The Ukrainian Weekly 2003, No.29
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Scenario of the Exhibition: Tomasz Łabuszewski, Phd, in Cooperation with Anna Maria Adamus, Phd, Ewa Dyngosz, Edyta Gula and Michał Zarychta
STOLEN CHILDHOOD Scenario of the exhibition: Tomasz Łabuszewski, PhD, in cooperation with Anna Maria Adamus, PhD, Ewa Dyngosz, Edyta Gula and Michał Zarychta Graphic design: Katarzyna Dinwebel Reviewers: Bartosz Kuświk, PhD Waldemar Brenda, PhD Producer: Pracownia Plastyczna Andrzej Dąbrowski Photographs from the following archives: AKG images, Archive of the Institute of National Remembrance, Municipal Archive in Dzerzhinsk, State Archive in Warsaw, Archive of Polish Armenians, BE&W Foto, National Library, Bundesarchiv, Centre for Documentation of Deportations, Exile and Resettlements in Cracow, Foundation for Polish-German Reconciliation, Getty Images, Museum of the Second World War, United States Holocaust Memorial Museum, Polish Army Museum in Kołobrzeg, Warsaw Rising Museum, Regional Museum in Jarocin, Museum of the Castle of Górka Family in Szamotuły, National Digital Archive, Ośrodek Karta, Polish Photographers’ Agency Forum, Polish Press Agency, Underground Poland Studio, Documentary and Feature Film Studio, Association of Crimean Karaites in Poland. With special thanks to: Bogdan Bednarczyk, Janusz Bogdanowicz, Alina Głowacka-Szłapowa, Tomasz Karasiński, Kazimierz Krajewski, PhD, Ewa Siemaszko and Leszek Żebrowski, as well as the Institute of National Remembrance branch offices in Łódź and Poznań. Photograph on the front panel: Archives of the Institute of National Remembrance Despite their efforts, the authors of the exhibition did not manage to reach all authors of photographs used in the exhibition or holders of proprietary -
Rebuilding the Ukrainian Navy
King’s Research Portal Document Version Peer reviewed version Link to publication record in King's Research Portal Citation for published version (APA): Sanders, D. L. (2017). Rebuilding the Ukrainian Navy. US Naval War College Review, 70(4), 61-78. Citing this paper Please note that where the full-text provided on King's Research Portal is the Author Accepted Manuscript or Post-Print version this may differ from the final Published version. If citing, it is advised that you check and use the publisher's definitive version for pagination, volume/issue, and date of publication details. And where the final published version is provided on the Research Portal, if citing you are again advised to check the publisher's website for any subsequent corrections. General rights Copyright and moral rights for the publications made accessible in the Research Portal are retained by the authors and/or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing publications that users recognize and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. •Users may download and print one copy of any publication from the Research Portal for the purpose of private study or research. •You may not further distribute the material or use it for any profit-making activity or commercial gain •You may freely distribute the URL identifying the publication in the Research Portal Take down policy If you believe that this document breaches copyright please contact [email protected] providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. Download date: 30. Sep. -
Resilient Ukraine Resilient
Resilient Ukraine: Safeguarding Society from Russian Aggression Russian from Society Ukraine: Safeguarding Resilient Research Paper Mathieu Boulègue and Orysia Lutsevych Ukraine Forum | June 2020 Resilient Ukraine Safeguarding Society from Russian Aggression Mathieu Boulègue and OrysiaLutsevych Chatham House Contents Summary 2 1 Introduction 3 2 The Impact of the Armed Conflict 13 3 Creating Resilience Dividends: Case Studies 27 4 Recommendations 33 5 Conclusion 37 About the Authors 38 Acknowledgments 39 1 | Chatham House Resilient Ukraine: Safeguarding Society from Russian Aggression Summary • Despite military conflict and an increasingly adversarial relationship with Russia, Ukraine has largely maintained its democratic reforms thanks to its resilience and determination to decide its own future. The country is gradually developing the capacity of its state institutions and civil society to address the political and social consequences of Russian aggression. • Russia’s three main levers of influence in Ukraine include the ongoing armed conflict, corruption, and the poor quality of the political sphere. The Kremlin seeks to exploit these vulnerabilities to promote polarization and encourage a clash between Ukraine’s citizens and its governing elite by taking military action, manipulating the corruption narrative, supporting pro-Russia parties, and fuelling religious tensions through the Russian Orthodox Church (ROC). • The ramifications of the military operation in Donbas reverberate strongly across the country and domestic politics. The most prominent spillover effects include the circulation of firearms and the weakened capacity of authorities to reintegrate internally displaced people (IDPs) and war veterans. • With no clear way to end the armed conflict, there is a growing risk of societal polarization. This could have negative consequences for any prospective peace agreement. -
