les débats suscités par l'ouvrage, et d'une postface dans laquelle il expose sa théorie de la hiérarchie ; toutes les références renvoient à cette Homo hierarchicus1 , dans lequel Dumont expose de réédition (les termes sanscrits sont translittérés sans signe diacritique).
    [Show full text]
  • Unavowed Value Economy, Comparison, and Hierarchy in Dakar
    2015 | Hau: Journal of Ethnographic Theory 5 (1): 151–172 SPECIAL SECTION Unavowed value Economy, comparison, and hierarchy in Dakar Ismaël Moya, CNRS, Laboratoire d’Ethnologie et de Sociologie Comparative According to Louis Dumont, comparison is the starting point of any anthropological analysis: an experiment that elicits differences to provide ideas and justify analytical standpoints. Yet what difference might fuel a comparative experiment in a global African metropolis such as Dakar, the capital of Senegal? I suggest a comparison with the autonomy and primacy of the economic in Euro-America to produce a radical constrast. This text first examines Dumont’s work on the “economic” as a value conflicting with the political in Euro-America. Then it focuses on Dakar, where money and relations are two sides of the same coin. Following the money trail, it explores Dakar’s sociality, in which women’s exchange ceremonies of birth and marriage are more highly valued than the local economy, yet vividly condemned in discourses as a local custom preventing the full realization of economic development and Islam. Confronting these moral contradictions and the primacy of women’s exchange ceremonies over the economic in Dakar’s sociality, the text proposes to distinguish between morality and values and acknowledges women’s ceremonies as an “unavowed” value. It then argues that moral contradictions of this kind mark the contrast between different levels of value and the existence of a hierarchy that articulates incompatible conceptions within the same social formation. Keywords: Senegal, value, hierarchy, money, economy, sociality, ceremonial exchange, Islam “It’s the economy, stupid!” Louis Dumont’s comparative method is radical and purposely unimaginative.
    [Show full text]
  • Louis Dumont on the National Variants of the Modern Ideology: I
    Comparative Civilizations Review Volume 31 Number 31 Fall 1994 Article 2 10-1-1994 Louis Dumont on the National Variants of the Modern Ideology: I Leonidas Donskis Klaipeda University, Lithuania Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/ccr Recommended Citation Donskis, Leonidas (1994) "Louis Dumont on the National Variants of the Modern Ideology: I," Comparative Civilizations Review: Vol. 31 : No. 31 , Article 2. Available at: https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/ccr/vol31/iss31/2 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at BYU ScholarsArchive. It has been accepted for inclusion in Comparative Civilizations Review by an authorized editor of BYU ScholarsArchive. For more information, please contact [email protected], [email protected]. Donskis: Louis Dumont on the National Variants of the Modern Ideology: I 2 COMPARATIVE CIVILIZATIONS REVIEW LOUIS DUMONT ON THE NATIONAL VARIANTS OF THE MODERN IDEOLOGY : I Leonidas Donskis J'ai ainsi contraste le Franfais: «Je suis homme par nature et franfais par accident», et l'Allemand: «Je suis essentiellement un Allemand, et je suis un homme grace a ma qualite d'Allemand [...].» * Louis Dumont One of the most interesting and, to be sure, controversial cases in current civilizational sociology is that of Louis Dumont. Both his incisive analytical perspective and, at first sight, the quite unusual, even theoretically uncon- ventional analysis of the rise of modern individualism conceived as the very basis of modern ideology deserve to be treated as one of the most profound and challenging theoretical phenomena at the end of the twentieth century. The latter, which acquires its special place in the modern history of humankind as the age of the rise and fall of the most militant and exclusive ideologies, in the case of both Dumont's civilizational paradigm and critique of modernity undoubtedly has found its most profound and fundamental criticism.
    [Show full text]
  • THE BULLETIN Number 87 Summer 1983
    THE BULLETIN Number 87 Summer 1983 CONTENTS Heat-Treatment and its Effects on Chert Color: The Results of Thermal Experimentation on Some Hudson and Delaware Valley Chert Types Lucianne Lavin 1 The Rabuilt Cave Site-PKE 4-1 Site Report Jack Vargo and Donna Vargo 13 Fort Independence Regimental Data Julius Lopez 40 Minutes of the 67th Annual Meeting 45 1983 NYSAA Annual Meeting-Program 56 No. 87, Summer, 1983 1 HEAT-TREATMENT AND ITS EFFECTS ON CHERT COLOR: THE RESULTS OF THERMAL EXPERIMENTATION ON SOME HUDSON AND DELAWARE VALLEY CHERT TYPES Lucianne Lavin Metropolitan Chapter INTRODUCTION The main constituent of most archaeological sites is the stone, or lithic material. This is especially true in Northeastern North America, where highly acidic soils usually succeed in destroying all but the most durable artifacts and ecofacts. Very often, the majority of the lithic materials are cherts. In short, chert artifacts are often the primary material from which the archaeologist seeks information on the prehistoric lifeways and culture processes once operative on the site. Identification of the sources of the raw material of the chert artifacts may provide insight into prehistoric systems of procurement and exchange, and culture contacts in general (see Lavin 1983). Review of the archaeological literature suggests that many of the statements concerning prehistoric "trade" or culture contacts were derived from chert source identifications based solely on the superficial characteristics of chert specimens, especially color. Cherts of a specific color are often assigned to a specific chert type. Brown and red cherts from archaeological sites in Northeastern North America, for example, are often assigned to the "Pennsylvania Jasper" (Lavin and Prothero 1983).