Memory of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army in Post-Soviet Ukraine
ACTA UNIVERSITATIS STOCKHOLMIENSIS Stockholm Studies in History 103 Reordering of Meaningful Worlds Memory of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army in Post-Soviet Ukraine Yuliya Yurchuk ©Yuliya Yurchuk, Stockholm University 2014 Södertörn Doctoral Dissertations 101 ISSN: 1652-7399 ISBN: 978-91-87843-12-9 Stockholm Studies in History 103 ISSN: 0491-0842 ISBN 978-91-7649-021-1 Cover photo: Barricades of Euromaidan. July 2014. Yuliya Yurchuk. Printed in Sweden by US-AB, Stockholm 2014 Distributor: Department of History In memory of my mother Acknowledgements Each PhD dissertation is the result of a long journey. Mine was not an exception. It has been a long and exciting trip which I am happy to have completed. This journey would not be possible without the help and support of many people and several institutions to which I owe my most sincere gratitude. First and foremost, I want to thank my supervisors, David Gaunt and Barbara Törnquist-Plewa, for their guidance, encouragement, and readiness to share their knowledge with me. It was a privilege to be their student. Thank you, David, for broadening the perspectives of my research and for encouraging me not to be afraid to tackle the most difficult questions and to come up with the most unexpected answers. Thank you, Barbara, for introducing me to the whole field of memory studies, for challenging me to go further in my interpretations, for stimulating me to follow untrodden paths, and for being a source of inspiration for all these years. Your encouragement helped me to complete this book. -
New Civic Activism in Ukraine: Building Society from Scratch?
New Civic Activism in Ukraine: Building Society from Scratch? Susann Worschech European University Viadrina Abstract Since Euromaidan, civil society in Ukraine faces new challenges and a new role in society. Volunteer work, donations and civic activism have increased vis-à-vis the humanitarian crisis and the war in Eastern Ukraine in an unprecedented dimension. Civil society’s takeover of state responsibilities depicts the compensation of state failure. But it is questionable whether the post-Euromaidan civil society contributes to Ukraine’s democratization process. Based on two case studies, in this article I examine new issues civil society in Ukraine deals with, what forms the basis of a new quality of civic activism and participation. Further, I describe structures, activities and interrelations of this new Ukrainian volunteer movement, with the aim to discuss its ambivalent role in fragile democratization. Key Words: civil society; democratization; volunteer movement; Euromaidan; Ukraine, trust networks. 3 Introduction Euromaidan, or the “Revolution of Dignity”, marked a watershed for Ukrainian civil society and scholars alike. Until that event, civil engagement, self-organization and societal solidarity were considered low in the post-soviet space.1 At the same time, the existing organized civil society was described as elitist, artificial, and donor-driven.2 But since the nation-wide protests of 2013– 2014, civil society in Ukraine grew to an unprecedented dimension. The huge and unexpected 1 David Ost, “The Decline of Civil Society After ‘Post-Communism,’” in The New Politics of European Civil Society, ed. Ulrike Liebert and Hans-Jörg Trenz, Routledge Studies on Democratizing Europe (London; New York: Routledge Chapman & Hall, 2011). -
The Causes of Ukrainian-Polish Ethnic Cleansing 1943 Author(S): Timothy Snyder Source: Past & Present, No
The Past and Present Society The Causes of Ukrainian-Polish Ethnic Cleansing 1943 Author(s): Timothy Snyder Source: Past & Present, No. 179 (May, 2003), pp. 197-234 Published by: Oxford University Press on behalf of The Past and Present Society Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3600827 . Accessed: 05/01/2014 17:29 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Oxford University Press and The Past and Present Society are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Past &Present. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 137.110.33.183 on Sun, 5 Jan 2014 17:29:27 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions THE CAUSES OF UKRAINIAN-POLISH ETHNIC CLEANSING 1943* Ethniccleansing hides in the shadow of the Holocaust. Even as horrorof Hitler'sFinal Solution motivates the study of other massatrocities, the totality of its exterminatory intention limits thevalue of the comparisons it elicits.Other policies of mass nationalviolence - the Turkish'massacre' of Armenians beginningin 1915, the Greco-Turkish'exchanges' of 1923, Stalin'sdeportation of nine Soviet nations beginning in 1935, Hitler'sexpulsion of Poles and Jewsfrom his enlargedReich after1939, and the forcedflight of Germans fromeastern Europein 1945 - havebeen retrievedfrom the margins of mili- tary and diplomatichistory. -
Ukraine in World War II
Ukraine in World War II. — Kyiv, Ukrainian Institute of National Remembrance, 2015. — 28 p., ill. Ukrainians in the World War II. Facts, figures, persons. A complex pattern of world confrontation in our land and Ukrainians on the all fronts of the global conflict. Ukrainian Institute of National Remembrance Address: 16, Lypska str., Kyiv, 01021, Ukraine. Phone: +38 (044) 253-15-63 Fax: +38 (044) 254-05-85 Е-mail: [email protected] www.memory.gov.ua Printed by ПП «Друк щоденно» 251 Zelena str. Lviv Order N30-04-2015/2в 30.04.2015 © UINR, texts and design, 2015. UKRAINIAN INSTITUTE OF NATIONAL REMEMBRANCE www.memory.gov.ua UKRAINE IN WORLD WAR II Reference book The 70th anniversary of victory over Nazism in World War II Kyiv, 2015 Victims and heroes VICTIMS AND HEROES Ukrainians – the Heroes of Second World War During the Second World War, Ukraine lost more people than the combined losses Ivan Kozhedub Peter Dmytruk Nicholas Oresko of Great Britain, Canada, Poland, the USA and France. The total Ukrainian losses during the war is an estimated 8-10 million lives. The number of Ukrainian victims Soviet fighter pilot. The most Canadian military pilot. Master Sergeant U.S. Army. effective Allied ace. Had 64 air He was shot down and For a daring attack on the can be compared to the modern population of Austria. victories. Awarded the Hero joined the French enemy’s fortified position of the Soviet Union three Resistance. Saved civilians in Germany, he was awarded times. from German repression. the highest American The Ukrainians in the Transcarpathia were the first during the interwar period, who Awarded the Cross of War. -
Media and the Sacralization of History
ORIGINAL A RTICLE Media and the sacralization of history Krzysztof Wasilewski REGIONAL AND MUNICIPAL PUBLIC LIBRARY IN GORZÓW WIELKOPOLSKI, POLAND DOI: 10.19195/1899-5101.9.1(16).8 ABSTRACT: is article presents an analysis of the process of sacralization of history in the media discourse. Certain events and gures from the past are incorporated into the sphere of sacrum which excludes any discussion and maintains the domination of one narration of history. e process of sacralization may take places directly or indirectly. e rst relies on direct inclusion to the dis- course of certain words, which are associated with religion. e indirect sacralization takes place when episodes from the past are changed into universal stories of ght between the good and the evil. e analysis is performed on printed media discourses concerning three events from Poland’s contemporary history: the 1920 Warsaw Battle of Warsaw, the 1944 Warsaw Uprising and the post- war armed underground. KEYWORDS: history, collective memory, discourse, religion, sacralization, media. INTRODUCTION is article aims at analyzing the process of sacralization of history in the media discourse. By this I understand the incorporation of certain past events into the sphere of sacrum (Stevenson, 2010). In this sense sacralization can be regarded as the nal phase of idealization or mythologization of history (Nowak, 2000, pp. 317–343). While the latter two latter do not exclude questioning or even rejec- tion, sacralization is absolute. As our perception of the past also in" uences our contemporary political choices, there is no surprise that the media grow more and more interested in reporting on history (Ponczek, 2013, p. -
Ukraine and NATO: Deadlock Or Re-Start? Ukraineukraine and and NATO: NATO: Ukraine Has Over the Past Ten Years Developed a Very Close Partnership with NATO
Ukraine and NATO: Deadlock or Re-start? UkraineUkraine and and NATO: NATO: Ukraine has over the past ten years developed a very close partnership with NATO. Key areas of Deadlock or Re-start? consultation and co-operation include, for instance, peacekeeping operations, and defence and Deadlock or Re-start? security sector reform. NATO’s engagement serves two vital purposes for Ukraine. First, it enhan- Jakob Hedenskog ces Ukraine’s long-term security and serves as a guarantee for the independence of the state; and JAKOB HEDENSKOG second, it promotes and encourages democratic institutionalisation and spreading of democratic norms and values in the country. JAKOB HEDENSKOG Ukraine and NATO: Deadlock or Re-start NATO’s door for Ukraine remains open. The future development of the integration depends on Ukraine’s correspondence to the standards of NATO membership, on the determination of its political leadership, and on an effective mobilisation of public opinion on NATO membership. This report shows that Ukraine has made progress in reaching the standards for NATO membership, especially in the spheres of military contribution and interoperability. However the absence of national consensus and lack of political will and strategic management of the government hamper any effective implementation of Ukraine’s Euro-Atlantic integration. It is also crucial to neutralise Russia’s influence, which seriously hampers Ukraine’s Euro-Atlantic course. Leading representati- ves of the current leadership, especially Prime Minister Viktor Yanukovych and his Party of Regions of Ukraine, prefer for the moment continued stable relations with Russia rather than NATO mem- ? bership. Jakob Hedenskog is a security policy analyst at the Swedish Defence Re- search Agency (FOI) specialised on Ukraine. -
Ideological Conflict Between Soviet Partisans, the German Military, and Ukrainian Nationalists in Nazi-Occupied Ukraine David L