    [Show full text]
  • Some Theoretical Considerations on Caste
    Dhaulagiri Journal of Sociology and Anthropology Vol. 7, 2013 |51 52 | Madhusudan Subedi resources'. In this article, I mainly focus on some key theoretical debates on caste and its changing context. Some Theoretical Considerations on Caste Caste has been discussed in classical Hindu texts, in micro level ethnographic accounts, and in large-scale surveys of attitudes and perceptions, and caste-based mobilizations. What is caste and how can it be defined? What are its core descriptive dimensions? How Madhusudan Subedi could it survive for so long and what keeps it going even in modern, contemporary times (Jodhka 2012)? Although these questions appear to be rather simple and obvious, the rich literature dealing with these issues do not offer any straightforward answers. Abstract Social stratification is the ordering of social differences based on a set of criteria or just one single criterion (Gupta 2000). Caste, Caste as a system of social stratification was an encompassing system class, race, ethnicity, and gender are some of the pertinent categories in the past. There was reciprocal system of exchange goods and of social hierarchy and differentiation in many societies. The term services. With time, occupation and mode of generation of livelihood 'caste' means different things when used by different people in a of various caste groups changed, and the traditional form of jajmani variety of situations. What people mean by caste in everyday life is system fizzled out. This paper provides an account of changing different from its meaning in the traditional literature or from what perspectives of caste relations in social science writing and political people consider to be its traditional and orthodox meaning (Béteille discourse.
    [Show full text]
  • Paper 2 Perspectives of Indian Society-I
    MA in Sociology Paper II Perspectives of Indian Society-I DIRECTORATE OF DISTANCE & CONTINUING EDUCATION UTKAL UNIVERSITY, Vani Vihar Bhubaneswar, India 1 UNIT-I INDOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVE 1.1. Indology: Meaning and Definition Indology is known as the science of Indian Society. The Indological perspective claims to understand Indian Society through the concepts, theories and frameworks that are closely associated with Indian Civilization. It made a claim that Indian Society is unique in structure, function and dynamics and cannot be associated with the European Society. Indology relies on book view and culture and denounces rigorous empirical investigation. Indology is both an approach to study the Indian Society and also an independent discipline with Indian Society as subject matter. In both the form Indology consists of studying language, beliefs, ideas, customs, taboos, codes, institutions, rituals, ceremonies and other related components of culture. Indology demands inter-disciplinary, multi- disciplinary and cross disciplinary approach. Indology is also older than Sociology. It is antique in its origin owing its origin to 1784 by Sir William Jones of Calcutta. It was in the year 1987 that Sir William Jones founded the Asiatic Society of Bengal where he introduced the two departments of Sanskrit and Indology. It is the beginning of Indology in India, which has been followed by several other scholars. 1.2. Scholars of Indology As it is a fact that Indology is more a textual study, so a lot of scholars have conducted their studies depending on text. The studies conducted during this period covers a wide range of subjects such as social structure and relationships, cultural values, kinship, ideology, cultural 2 transactions and symbolism of life and the world etc.
    [Show full text]
  • Equality, Hierarchy and Temperament
    JASO 25/1 (1994): 69-76 EQUALITY, HIERARCHY AND TEMPERAMENT ROBERT PARKIN IN addition to his wide-ranging scholarly interests, Andrew Duff-Cooper had a lively concern for the values of equality and liberty that have always informed the best anthropology. This was no mere lip-service by the intellectual in him: it shaped both the way he chose to live and the regard he showed for others in his personal relationships. He was, of course, too much of a scholar to allow these values to intrude crassly into his academic writings. None the less, when it came to the Balinese of Lombok, whom he lived with and studied for many years, he was ever keen to stress that, for them, equality was ultimately paramount. Although social divisions, hierarchies and categorical distinctions could certainly be found in their life and thought, they considered these things to be ultimately superficial and insignificant when compared with the common and collective humanity they all shared. Furthermore, their sense of equality was not linked to ideals of individualism and self-sufficiency, as in the West, but to ones of interdependence and mutual support (see, for example, Duff-Cooper 1985: 159, 161). He perhaps felt it especially necessary to drive the point home in view of the fact that the Balinese are counted among those Indonesian societies that have adopted some semblance of Indian caste society into their scheme of values. Caste, as is well known, entails a very microscopic form of hierarchy, one which Louis Dumont (e.g. 1986) has regularly opposed to the individualism and egalitarianism of the West.
    [Show full text]