Student Publications Student Scholarship Spring 2016 Battle for the eople:P Ideological Conflict between Soviet Partisans, the German Military, and Ukrainian Nationalists in Nazi-Occupied Ukraine David L. Heim Gettysburg College Follow this and additional works at: https://cupola.gettysburg.edu/student_scholarship Part of the Ethnic Studies Commons, European History Commons, Military History Commons, Political History Commons, and the Soviet and Post-Soviet Studies Commons Share feedback about the accessibility of this item. Heim, David L., "Battle for the eP ople: Ideological Conflict between Soviet Partisans, the German Military, and Ukrainian Nationalists in Nazi-Occupied Ukraine" (2016). Student Publications. 440. https://cupola.gettysburg.edu/student_scholarship/440 This is the author's version of the work. This publication appears in Gettysburg College's institutional repository by permission of the copyright owner for personal use, not for redistribution. Cupola permanent link: https://cupola.gettysburg.edu/student_scholarship/ 440 This open access student research paper is brought to you by The uC pola: Scholarship at Gettysburg College. It has been accepted for inclusion by an authorized administrator of The uC pola. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Battle for the eople:P Ideological Conflict between Soviet Partisans, the German Military, and Ukrainian Nationalists in Nazi-Occupied Ukraine Abstract Soviet historiography discusses the People’s War during the Second World War, the idea that all of the Soviet people rallied to the cause and fought off the aN zi invaders, but this is far from the truth. Within the western borderlands of the Soviet Union multiple conflicting groups fought for control of and support from the people. -
Biographies Are Accurate As of the Time of the Fellowship
*All biographies are accurate as of the time of the fellowship. Summer 2017 Maryna Bardina (Ukraine) is the assistant to Serhii Leshchenko, a Member of Parliament in Ukraine who serves on the Anticorruption Committee. Additionally, she is an alum of the Association of Bohdan Hawrylyshyn Foundation and a member of the NGO Poltava Platform. She received her MA in Sociology from the National University of Kyiv-Mohyla Academy and was awarded a Michael Swafford Scholarship by Kyiv’s International Institute of Sociology. In 2015, she graduated from the Visegrad Academy for Political Leadership. Katarzyna Pisarska (Poland) is the founder and director of the European Academy of Diplomacy in Warsaw, Poland and the Visegrad School of Political Studies, under the auspices of the Council of Europe. She is also the program director at the international Warsaw Security Forum, an assistant professor at the Warsaw School of Economics, an associate scholar at the Center for European Policy Analysis in Washington DC, and a visiting professor at the Azerbaijan Diplomatic Academy in Baku. She is a graduate of the University of Łódź (Poland) and earned a Ph.D. in economics from the Warsaw School of Economics and an MA in European politics and administration from the College of Europe. Ms. Pisarska is the author of The Domestic Dimension of Public Diplomacy – evaluating success through civil engagement. Jonas Survila (Lithuania) is a senior advisor to the chairman of the Homeland Union-Lithuanian Christian Democrats Party with a focus on Lithuania’s and other Baltic states’ energy, information war, and foreign policies, as well as strategic communications in domestic politics. -
The Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army: Unwelcome Elements of an Identity Project
Ab Imperio, 4/2010 John-Paul HIMKA THE ORGANIZATION OF UKRAINIAN NATIONALISTS AND THE UKRAINIAN INSURGENT ARMY: UNWELCOME ELEMENTS OF AN IDENTITY PROJECT Introduction What follows below are four polemical texts that aim to repudiate the legacy of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) and of its armed force, the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA). They were motivated by the, unfortunately largely successful, campaign of former president Viktor Yushchenko in Ukraine and the Ukrainian Canadian Congress (UCC) in the North American diaspora to put the glorification of these radical right nationalists at the very center of the Ukrainian national identity project.1 1 On the most recent Remembrance Day in Canada (November 11, 2010), the UCC issued a statement containing this passage: “As Ukrainian Canadians we also remember and pay tribute to the millions of men and women who perished fighting for the freedom of their ancestral Ukrainian homeland. The men and women of the Ukrainian Sich Riflemen, the 1st Ukrainian Division of the Ukrainian National Army, the Ukrainian Insurgent Army and the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists.” The Ukrainian Sich Riflemen fought for an independent Ukraine after World War I, and the 1st Ukrainian Division was a Waffen-SS unit in World War II. 83 John-Paul Himka, Unwelcome Elements of an Identity Project It is my conviction that building an identity around these organizations, with their heavy history of war crimes and ethnic cleansing, is misguided, and in the texts below I attempt to explain why. The first two texts engaged with a colleague of mine at the University of Alberta, Zenon Kohut, director of the Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies and a prominent historian of Ukraine in the seventeenth and eigh- teenth centuries.